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In many contexts worldwide, most people grow up with one or more siblings. The current paper reviews research on sibling relationship quality (closeness, communication, and conflict) in adolescence and young adulthood in four different contexts: primarily White North American and European samples (132 articles reviewed); ethnic minority families (26 articles reviewed); China (6 articles reviewed); and when one sibling has a disability (21 articles reviewed). Where the literature was available, within each context we addressed five questions: how does sibling relationship quality change from adolescence through young adulthood, how are demographic and structural characteristics linked to sibling relationship quality, how is sibling relationship quality linked to adjustment and behavior, how are familial relationships and processes linked to sibling relationship quality, and how is sibling relationship quality linked to non-familial relationships. Included articles were published between 2001 and 2021 and included aspects of sibling closeness, communication, or conflict in adolescence or young adulthood. Across all contexts, individual (e.g., gender) and dyadic characteristics (e.g., gender composition, birth order) play a role in siblings’ relationship qualities. In several contexts, the current literature suggests that sibling closeness and communication are linked to positive development, well-being, and healthy relationships with other social partners. In multiple contexts, sibling conflict is linked to poorer well-being and negative relationships with other social partners. These broad patterns, however, are qualified by each context and often multiple moderators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Ethnic minority parents who are fearful of child welfare services (CWS) is an acknowledged social problem, but the existing academic understanding is limited. Interpretations in previous research have tended to highlight people's 'dispositions', typically cultural backgrounds, and lack of knowledge, or 'structures' like welfare and penal systems. More neglected is how CWS fears can be generated from interactional processes within groups. Building on extensive ethnography with Norwegian Somalis, a marginalized migrant group, we extend the sociological understanding of ethnic minority parents' CWS fears. Relying on an interactionist theoretical framework, we centre Erving Goffman's interaction ritual (e.g., facework) and stigma, which we combine with Robert Putnam's bonding social capital. From this vantage point, we construct a 'bottom-up' theoretical model highlighting transmission of child removal stories in tight-knit social networks. Among Norwegian Somalis, fears emanate from a social process with four interconnected factors: (A) adversities and 'tribal stigma'; (B) bonding social capital, for coping and self-respect; (C) children as a 'lifeline'. Together these generate (D) wide diffusion of child removal stories, which perpetuates pervasive CWS fears. This model should productively inform comparative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the relationship between ‘the stranger’ and the spatial formations of the city and the nation in a dual sense. On the one hand, it discusses the construction of the stranger as a figure, both generally and in relation to formation of the city and the nation in particular. On the other hand, it explores the experiences and practices of people designated as ‘strangers’, that is, the experiences and feelings arising in the multiplicity of everyday signifying encounters and the possibilities of identification afforded by the city and the nation respectively. This twofold aim is pursued through an integrated reading of literature on the stranger and material from an interpretative analysis performed in Copenhagen among citizens of Pakistani origin. The main point argued throughout the paper is that it is not possible to simply ‘be’ a stranger; you become a stranger through specific, embodied encounters. The stranger is a relational figure, constituted in a spatial ambivalence between proximity and distance, and in this way he/she can take different shapes and different roles depending on the context in which it is performed. This indeterminacy shows in the empirical analysis, where the stranger takes a very different role within the nation and the city and in some sense helps to differentiate between the qualities of these two spatial formations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: This paper examines the importance of recruitment site in relation to the recruitment of ethnic minorities into health research. It presents a synthesis of experiences drawn from six interlinked Danish studies which applied different methods and used healthcare facilities and educational settings as sites for recruitment. Methods: Inspired by interpretive reviewing, data on recruitment methods from the different studies were synthesized with a focus on the various levels of recruitment success achieved. This involved an iterative process of comparison, analysis and discussion of experiences among the researchers involved. Results: Success in recruitment seemed to depend partly on recruitment site. Using healthcare facilities as the recruitment site and healthcare professionals as gatekeepers was less efficient than using schools and employees from educational institutions. Successful study designs also depended on the possibility of singling out specific locations with a high proportion of the relevant ethnic minority target population. Conclusions:The findings, though based on a small number of cases, indicate that health professionals and healthcare institutions, despite their interest in high-quality health research into all population groups, fail to facilitate research access to some of the most disadvantaged groups, who need to be included in order to understand the mechanisms behind health disparities. This happens despite the genuine wish of many healthcare professionals to help facilitate such research. In this way, the findings indirectly emphasize the specific challenge of accessing more vulnerable and sick groups in research studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Intergenerational difference' has become a lens through which to view issues of identity, social connectedness, belonging and agency in migrant youth research, highlighting that differences in the aspirations of migrant youth and their parents shape young people's experiences. The article will present findings from a mixed methods study of social network participation among three migrant youth cohorts in two Australian cities to address a perceived 'gap' among migrant youth and parents' aspirations for social network formation and participation. The paper will first examine current theoretical approaches to intergenerational challenges in migrant youth research. It will then introduce 'intersectionality' as a concept offering a more nuanced understanding of the challenges and hopes of migrant youth for whom social networks can be a gateway towards belonging and connectedness. This, however, requires a negotiation of complex structural, social and cultural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a context of backlash against diversity in many countries, we know little about how ethnic minorities respond politically when they personally experience discrimination. Moving beyond the study of electoral participation, this research investigates whether experiences of discrimination push ethnic minorities toward an alternate political pathway for those who feel sidelined by the political community: protest activity. The study also examines whether the context of discrimination (i.e. public or private sphere) has different consequences for protest participation, and whether intragroup contact enhances the effects of discrimination on protest participation. Relying on a survey of 1647 respondents from racialized backgrounds in Canada, our findings indicate that discriminatory experiences increase participation in protest activities irrespective of its context, and that the positive relationship between discriminatory experiences and protest activity is stronger among respondents with greater intragroup contact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various studies have demonstrated that while the lower educated support economic redistribution more than the higher educated do, they nonetheless dislike welfare support for immigrants more strongly. This paper aims to explain this remarkably particularistic application of the principle of economic egalitarianism (‘welfare chauvinism’) by testing three theories by means of survey data representative of the Dutch population (N = 1972). The first theory asserts that the low level of political competence of the lower educated is responsible, the second focuses on their weak economic position, and the third claims that their limited amount of cultural capital is decisive. Only the latter explanation is confirmed and implications for debates about ethnocentrism, deservingness and welfare state legitimacy, as well as the ideological profile of the lower-educated working class are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The devolved nations of the UK have been constituted on the basis of the ambition to increase inclusiveness and democratic involvement, underpinned by specific equality duties. As such they represent a critical point of reference for ethnic minorities in securing recognition, rights and representation in core social policy fields that shape their lived experiences of welfare. These newly established policy territories offer a testbed for tracking the development of multicultural citizenship and race equality and for assessing the extent to which the social policy of the constituent nations is responsive to the needs of ethnic minorities. This paper explores these concerns within the context of Welsh and Scottish devolution. Drawing on a range of research data it argues that devolution represents a significant shift from a laissez-faire politics of race to an agenda of nationally responsible policies but this trajectory raises not only a number of questions about the nature, extent and impact of minority inclusion within the nations but encroaches on issues of racialized welfare identities and rights within the wider hegemony of British multicultural citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: A key issue in public health is how to approach ethnic inequities. Despite an increased focus on the health of people from ethnic minorities in the last 15 years, significant ethnic health inequities still exist in Denmark. These arise during pregnancy and are exacerbated by higher rates of exposure to health risks during the life course. This study aimed to formulate recommendations on both structural and organisational levels to reduce ethnic health inequities. Methods: Nine decision-makers – representing municipalities, regions, the private sector and voluntary organisations in Denmark – participated in the formulation of recommendations inspired by the Delphi method. The consensus process was conducted in three rounds during spring 2020, resulting in eight overall recommendations, including suggestions for action. Results: The recommendations address both structural and organisational levels. They aim to strengthen: 1) health policies and strategies related to the needs of people from ethnic minorities, including health literacy, linguistic, cultural and social differences; 2) health-promoting local initiatives developed in co-creation with people from ethnic minorities; 3) health promotion and prevention from a life course perspective with a focus on early intervention; 4) cross-sectoral and interdisciplinary collaborations that facilitate transitions and coordination; 5) competencies of professionals in terms of cultural knowledge, awareness, reflexivity and skills; 6) access to healthcare services by increasing information and resources; 7) interpreting assistance for, and linguistic accessibility to, healthcare services; 8) documentation and intervention research. Conclusions: To reduce ethnic health inequities, it is crucial that Danish welfare institutions, including their strategies, approaches and skills of employees, are adapted to serve an increasingly heterogeneous population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines whether ethnic majority party selectors' ethnic biases (e.g. beliefs about the political traits of ethnic minority aspirants) impede the selection of ethnic minority aspirants in a proportional representation system. To this end, a quasi-experiment was conducted among local party chairs in Flanders (Belgium). The participants were asked to evaluate both a hypothetical ethnic minority aspirant and an ethnic majority aspirant. When the participants were negatively biased against the ethnic minority aspirant, the selection chances of the ethnic minority aspirant vis-à-vis the ethnic majority aspirant declined. Additionally, the quasi-experimental data were linked to an analysis of the real-life candidate lists composed by the participants for the 2018 local elections in Flanders. The participants' ethnic biases could not predict the percentage of ethnic minority candidates on the real-life candidate lists. Instead, the presence of ethnic minority voters, aspirants and co-selectors determined the diversity of the lists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents fieldwork on police-citizen interactions in a setting of (latent) friction with ethnically diverse populations. Often, the police are frustrated with disorderly youngsters hanging out on streets and squares. Contrary to what was anticipated, however, escalation occurred only sporadically. Patrol officers were most keen on traffic control and order maintenance and, in so doing, dealt most frequently with youngsters from minority groups. Community officers played a more socially engaged role, but were less willing and able to gain access to such groups. Taken together, both types of officers managed to preserve sensible contacts with ethnic minority populations due to their professionalism in regulating emotions and their realisation that overly harsh police action would make things worse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to broaden understanding of how vulnerability is shaped more by social, cultural, and religious institutions than by individual life circumstances, exploring the case of Palestinian-Israeli single mothers' relationships with men. Research often determines the vulnerability of a group, such as women migrants from an ethnic minority, by specific demographic characteristics. This common assumption has been challenged by calls to understand vulnerability as social processes intersecting with the action of the state and other social institutions. The study provides a nuanced examination of the social processes through which Palestinian-Israeli single mothers are simultaneously forbidden from and coerced into having relationships with men, drawing on a systematic analysis of data from semi-structured, in-depth interviews of 36 Palestinian-Israeli single mothers. The analysis exposed several mechanisms which forbid single mothers from having relationships with men, alongside mechanisms that permit, often even coerce, such relationships. These mechanisms are embedded in interrelated structural factors—massive differences in gender power relations, vast gender economic disparities, inability of most single mothers to support their families independently, and state policy of non-intervention in domestic affairs of ethnic minorities, and create a state of "dangerous vulnerability." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: The main aim of this paper was to investigate whether ethnic heath inequalities exist in self-rated health and risk-taking behaviours (smoking, drunkenness, use of cannabis) between ethnic majority (Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian) and minority (Russian) population groups of school-aged children in three Baltic countries. Methods: Investigation was carried out in the framework of Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) study. Randomly selected students aged 11, 13, and 15 years answered questionnaires in the classroom in 2006. In total, 14,354 questionnaire forms were selected for analysis. Results: Russian boys were more likely (p<0.05) to evaluate their self-rated health positively in schools with Russian teaching language. Odd ratios for current smoking and drunkenness were significantly lower among Russian boys in the schools with Russian language of instruction (p<0.05) in comparison with the reference group. Russian girls did not differ significantly (the exceptions were smoking in Estonia and cannabis use in Latvia) from the majority population girls by self-rated health as well as by the risk of smoking, drunkenness, and use of cannabis. Conclusions: The study found some differences in self-rated health and in risk-taking behaviours between Russian minority and ethnic majority students as well as between students of schools with different language of instruction (majority language vs. Russian) in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Being a member of minority group was not related with poor self-rated health or involvement in risk-taking behaviours in school-aged children in the Baltic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Radical right parties' calls for a strong and illiberal nation-state have travelled across the political spectrum into the mainstream in Eastern Europe since the 2000s, contributing to a rightward shift in the region's politics. The mechanisms behind such influences in Eastern Europe are not yet fully understood. Focusing on the strength of radical right parties and mainstream parties' strategic reactions to them, this study explores how and under what circumstances radical right parties exert influence on mainstream parties' general political positions and on their positions concerning ethnic and national minorities – a group frequently targeted by radical right intolerance in the region. Shifts in parties' positions are analyzed using comparative data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the authors' own Viadrina Expert Survey. The study finds that where mainstream parties formally or informally cooperated with radical right parties or coopted their agenda, lasting rightward position shifts are observable. Consequently, the authors argue that by contributing to rightward shifts, especially on positions concerning minorities, radical right parties play a role in undermining liberal democratic values, thus contributing to the 'depletion of democracy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The enclave model and the cultural model have often been used by sociologists to explain the patterns of participation of minority women in western labour markets. While the cultural models explain, in general, the mechanisms that restrict women's employment the enclave models, by contrast explain the mechanisms that facilitate women% labour market participation. Using data from the 1995 Israeli population census and assuming these theoretical models, this paper aims to examine the labour market participation pattern of three groups of women in Israel: the Muslim-Arabs, the Christian-Arabs and the Druze-Arabs. The results indicate that the participation of Arab women in the Israeli labour market is deter- mined' primarily by their ethnic and religious affiliation education (particularly post- secondary arid academic education), marital status and age. By contrast The ethnic enclave was found to exert a differential influence: its influence on the labour market participation of Muslim women was positive, while for Christian women It exerted a negative influence. The effects of labour market opportunities on female labour force participation ire also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) has been extensively studied in the past decades, the role of social and cultural practices in its assessment, diagnosis, and treatment has been often overlooked. This selective review provides an overview of research that explores social and cultural influences on help-seeking behavior in ethnic minority children with ADHD. Studies were selected that address cultural diversity in three areas of ADHD help-seeking: problem recognition, access to mental health services, and treatment. Special attention was given to studies of treatment selection and adherence in minority groups. Findings suggested that cultural disparities in ADHD care among ethnic minority children occur in the early stages of problem recognition, through service selection, and in the quality of treatment. Ethnic minority children were less likely than their nonminority counterparts to be diagnosed with ADHD and its comorbid conditions and less likely to be prescribed and adhere to stimulant drug treatment. These differences reflect cultural diversity in norms and attitudes towards mental health issues (e.g., fear of social stigma) as well as limited access to qualified health care. Paradoxically, cultural, racial, and language bias may also lead to the overidentification of ethnic minority children as disabled and to higher ratings of ADHD symptoms. This review highlights the importance of sociocultural factors in understanding developmental psychopathology and help-seeking behavior. In addition, it further supports calls for increasing cultural competence in communications during clinical assessment, diagnosis, and treatment in minority communities. Clinical, theoretical, and methodological considerations for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discriminatory attitudes towards ethnic minorities are widespread, and a common presumption is that ethnic minority candidates suffer electorally as a result. However, some research has shown that little electoral discrimination occurs, because ethnic minority candidates tend to run for parties of the left, while voters with negative attitudes towards minorities are concentrated on the right. This study shows that when ethnic minority candidates do run for right-wing parties they suffer the brunt of electoral discrimination, while those on the left are insulated. To do so it leverages two methods: a candidate experiment and a difference-in-difference analysis of candidate demographic data and aggregate election results. An ideological stereotyping mechanism is also tested, but there is little evidence that right-wing voters reject ethnic minority candidates because they are viewed as left-leaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to analyse the factors determining the ethnic affiliation of children born to interethnic native couples in Finland, using data from couples with one Finnish-speaking and one Swedish-speaking partner, between 1988 and 2014. In addition to individual characteristics of each partner and contextual factors, we also consider the role of couple characteristics. We look at the affiliation of the first child, as well as the combined affiliation of the first two children, in order to analyse how often children from the same parents are affiliated to different ethnicities. Around 60% of first- and second-born children of interethnic couples born between 1988 and 2014 were affiliated to the Swedish-speaking minority. The affiliation of the second child seldom differs from that of the first. Children of mixed couples with a Swedish mother are more likely to be affiliated to the Swedish-speaking community. Boys are more likely than girls to be affiliated to the father's community, and vice versa. In line with our expectations based on ethnic awareness, preference for cultural plurality and parental aspirations, the multivariate analysis shows a strong positive association between parental education level and the likelihood of the first child being Swedish speaking. The analysis also indicates that bargaining is not an important strategy when choosing a child's ethnic identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to liberal nationalists, sharing a national identity offers a solution to the growing concern that increasing diversity within Western societies might erode solidarity. Based on the national identity framework, a positive relation between peoples' support for redistribution and their national identification is expected. Partially confirmed among majority group members, the aim of this study is to broaden the perspective and investigate the redistributive attitudes of people with a migration background. Since the social identification of people with a migration background is more complex and tends to be based on belonging to both the nation of residence and a specific ethnic group, we additionally consider the role of ethnic identification. We perform multivariate analyses on data from the Belgian Ethnic Minorities Election Study 2014 (BEMES), a survey conducted among Belgians of Turkish and Moroccan descent. The results confirm our hypothesis about the positive role of national identification. Ethnic identification, on the contrary, is negatively related to support for redistribution and particularly the combination of a low attachment to the country of residence and strong attachment to the country of origin is associated with lower levels of support for redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the geographical concentration of ethnic minorities influence their descriptive representation in closed-list systems? Counterintuitive to the idea that single-member district electoral rules are necessary for minorities' geographical representation, we argue that, in closed-list systems, parties are incentivised to allocate promising list positions to those minority candidates who are based in geographical areas where minorities concentrate. Empirically, we provide a case study of the list positions of dual candidates of immigrant origin running in the German mixed-member system in 2013. Results show a relationship between the list positions of candidates of immigrant origin and geographical concentrations of immigrant-origin residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiculturalism is an increasingly salient election issue. The growing size of many countries’ ethnic minority populations pushes parties to support multiculturalism, whereas the emergence of far-right parties in many countries pressures them to oppose it. This article examines parties’ positions on multiculturalism in a comparative context. It looks at 19 countries including most of Western Europe, North America, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan. It argues that the influence of ethnic minorities over parties depends on electoral systems, and the strategies mainstream parties adopt in response to the far-right. The article finds that increases in ethnic minorities’ electoral strength lead parties to increase their support of multiculturalism to a greater degree in single-member district electoral systems than in proportional ones. Further, parties co-opt the anti-multicultural positions of far-right parties, and right parties do so more than left parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The moral turn within sociology suggests that we need to be attentive to values and have a rapprochement with philosophy. The study of illness narratives is one area of sociology that has consistently addressed itself to moral domains but has tended to focus on stories of living with genetic or chronic illness per se rather than liminal states such as genetic traits. This article takes the case of genetic carriers within racialized minority groups, namely, those with sickle cell or thalassaemia trait, and takes seriously the notion that their narratives are ethical practices. In line with the work of Paul Ricoeur, such storied practices are found to link embodiment, social relationships with significant others and wider socio-cultural and socio-political relations. At the same time, such practices are about embodying values. These narratives may be considered as practices that re-fuse what genetic counselling has de-fused, in order to make sense of a life in its entirety and to strive ethically and collectively towards preferred social realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quiapo, the ‘heart of Manila’, like most cities in the developing world, responds to and negotiates with transnational processes in the way its inhabitants arrange local labour market conditions. Quiapo presents a unique case where the informal economy of pirated global media products is hinged on the complexities of gender relations, ethnic politics and even religion within Philippine society. Given the increase in unemployment, and thus the expansion of the informal economy, piracy has become a conduit for socio-economic changes intersecting with the culturally specific economy of Quiapo’s social history. One of these changes is the gendered division of labour in two areas of Quiapo: Hidalgo and Carriedo. On the other hand, piracy reinforces deeply entrenched tensions characterised by religious and ethnic divides. Piracy in Quiapo, as a fascinating terrain of Manileños’ urban experience, has significant implications for the slow but complex transformations that equally refashion the global and the local. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Serious debate about the indigenization of social work has transpired recently. This article argues that by taking indigenization as an interactive and non-linear process that helps cultivate a multicultural social work practice within a society, importing Western social work practice and indigenization are compatible. In particular, this article attempts to illustrate the compatibility by analyzing how political activists employ Western values and practice, the universal human rights discourse, and mainstreaming, to fight for the rights of Hong Kong ethnic minorities, which may consequently lead to the development of a multicultural social work practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the phenomenon of complementary stereotyping of ethnic minorities in Poland and its relationship to system justification. Using results from a nationally representative survey we test the hypothesis that complementary stereotypes—according to which ethnic minorities are seen as possessing distinctive, offsetting strengths and weaknesses—would be associated with system justification among Polish majority citizens. For four minorities, results indicated that stereotyping them as (a) low in morality but high in competence or (b) high in morality but low in competence predicted greater system justification. These results suggest that even in a context that is low in support for the status quo, complementary stereotyping of ethnic minorities is linked to system justification processes. For the three minority groups that were lowest in social status, complementary stereotyping was unrelated to system justification. It appears that negative attitude towards these groups can be expressed openly, regardless of one’s degree of system justification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews research into how European trade unions have responded to workplace racism against minority and migrant workers in the more difficult economic and political situation following the 2008 recession. Its main focus is on research carried out in Belgium, Bulgaria, France, Italy and the UK in 2003–2005, 2008–2009 and 2013. Union pressure for equal treatment had already weakened somewhat before the crisis. Subsequently, unemployment levels for ethnic minority and migrant workers rose much faster than for ‘national majority’ workers, and levels of tension in the workplace have often increased. The article distinguishes four main union responses: denial of racism and protection of the interests of national majority workers; the demand that minorities assimilate without special provisions; recognition of the need for minorities to have some special services and support; and the adoption of positive measures to promote equal treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article presents an overview of the rhetoric and main discourses presented in the sphere of social policy and social services provided in Russia especially with regards to social inclusion of migrants. Inclusion policies in schools for children from migrant families are described and contrasted with lack of developments in police practices. A case study of two social service organizations in one of the regions in Privolzhsky Federal District is presented in order to analyze the micro-level of social policy and to find out whether their practices display inclusive culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study that investigated perceptions of stigma among black and minority ethnic groups as part of the assessment of the Time to Change campaign. Qualitative data was gathered from 10 focus group to investigate cultural beliefs surrounding mental illness. The study obtained the ethical approval of the King's College London Ethics Committee. Many participants were said to be highly critical of cultural beliefs surrounding mental illness in their communities.

In this article, we illustrate how cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) can be adapted for the treatment of PTSD among traumatized refugees and ethnic minority populations, providing examples from our treatment, culturally adapted CBT, or CA-CBT. CA-CBT has a unique approach to exposure (typical exposure is poorly tolerated in these groups), emphasizes the treatment of somatic sensations (a particularly salient part of the presentation of PTSD in these groups), and addresses comorbid anxiety disorders and anger. To accomplish these treatment goals, CA-CBT emphasizes emotion exposure and emotion regulation techniques such as meditation and aims to promote emotional and psychological flexibility. We describe 12 key aspects of adapting CA-CBT that make it a culturally sensitive treatment of traumatized refugee and ethnic minority populations. We discuss three models that guide our treatment and that can be used to design culturally sensitive treatments: (a) the panic attack–PTSD model to illustrate the many processes that generate PTSD in these populations, highlighting the role of arousal and somatic symptoms; (b) the arousal triad to demonstrate how somatic symptoms are produced and the importance of targeting comorbid anxiety conditions and psychopathological processes; and (c) the multisystem network (MSN) model of emotional state to reveal how some of our therapeutic techniques (e.g., body-focused techniques: bodily stretching paired with self-statements) bring about psychological flexibility and improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

• This article sets out to examine and evaluate the Finnish and Swedish public service broadcasting companies’ cultural diversity management and implementation. Diversity policies have been in place in Europe since the 1960s. At present, in the 2000s, there are a variety of strategies to increase the representation of minorities and the recruitment of journalists with minority backgrounds into mainstream media. European collaboration is both taking inspiration and ideas from national experiences and disseminating ‘good practices’. This article analyses how and for what purposes diversity discourses are used, and how cultural/mission and economic/market arguments are articulated within the companies’ cultural diversity media policies. Interviews with managers responsible for cultural diversity issues in both Finnish YLE and Swedish SVT broadcasters and policy documents are scrutinized using critical discourse and policy analysis. Both companies have replaced their multicultural policies aimed at providing specific services for minority groups with integrationist policies aimed at mainstreaming cultural diversity. This shift has led to a collapse of the opposition between ‘public’ and ‘market’ values, although this is articulated differently in the two companies. • [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The dual influence of culturally sensitive therapies (CSTs) and empirically supported treatments (ESTs) on clinical practitioners has grown quickly in the United States. While CST advocates have been driven by the need to provide culturally diverse populations with services that are consistent with their cultural characteristics, practitioners of ESTs have striven to empirically demonstrate the benefits of psychotherapy. However, as EST's influence grows, it may increasingly threaten CST's advances. Some assumptions underlying the development of ESTs are not culturally sensitive and can be detrimental to the wellbeing of culturally diverse patients. This article highlights these assumptions in four interrelated areas and provides suggestions to overcome these shortcomings. Cultural assumptions and methodological implications of ESTs are presented, as well as some suggestions on how to broaden their cultural understandings. To conclude, some general recommendations on how to start bridging the gap between ESTs and CSTs are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how the normalization of emergency penality, together with the rise of neoliberalism in the Colombian political and economic fields during the last decade, has given rise to authoritarian liberalism—a political model which encourages the hypertrophy of the penal state and the reduction of the social state. Colombian ethnic minorities, the indigenous and black populations, have suffered disproportionately from social exclusion and political violence, becoming victims, not only of illegal armed actors, but also of the punitive policies of Colombian governments. The normalization of emergency penality and the predominance of authoritarian liberalism are by no means peculiarities of the Colombian context, but the manifestation—in rather extreme circumstances—of a global trend that deploys punishment to uphold neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In general, ethnic minorities are strongly under-represented in representative bodies; however, there is no rule without exceptions. In the municipal elections in Denmark in 2001, the number of ethnic minorities who won election to the local councils throughout the country almost corresponded to their percentage in the general population. The explanation for this can be found in the Danish local election system, with its combination of proportional representation and preferential voting. This system is exceptionally conducive to collective mobilization, which results in a relatively high voter turnout among ethnic minorities and a fair representation in local councils. Since 1981, foreign citizens with permanent residence in Denmark have had the right to vote in local elections. This article describes the development in the representation of ethnic minorities since that time based on a study of all the municipalities in Denmark. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the particulars of extreme prejudiced discourse about ethnic minorities in a Romanian sociocultural context. It concentrates on a detailed analysis of a single case taken from a wider project aimed at comparing and contrasting the way Romanians talk about Hungarians with the way they talk about Romanies. The article examines in detail the discourse of a middle-class Romanian accounting for prejudice and discrimination towards Romanies as part of an interview on a series of controversial issues surrounding ethnic minorities. This article tries to highlight and interrogate claims that Romanies are to blame for prejudice against them. The analysis, inspired by a critical discursive approach, has a discursive and conversational analytic focus to examine switches in talk about 'us' to talk that blames 'them'. The analysis suggests that talk about Romanies is more extreme than the anti-alien, anti-immigrant prejudiced talk studied by numerous western critical researchers. It is more extreme because Romanies are not merely portrayed as being different, but also as being beyond the moral order, beyond nationhood, difference and comparison. Talk about Romanies employs a style that, at the same time, denies, but also protects extreme prejudice. This article illustrates and discusses some of the discursive, rhetorical and interpretative resources used to talk about and legitimate the blaming of Romanies. In examining the dynamics of extreme prejudice against Romanies, this article provides a critical investigation of the social and political consequences of extreme discursive patterning. Implications for the study of discursive construction and representation of difference in talk about Romanies are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the broader framework of a research programme on the reproduction of racism in discourse and communication, the present article examines the prominent role of the denial of racism, especially among the elites, in much contemporary text and talk about ethnic relations. After a conceptual analysis of denial strategies in interpersonal impression formation on the one hand, and within the social-political context of minority and immigration management on the other, various types of denial are examined in everyday conversations, press reports and parliamentary debates. Among these forms of denial are disclaimers, mitigation, euphemism, excuses, blaming the victim, reversal and other moves of defence, face-keeping and positive self-presentation in negative discourse about minorities, immigrants and (other) anti-racists. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Until recently, health care policy has largely ignored sickle cell disorders (SCDs) and thalassaemia. This is despite the difficulties faced by service users and their families: the consequences of which range from denial of informed choice to avoidable suffering and stress. This article, by presenting material from a qualitative evaluation of service support to families caring for a child with a sickle cell disorder or thalassaemia, examines these problems in detail. We specifically focus on the accounts of health professionals, their managers and health commissioners, to explore treatment and support for children with a haemoglobinopathy. We conclude that ill-coordinated and poorly resourced haemoglobinopathy services represent major problems for users and their families. However, we also highlight examples of good practice; demonstrating that improvements can be made with clear planning, employment of appropriate and well-trained staff, good inter-agency working and user involvement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]