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This paper presents findings from an investigation of nature-based practices, from the perspectives of 10 academics/educators from six nations. Participants engaged in a focus group exploring the prevalence and inclusion of nature in social work practice and education. While the study focused on individual members' experiences and perspectives, the findings highlight important context-specific factors for including nature within social work to reconnect humans with nature for health, well-being, healing, and justice. An Integrative Environmental Model for social work is proposed to assist future practice and education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on a citation-context analysis of journal articles from Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. Examining publications from the sociology of health and medicine, the study draws a number of conclusions about the state of sociology, inter-country relationships between knowledge workers, and national systems of sociological knowledge production. It finds that core–periphery relations define significant features of sociological work, impacting on citation patterns, inter-country collaboration and the selection of reference materials. Core–periphery relations are also found to influence the sociological production of knowledge across the Australian university sector. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines whether the employment outcomes of Australian labour market programme participants vary according to whether they receive housing assistance. This issue attracted attention when a series of US studies showed that clients of welfare-to-work programmes are more likely to achieve positive employment outcomes if housing assistance is also received. This paper tracks the employment outcomes of labour market programme participants utilising six waves of data from the Household Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) database. Findings from a random effects model suggest that housing assistance status has little impact (either negative or positive) on employment outcomes. Differences in the institutional arrangements governing access to housing assistance could be responsible for the absence of any effect in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper examines industrial relations in the shipping industries of Australia and the United States. The two countries have to a considerable extent demonstrated polar approaches to the issue of reform in the context of ‘globalisation’ pressures. The extent to which local institutional factors offset the major trend towards the ‘globalisation’ of the shipping labour market is assessed. The paper argues that in shipping a range of differing policy approaches and reforms of the industrial relations system at the industry and national level do not appear to significantly check the ‘globalisation/internationalisation’ of the industry and the demise of the ‘national fieet’ with its citizen seafarers. The paper uses the somewhat over generalised concept and theory of ‘globalisation’ but seeks primarily to generate empirical data of relevance to the concept, rather than additional general remarks about ‘theory’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of US hate crime legislation reveals a significant overall trend involving: (1) the inclusion of a notion of hate motivation on the part of the offender; (2) the provision for enhanced penalties; and (3) the identification of particular victimized groups who are listed in state and federal hate crime statutes. Whether or not a person is recognized as a hate crime victim in US statutes has been shown to be heavily influenced by the strength of social movements based on politicized identities. It is argued that this alignment problematizes the position of victims who are the targets of hate crimes yet who fail to organize on the basis of identity politics, lack political clout, have insufficient moral status, or who see hate crime legislation as an ineffective way of dealing with their particular concerns. This paper examines the barriers to achieving hate crime victim status for persons who are targeted because of their occupations or sexual orientation. The specific examples I will use are doctors and other workers in abortion clinics, sex workers and paedophiles. These widely disparate groups have been selected as examples to highlight some of the moral status, politicized identity and social movement and lobbying strength issues that are currently involved in being recognized as a victim of hate in the US. It is argued that Australia should not proceed down the track of introducing hate crime legislation. Hate crime legislation is the source of serious social disquiet and acrimony in the US. There are inequities built into the alignment between proving hate intent and the enhanced penalty approach that involve giving higher symbolic status to some bodies and not others. As the experience in the US shows, this has a dangerous potential to undermine social cohesion and community faith in equality before the law as well as creating a breeding ground of resentment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of the two world wars on welfare legislation in 16 western countries. We use Poisson regressions to test our hypothesis that war was a catalyst of welfare legislation, especially in countries that were heavily exposed to the dreadful effects of war. By welfare legislation, we mean the inaugural adoption and major reforms across four programmes (old age and disability benefits, sickness and maternity benefits, unemployment compensation and family allowances). Our findings suggest that both world wars are key factors for explaining the timing of comprehensive welfare reforms and outweigh the significance of other factors such as regime type or level of economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article disaggregates high- and low-status care work across eight liberal welfare regimes: Australia, Canada, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States. Using Luxembourg Income Study data, descriptive and multivariate analyses provide support for a 'migrant in the market' model of employment, notwithstanding variation across countries. The data demonstrate a wage penalty in both high- and low-status care employment in several liberal welfare regimes, with the latter (service jobs in health, education and social work) more likely to be part-time and situated in the private sector. Migrant care workers are found to work disproportionately in low-status, low-wage types of care and, in some cases, to incur additional wage penalties compared to native-born care workers with equivalent human capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the extent to which issues of environmental sustainability are represented in three national social work codes of ethics -- the United Kingdom, the United States and Australia. These national codes are discussed and implications for social work are analysed with a view to strengthening the profession's position regarding environmental sustainability. Findings suggest that national codes do not include concern for environmental sustainability as a core professional concern. The authors make recommendations for developing ethical practice and further argue that the international professional body of social work, the International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW), should take a fundamental leadership role in advocating for environmental sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Measuring the power of the political left with the ‘share of social democratic cabinet seats’ is the gold standard in the literature on partisan effects. We argue that this measure of left power suffers from conceptual ambiguity and propose an alternative approach to measure the ideological orientation of governments based on their power in cabinets and data on party positions. We see several shortcomings of the traditional measure: the social democratic cabinet share neglects the fact that parties’ ideological profiles differ across countries and have significantly changed over recent decades. Also, specific policy measures of party preferences are often more appropriate to gauge the government’s position than relying on highly aggregated left/right measures. In addition, the social democratic cabinet share does not take into account the impact of coalition partners, cabinet decision making and the possibility of minority governments relying on parliamentary support outside the cabinet on the ability of parties to implement the social policies. After discussing the reasons for the conceptual ambiguity of existing indicators for the power of the left, we present alternative measures for the ideological orientation of the government based on the composition of cabinets and different information about party positions. We demonstrate how these measures can be combined to a single indicator that takes into account both the ideological position of governing parties in a particular policy domain and their power to affect cabinet decisions. We critically discuss the availability and merits of data on party positions and cabinet compositions and provide recommendations for constructing measures in welfare state research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We often hear that the high unemployment rates of low-educated workers in Europe are due to the rigidities of the institutions increasing the labour costs that burden employers. In this article, we challenge this traditional view and offer alternative explanations to the cross-national variation in the employment rate of low-educated workers. Using macro-data and an error correction model, we analyse the determinants of the creation of jobs for low-educated workers in 19 countries between 1997 and 2010. Our findings tend to invalidate the neoliberal view, while also pointing to the positive impact of investing in public employment services and the predominant role of economic growth, which can be weakened by union density and employment protection in the case of male workers. Last but not least, creating low skill jobs has no or little impact on the employment outcomes of low-educated workers, thus indicating job displacement issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article provides a detailed analysis of individual preferences towards public financial aid to students from low-income families. Who favours/opposes such aid? What are the determinants of the respective preferences? I argue that three sets of factors jointly shape these preferences: materialistic self-interests, political attitudes, and the status quo of the higher education subsidy systems by generating positive feedback-effects. Results of multilevel ordered logit models utilizing the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) data for up to 22 countries over two decades indicate that self-interest matters: students strongly favour subsidies as do their parents, while those paying for the spending and those not expecting to benefit oppose such aid. Moreover, political attitudes are important: Supporters of redistribution and of increased public education spending in general, as well as leftwing voters, are much more likely to support students. On the macro-level, the findings suggest that positive feedback-effects exist: in countries with generous subsidy systems, public support for subsidies is higher. This article is the first to systematically analyse preferences towards higher education subsidies across countries and time and demonstrates how positive feedback-effects increasingly lock-in countries’ tuition-subsidy paths, making the systems resistant to (radical) change. As such, it speaks to the literature on the political economy of skill formation, the welfare state, public opinion and the public opinion–policy link. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Thirty vocal improviser–educators from Australia (n = 15) and the United States (n = 15) were surveyed for musical background, influences and pedagogical views, and assessed for personality type using the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI). The purpose was to both combine and compare the two groups to identify overall characteristics and cultural differences. Descriptive statistics, correlations, t-tests, and narrative summaries of influences and pedagogical views are reported. Results indicate that the combined improviser–educators (N = 30) had participated in a vocal jazz ensemble and studied a primary musical instrument for 4–6 years, had studied voice and improvisation for 2–3 years, owned extensive (40+) record collections, and practiced improvisation several hours per week. T-tests revealed significant differences between the backgrounds of the Australians and Americans, suggesting that the Australian subjects practiced improvisation, sang in nonjazz improvising ensembles, and listened to world music significantly more than the American subjects did. The NFP (intuitive, feeling, perceiving) Myers-Briggs personality type characterized more than half of the sample of improvisers. Finally, a vocal improvisation model is proposed based on the results of this study and previous studies of vocal improvisation ability. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Welfare state spending cuts are effective fiscal consolidation tools, but some policymakers use other fiscal policy tools to address high levels of government debt. I argue that the economic incentive to cut welfare spending when government debt is high is undermined by the political incentive to stay in power when the median voter opposes retrenchment. Using survey data to measure the policy position of the median voter as well as hard figures on government debt and government social spending from 18 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries, I estimate a series of regressions that show that government debt has a negative effect on social spending, but only when the median voter does not oppose retrenchment. This holds true for broad measures of social spending as well as for unemployment spending and old-age pension spending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between foreign policy and political possibility in two parts. First, the relationship between foreign policy and political possibility is theorized around three analytical moments: political possibility is linked to the framing of conceivable, communicable and coercive foreign policy. Second, this framework is developed and demonstrated through a brief analysis of Coalition foreign policy in the War on Terror, considering American, British and Australian foreign policy between 2001 and 2003. This analysis dissects distinct and divergent Coalition foreign policies through a linked three-part conceptualization of political possibility. It enables an understanding of how the War on Terror was rendered possible through the construction of foreign policy in thinkable, resonant and ultimately dominant terms. The article concludes by looking to the wider analytical applicability of this particular theorization of the relationship between foreign policy and political possibility. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the late 19th and early 20th century steps were taken to establish academic sociology in the USA, England and Australia. In America the project was a success and the discipline was well established by 1945, yet in England and Australia it made nothing like the same progress. In England it struggled against the influential extramural social research movement, while in Australia sociology’s case was so poorly managed and presented that it was swamped by other disciplines, especially economics, and did not officially join the university system until 1959. The article examines these three attempts to institutionalize sociology before 1945 in terms of three themes of disciplinary coherence: theorization of ‘society’ as a broad object, entailing an attempt to locate sociology as the integrative social science; the quest for ‘scientific’ objectivity; and the practical objective of social reform. While present in all three countries, it was only in America that these themes were organized and presented in such a way as to successfully institutionalize sociology in the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After years of steadily declining sales and profits, the global financial crisis sent the United States and Australian automotive manufacturing industries into crises of their own. Faced with dramatically reduced demand, the companies cut production and, consequently, their production workforces. Using qualitative data from case studies of the Ford Motor Company, the General Motors Company and their wholly owned Australian subsidiaries, Ford Australia and Holden, we can assess the extent to which these two multinational companies standardized their methods of adjusting labour levels and to what extent such responses were localized. In four manufacturing plants implementing similar cuts in production, responses were developed locally, shaped largely by local market, institutional and political forces. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers information on the enhancement of offender re-entry process in the world. It emphasizes on the success of U.S. system for offenders' re-entry, and its impact on the policies of other nations including Canada, Australia, and New Zealand for offenders' successful return to their communities. It discusses the establishment of evidence-based practice (EBP) which constitutes risk and need assessment, correctional interventions, and community aftercare and supervision for offenders' re-entry.

Debates about nation and national positioning within the global exemplified in the Australian culture, history and literacy 'wars' have tended to be definitive and apparently oppositional in tone. Yet these debates have proceeded in the absence of a concretized notion of Australian identity and do not adequately address the complexities of political identification and allegiance. Despite intense concerns in these 'wars' about the views of young people and the role of their schooling, young people do not necessarily have less well-developed conceptions of Australia's place in a globalizing world than their elders. Our research on young people's responses to globalization, global cultural products and national identity offers some suggestive new directions for considering these issues and the school curriculum, directions which are built upon the actual ways in which young Australians express uncertainty about US—Australian relations, while simultaneously identifying with American cultural products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are tensions in federal political systems over whether the central government or the states/provinces are the most suitable jurisdictions for dealing with the relationship between employers and unions. As integrated national economies developed, there are growing pressures on federal governments to intervene in industrial relations. States/provinces, however, might still maintain unique economic and social conditions that render federal legislation inappropriate. This article examines the development of federal jurisdictions in Australia, Canada and the USA up until the late 1940s. While Australia, unlike the other the two countries, had a constitution that provided for federal coverage of industrial relations, it was a limited power. Despite this, there was a gradual spread of federal coverage beyond that originally intended by the original framers of the Australian Constitution. The Canadian and US constitutions predate the rise of organized industrial relations. However, federal governments in these countries also increased their involvement in industrial relations to resolve disputes in key national industries such as railways and in response to critical events such as the Great Depression and World Wars, which challenged existing assumptions about industrial relations. While there was a trend towards the federal regulation of industrial relations, states and provinces still played a key role as innovators in both experimenting with new ways of regulating relations between employers and unions and imposing restrictions on the power of organized labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comparative glimpse of work/family issues in Australia and the USA. It begins with a summary of an emerging vision of ideal policies and practices for work and family, The article then provides historical background for the recent emergence of a 'care gap' in both countries, focusing on key commonalities and differences. The current status of the gap and the related 'default solution' to the gap are then outlined. Key commonalities here include an increasing diversity of family forms, a rise in delayed and denied childbearing, and substantial gender inequality. Significant current divergence across the societies includes relatively more family-responsive governmental policies in Australia, more attractive part-time opportunities for mothers in Australia, a relatively more equal division of labor in the home in the USA, a greater prevalence of corporate-sponsored work/family policies in the USA, and greater coverage of Australian employees by work/family policies negotiated through enterprise agreements. A tentative research agenda is provided in conclusion, focusing on part-time employment options, work incentives and childcare for single parents, the causes of delayed and denied childbearing, and enterprise bargaining and corporate policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Guidelines for the assessment of learners with English as an Additional Language (EAL) in Great Britain maintain the importance of teacher assessment as a component in the reporting process. In the British context, the national arrangement for the assessment of EAL learners is based on a combination of National Curriculum descriptors developed for mother tongue speakers together with supplementary descriptors in A language in common and a wide range of EAL descriptors generated by local education authorities and schools. In contrast, countries such as Australia, the U.S. and Canada have developed assessment frameworks specifically for use with EAL learners, both within specialized language programs and in mainstream education. In this article the authors explore how an analysis of EAL assessment can be enriched through international perspectives embedded in policy documents. This review is based on a critical evaluation undertaken for an ongoing research project funded by the National Association for Language Development in the Curriculum and the Paul Hamlyn Foundation. The project aims to provide comparative data on assessment systems which would be informative in the British context and evaluates six assessment frameworks.

The article presents a study on the accountability dynamics of the public sector in a period of reform. Most of the administrative reforms supported in United States, Australia, New Zealand and Europe have intended to modify the context and culture within which public managers fulfil their duties to aid the government's accountability, efficiency and effectiveness. On the other hand, accountability is a management challenge and is even more so in times of reform. According to the author, the challenge the public administrators are facing is on how to take care of the contradicting expectations they face in an institutional setting that depends on the overlapping lines of accountability relationships.

This article presents information on the influence of U.S. in Australia. No two cultures respond to Americanisation in quite the same way, so generalizations can be hazardous. The Australian example is no more typical than any other. It is worth closer attention however because Australia has experienced Americanisation in, as it were, its purest form. Australia does not possess the natural filters which can be provided by great differences in language or standard of living. Nor has white Australia a rich cultural tradition of its own to call on as bulwark against Americanisation and certainly has never been in a position to claim a reciprocal cultural Impact on the United States, as much of Europe has. More important, Australia had not been Industrialized before American Influences penetrated, so there was no base for an Australian industrial culture. With its development tied into Britain's industrialisation, Australia necessarily acquired a British industrial culture In the nineteenth century and so remained vulnerable to new imperialism's. Finally there are some notable historical similarities between Australia and the United States, both new worlds attracting waves of nineteenth century migration. The dominant ethos is a developmentalism in which American Influence Is seen as a part of a benign, or at least inevitable, progress.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the nature of the television market in the U.S., the impact of the dominant paradigms in shaping the media in Australia and the adoption of new technologies in Great Britain.