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Just as the Frankfurt School responded to the radicalisation of the working class in Germany and the rise of post-war consumerism in the United States, today, we are confronted by platform monopolies, automated hyper-consumption and technological control. Critical approaches to digital media have exposed the structural coupling of Internet use and capital accumulation for almost two decades. However, many authors building on this tradition can struggle to understand how online social interaction is controlled beyond the worn-out critique of false consciousness or beyond conceptualising all digital activity mediated by data as labour. This paper will attempt to theoretically untangle the Marxian ontology of labour and the Frankfurt School-inspired critique of everyday life. This is not just theoretical nit-picking. Society becomes completely dominated if we accept no difference between wage labour and lifeworld activities. Each contains its internal struggles. The value form regulates both in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses Trump's failed self-coup, its authoritarian backwash, and threats to democracy. It analyzes his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, which contributed to his 2020 election loss and deepened the political polarization that led to the January 6 Capitol insurrection. The essay also discusses how the forty-year acceleration of economic inequality and sociopolitical de-democratization generated a legitimacy crisis of the hegemonic, neoliberal regime that opened way for Trumpist ethnoracial nationalism. The Trump presidency and pandemic increased the intensity of the political-economic contradictions and transparency of the attenuated relationship of democracy and capitalism. In the consequent "interregnum," fundamental threats to democratic electoral institutions persist, yet a clear, realistic vision of an alternative democratic regime and the political bloc to bring it into being have yet to be forged. The fate of American democracy rides on overcoming the remarkable denial and normalization of the Trump coup attempt and on forging new safeguards for electoral institutions. Preventing a recurrence, however, requires a progressive transformation of Trumpism's de-democratized seedbed – neoliberal capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on migration, language and employment is dominated by the human capital approach and promotes multilingualism as a universal good. This paper examines the relationship between language and work for migrants illustrating how they are ascribed value as capital according to their position and the "language part of work." First, we trace a genealogy of the migration regime in relation to the labor and linguistic market of migrants in Turkey, characterized by informality and exploitation. Then, we look at the experiences of refugees qualitatively to show how language is differentially valued and has modest effects on social mobility. We argue that language learning instead of stemming from individuals' possession of capital should be examined within a broader linguistic and employment framework. This research goes beyond conventional wisdom about the centrality of language as a means to improve employment by shedding light on the structure that shapes language value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sociology of media and communications was never explicitly defined – nor was there ever an explicit debate about the sub-field. Not having a clear anchor makes it hard to define what its critical component should be. Nonetheless, a rich yet disconnected tradition of sociology and critical political economy allows flexibility to reconsider communication and social relations in the broader societal dynamics of capitalism. Specifying a critical sociological approach to communication can help better define the role of communication at the micro, mezzo and macro levels of society. The multi-paradigmatic heritage of sociological theory can provide new ways of criticising communication power in contemporary society. Diverse contemporary developments in the critique of political economy give a breadth of understanding of the capitalist mode of production and its internal dynamics. Sociology can add depth to understanding social relations within and beyond the production, distribution and consumption process. This introduction sets out the framework for the special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article takes into exam the current literature about Big Data and data capitalism, from the perspective of the critical Internet theory. Particular attention will be placed to the ideas of data exploitation and raw data, which will prove to betray a form of digital fetishism: in short, the focus on the final results of the production process, rather than on the social relations by which the very same process is fueled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Culture is often described as a suture for the material real of capitalism, but often that reality is itself signified in such a way as to supply a hegemonic power with its own justification. Using the term social logic, this paper explores the way ideology increasingly emphasizes social-material rather than cultural-representational issues, particularly around concerns about the economy and ecology. The argument is developed in three parts using Marxist and psychoanalytic concepts. First, it is argued that mainstream sociology remains indebted to a description of a world found in postmodern theory. In this theory, social antagonisms are undifferentiated. This creates a frame for signifying multiple problems of capitalism, without necessarily making any connection to an underlying dialectic. Second, using the term ‘culture of crisis industry’, examples are provided from the cultural sphere of how such problems or traumas are fetishized for mass consumption. Third, using the term ‘guilt fetishism’, a relationship is theorized between anxiety on the one side and mass consumer markets for goods with ecological and ethical signifiers on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Australian sociologists have barely engaged with the resurgence of economic sociology in the USA and Europe. It might be argued that this lack of engagement arises from a robust local agenda, immune from metropolitan fashions This article argues that this is not the case. Rather, it arises from the enduring residualism of Australian sociology vis-a-vis economics In turn, this residualism is grounded in sociology's late beginnings in Australia, the dominant framework at the time of its institutionalization in the 1950s and 1960s, and the limited challenge presented by critical approaches from the 1970s. The article identifies four major lines of inquiry in the resurgence of economic sociology: network analysis, comparative political economy, field theory and performativity theory Notwithstanding their differences, these approaches direct attention to the social construction of markets. In turn, they challenge both mainstream economics and sociology. The papers in this Special Edition of the Journal of Sociology build upon these lines of inquiry in the Australian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1906, W.E.B. Du Bois published an article 'L'Ouvrier Negre en Amerique' ('The Negro Worker in America') which draws from original survey data and historical analysis to develop a theory of Black labors' structural disadvantage in post Civil War US capitalism. 'L'Ouvrier Negre en Amerique' has essentially been forgotten. It has been accessible only to French speakers and has yet to be the subject of analysis or commentary. It deserves the full attention of not just Du Bois scholars, but all scholars who seek to understand the relationship between race, class, and capitalism in antebellum and post-Civil War America. Du Bois shows how White organized labor restricted Black workers' access to union protections and the booming post-war labor market. His analysis highlights the interplay between racist ideology and the forces of racialized capitalism and reveals that the 'early' Du Bois critical, historical, materialist and attuned to socialist and labor politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advent of digitalization, the more techno-optimist among critics of capitalism have articulated new calls for post-work and post-scarcity economics made possible by new advances in information and communication technology. Quite recently, some of this debate shifted for calls for digital-democratic planning to replace market-based allocation. This article will trace the lineages of this shift and present these new calls for digitally enabled and democratic planning. I will then argue that much of the discussion focuses on capitalism's laws of economic motion, while rendering less visible capitalism's social, political, and ecological 'conditions of possibility'. To remedy this shortcoming I will ask how these fit into the recent debate and suggest avenues to extend the discussion of democratic planning in that way. Concretely, I will discuss features of a postcapitalist mode of reproduction that abolishes capital's subordination of non-waged and waged care work. The following part will focus on both planning's need to calculate ecological externalities and consequently determine sustainable and egalitarian paths for social and technological development on a world scale. The last section will elaborate on the 'democratic' in 'democratic planning' in terms of planning's decision-making, multi-scalar politics, and politics of cultural recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We know a great deal about global capital mobility in traditional industries, such as manufacturing, but very little about emerging capital mobility in the gig economy. Using the case of Canadian Foodora, a multinational platform that left Canada in 2020, I situate global capital mobility in the local labour market. Drawing upon interview data with former Foodora couriers and ethnographic data collected from a gig workers' union, I investigate the social, economic and political subjectivities of gig workers activated by a global platform's capital mobility. My findings reveal unexpected parallel effects caused by capital mobility in the gig economy and traditional industries. My research highlights how heterogeneity is salient for understanding divergent worker subjectivities. The economic and social impacts upon financially dependent gig workers and the emotional connections of devoted and organized gig workers challenge the dominant discourse that gig workers are simply part-timers and hence free from work commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a case study of a major biofuel company in the United States, we seek to uncover how producers and consumers promote biofuels as a solution to climate change, despite considerable evidence demonstrating that biofuels are socially and environmentally destructive. Analysis of the company's marketing materials and interviews with the owner and customers reveals that a primary way the company puts a green spin on biofuels is the deployment of "ecomodern masculinity." This hybrid masculinity invokes a particular class-based environmentalism that positions biofuels as the ethical choice of good men concerned about the environment. This gendered ideology embraces a variant of Ecological Modernization that strategically adopts the appearance of environmental care while promoting the American values of energy security and green consumerism. We argue that this gendered repackaging of biofuels bolsters existing social inequalities, safeguards capital accumulation, and inhibits the systemic changes needed to address the climate crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay undertakes a scrutiny of Georges Bataille’s ambiguous relationship to capitalism. On the one hand, Bataille subscribes to a fundamentally Nietzschean, romantic critique of capitalism, which is censured as grey and banal, at the same time as he indirectly apologizes for capitalism inasmuch as risk, chance, torment and permanent commotion are ontologized. On yet another level, however, Bataille represents an interesting and sometimes highly original attempt to fuse Marx and Nietzsche, combining the dream of Dionysian unleashing with Marx’s realm of freedom. Given Bataille’s elitist and nihilist presuppositions, however, this dialectical option necessarily remains a largely unfulfilled promise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas Piketty’s critique of capitalism, Capital in the 21st Century (2014), is examined in light of earlier Marxist and neo-Marxist analyses. It is noted that Piketty’s important main finding, that inequality has increased under capitalism, is not matched by his solution, the ‘social state’, which hinges on a tax on capital and is not a fundamental rethinking of capitalism. Alternative analyses of a global ‘flash capitalism’ are explored. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay examines the role played by Soviet sociology in the USSR’s transition to capitalism. It analyzes the discipline’s contribution to the critique of Soviet socio-economic life during the 1980s, identifying the emergence of two divergent viewpoints within Soviet sociology over the relationship between inequality, the market, and the goals of a socialist society. The essay explores how these viewpoints intersected with the implementation of economic reforms by the Gorbachev regime, arguing that the dominant forces within Soviet sociology ultimately helped the party-state bureaucracy craft the legitimizing ideology of perestroika by insisting that growing social inequality and market-based mechanisms of distribution were the very embodiment of socialism. After enduring a politically fraught and semi-pariah existence for much of its history, Soviet sociology enjoyed a belle epoque as it helped the ruling elite navigate the transition to capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Community involvement programs occupy centre-stage in the portfolio of many corporations who display and report upon their socially responsible performance. Focusing mainly on issues such as charity and employee volunteering, corporations remain fairly vague in reporting on the way they translate community involvement policies into concrete actions and on the social impact of their community programs. Based on first-hand observations and on-site ethnographic accounts, this study seeks to enrich extant understandings of the character and consequences of corporate involvement in communities. The study follows the diffusion of Coca-Cola’s global branding strategy and the community involvement program it recommended to the Israeli franchisee and analyzes its design and execution on the ground. The study finds a considerable gap between rhetoric of community involvement and practices of mobilizing the community to further the company’s ends. On a theoretical level, the study shows that community programs function as material performances of present-day capitalist ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The social history of state capitalist analysis emerged at least four decades before the Bolshevik-led October Revolution. Despite this analytic tradition, epistemic communities using state capitalist analyses have interacted sporadically. Differences in language, locale and political commitments have contributed to the lack of sustained exchange. Sensitive to future social change in formerly Marxist-Leninist systems and elsewhere, contributors to this issue of Critical Sociology have applied complementary and competing state capitalist analyses to the pre-1917 Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, the People's Republic of China (PRC), post-communist Russia and the PRC in the reform period. The contributing authors are convinced that clarifying the legacy of state capitalist analysis is a prerequisite for the success of social movements seeking to realize their preferred futures in Asia, the Pacific, Europe, Africa and the Americas. Setting the stage, the introductory essay also suggests issues for continuing debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis on the zombie character and its impact on mind and society. The media ramified the idea of zombie in the society at a differing levels. Details related to what zombie narratives means to human being in the world dominated by neoliberal economics, globalization, and capitalism are presented. The idea of zombie is something about monster who seek to dominate the people and place. The zombie trope is directly associated with power and its exploitation. It redefine the meaning of drive and other forces that motivate the society.

This article reports on a qualitative study of social capital within an urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander context. Using data generated from 100 Aboriginal and Tortes Strait Islander participants in focus group discussions and in-depth interviews collected by Aboriginal community development workers, this article describes two worlds of social capital available to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The primary source of bonding social capital comes from family and wider Aboriginal and Tortes Strait Islander community connections. In the context of an oppressive history and experiences of ongoing racism and discrimination, a second world of bridging social capital remains elusive to many Indigenous Australians. Our findings suggest that to understand the tensions between the two social capitals requires an engagement with the complexities of identity. We argue that it is vital to explore the texture of social capital, rather than just measure its volume. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a case for the revaluation of vitalism in sociological theory. It argues for the relevance of such a Lebenssoziologie in the global information age. The body of the article addresses what a vitalist sociology might be through a consideration of Georg Simmel. The analysis works from the juxtapositon of vitalist monadology with postivist atomism. It shows how Simmel drew on the Kantian cognition to develop an idea of the social. Here Kant's Newtonian atomism was transformed into Simmel's Darwinian atomism. 'Form', for Kant, is the a priori of the cognitive categories. For Simmel form is the functions that constitute the social a priori. The other of form is substance. Simmelian 'substance', we see, is understood as 'life'. We view this in the context of Leibniz's monadology. In this the monad is simple substance as difference. The monad is self-organizing, conceived on the lines of not the extensivity of res extensa, but the intensivity of res cogitans; the monad is possessed with memory as trace; it is comprised of relations of perception; it is reflexive. In each case monadology is systematically contrasted with atomism. We consider the Bergsonian and Nietzschean impetus in Simmel's shift from Darwinian atomistic evolution to monadological creative evolution. We compare Marx's labour theory of value with Simmel's 'life theory of value'. For Marx it is labour that makes up value-substance: for Simmel life is value-substance. We examine Simmel's core notion of life as social substance: as a primordial intersubjectivity of flux. We conclude with a contrast of such 'flux' and flow: of such a flux of 'becoming' and invention in contrast to the flows of domination of today's global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]