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This paper analyzes the nature of capitalism by critically employing Marx’s comments in Capital on forms of subsumption of labor. It argues that to the extent that property owners employ wage laborers to produce for the market for a profit, they are capitalist, even if they may not reinvest their profit in technology. In this situation, wage-labor is formally subsumed under capital. The transition from this stage to real subsumption of labor, which signifies capitalist development with technological change, is not, however, automatic, as Marx tended to assume. It is mediated by class struggle, which occurs in the context of geographically varying factors, such as state interventions. Uneven development, seen as the uneven transition to real subsumption, is partly a product of place-specific outcomes of class struggle. The paper thus emphasizes the relation between class struggle and dynamics of capitalism including technological change. The conceptual arguments are illustrated with empirical evidence from India. The implications of the arguments for radical development theory and politics are also briefly explored.JEL classification: P16, O53, O14, B24 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Contrary to his theoretical expectations, Veblen provided various reasons as to why a revolutionary overturn by the technicians was a remote possibility in America. In contrast to the American engineers, the engineers of Turkey have constructed an engineering outlook commensurate with Veblen's abstract line of reasoning and participated in a political struggle against business interests. In this paper, using Veblen's cumulative causation methodology, a theoretical answer for the origin, growth, persistence, and variation of the anti-business engineering outlook in Turkey is suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The categories of productive and unproductive labour have been a source of contention among Marxist scholars since Marx first committed them to paper. This article will offer a critique of both the orthodox and autonomist approaches to this issue, arguing that they constitute transhistorical and analytically inadequate interpretations. In contrast, a social form approach to productive and unproductive labour provides a substantive definition of these categories in relation to the commodity form, and brings class struggle back to the forefront in a theoretically consistent manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jim Crotty was a beloved teacher and mentor and a treasured colleague at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. In this short essay, we try to convey Jim's enormous contributions to his students, colleagues, and friends, and to the development and reproduction of heterodox macroeconomic theory and practice. JEL Classification: B4, B5, E [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The principal objective of the present paper is to analyse the introduction of Taylorism, understood as a capitalist way of managing production and labour, in the former Soviet Union. The application of this capitalist model of production and management had strongly influenced the course of Socialism in the former Soviet Union. The study concentrates on the changes which occurred within the period 1917-1929, trying to highlight the factors that influenced the introduction of Taylorism in the former Soviet Union, specially the economic conditions of the country, the characteristics of the proletariat (ruling social class) and the peasantry (dominant social class), the limitations of the ruling role of the Bolshevik party, the macroeconomic and industrialization policies. Such trajectory has to be understood as strongly related to the modernist values struggling for predominance in the first socialist countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simon Clarke left an invaluable critical mark on Marxism. Despite his magnanimous work, he is relatively unknown in Latin America because very few texts have been translated into Spanish. We focus on Clarke's vision and theory of the state, which is of fundamental importance to research in Latin America. First, we focus on his comprehension of the class struggle category to understand the capitalist state's emergence. Second, we show the importance of his analysis of the subordination of the state and civil society to the rule of money and law. Third, we emphasise his particular way of understanding the social relations of production, which results in his incisive critique of structuralism and the regulation school. Finally, we point out that his understanding of the social relations of production led to a specific way of understanding Marxism that is 'Simon Clarke's Marxism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: right to the city; urban appropriation; capitalism; identity; class struggle EN right to the city urban appropriation capitalism identity class struggle 697 702 6 04/12/22 20220501 NES 220501 Kohn, Margaret (2016). As a serious critique from the Left, rights within the liberal state are contradictory in that they seem to give to the people but reinforce a state's mechanism of domination. Kohn provides an excellent summary for this essay on struggle and appropriation in light its evaluation of "the public", of democracy and deliberation, and the strengths but also the shortcoming of rights' claims. "Lefebvre argued that the power to make urban spaces, which he viewed as the control points of modern capitalism", writes Herod, "must be wrested from capital and the state and located instead in the hands of the working-class people" (Herod, p. 197). [Extracted from the article]

The vast majority of analyses on precarious labor depart from a sense of exception, either in the 1970s and 1980s or from the financial crisis of 2007–8, where a stable (stable, regulated, unionized) pattern of work levels would cease to be the preponderant factor for the proliferation of a new precarious norm. This reduction of the precariousness of labor leads to a series of misconceptions that prevent the understanding of the new forms and particularities of the processes of domination and exploitation of capitalist sociability at the turn of the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past four decades, governments have backed away from the promotion of collective bargaining in Canada resulting in a tendency towards anti-unionism. Examining this new reality, this article investigates two interrelated trends in Canadian anti-unionism over the last two decades in an effort to conceptualize the role of the state in regulating labour relations. First, we investigate legislative attempts to undermine or eliminate the ability of workers to collectively bargain and strike. Second, the article unpacks the political economy of anti-unionism in the private sector by focusing on the role of lobby groups that have shaped labour legislation. These two interrelated threads allow us to expose the relationship between employers and governments, which has threatened the strength of organized labour in the private and public sector and shaped a uniquely Canadian anti-unionism. Finally, we conclude by examining both the strengths and limitations of the unique fight-back strategies used by the labour movement, which has sought to elevate aspects of Canadian labour law to be protected by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This, we argue, offers restrictive possibilities for advancing collective bargaining rights in the existing labour relations framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the received wisdom on the value of labor power that posits the workers' material reproduction and the class struggle as two independent factors that determine the bundle of wage-goods consumed by the working class. It shows that this reading has no solid textual basis on Marx's writings. Furthermore, it argues that it rests on a problematic separation of the actual immanent unity between materiality and social form in the capitalist mode of production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The key to building the legitimacy of a political system is to select political themes in a complex social environment that will maximize social support for that system. The principal characteristic of legitimacy-building in Chinese revolutionary politics from 1921 to 1923 was the emergence of three central political themes: class struggle, substantive democracy, and national revolution. Comprehensively using these themes to generate maximal resonance with society as well as controlling the tensions between them was critical for revolutionary politics to consolidate its legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main response (Mantsios 2015) to neoliberalism and the marginalization of labor studies in higher education has been the call for a "new" labor college--one that integrates "workforce development" and liberal arts, yet separates worker education from its working-class roots. This article interrogates the state of worker education and the impact of neoliberalism on various civic engagement efforts at colleges and universities. The authors argue for a critical reevaluation of workers' education and labor studies programs, calling for organized workers to retake control of such projects to avoid the deradicalization of class politics now ascendant in neoliberal institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The privatization of the Internet meant not simply a passage from a state-logic organization to an economic one but something more complex. The year 1995 marked a disruption when the National Science Foundation (NSF), the public agency that controlled and exploited the network, transferred its regulatory responsibilities to the private sector. Despite the system’s provision of free access to information, the Internet’s entire economic logic was modified when advertising became the standard norm. The objective of this article is to summarize the history of the Internet and the points that are important to understanding its actual political and economic logic via an emphasis on social networking sites. Our argument also involves a Marxist critique of a theoretical element that Fuchs has contributed to this discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In responding to the comments, I will begin with the problem of Eurocentrism, the notion of progress and the Dialectic of Enlightenment. Then I will try to address the methodological queries concerning theory construction. Thereafter, I will make some remarks on the role of religion for social evolution and the formation of the Kantian mindset. Finally, I will discuss the problem of cosmopolitan state formation, co-evolution and societal differentiation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the rise and consolidation of neoliberalism in the European Union and highlights the neoliberalization of its social and employment policies with reference to member states and accession candidates. It focuses on two different cases in terms of status, Greece and Turkey, and scrutinizes their historical specificities and class formations in a comparative manner. The aim is to demonstrate that transformations in their economic policies and labour market structures are compatible with a neoliberal strategy. From this analysis, it emerges that Turkey’s social and employment policies are more closely aligned with those of the European Union, and neoliberalism is more firmly consolidated, than in Greece. This is confirmed by evidence of the asymmetry in the impact of the economic crisis on the Greek and Turkish economies, and contrasts in the scope of recovery policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Numerous approaches in the social sciences either refuse to consider or minimize the importance of conflict in community or else replace it with a Spencerian vision of the social struggle. Between these two extremes there is considerable space for us to consider conflict as a relationship; this is what differentiates it from modes of behaviour involving war and rupture. Sociology suggests different ways of differentiating various modes of social conflict. The question is not only theoretical. It is also empirical and historical: have we not moved, in a certain number of countries at least, from the industrial era dominated by a structural social conflict in which the working-class movement confronted the masters of labour, to a new era dominated by other types of conflict with distinctly more cultural orientations? Whatever the type of analysis, the very concept of conflict must be clearly distinguished from that of crisis, even if materially the two coexist in social reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on experiences in the global south and western Europe, this commentary identifies 3 focal points of precarity politics that a singular focus on the United States may have eclipsed: (a) In the global south, precariousness at work creates a crisis not just of job-quality but also of social reproduction; (b) precarious employment is often an integral part of the development strategies of states and international financial institutions, rather than the natural corporate response to global market competition; and (c) popular movements have insinuated alternative imaginations of work, rights, and life. These developments serve as the point of departure for any national, regional, or global policy deliberation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Sociologists of service work have firmly established that clients may become crucial allies for either workers or managers at conflict throughout the labor process. However, less attention has been given to how these colluding relations may extend beyond the limits of a service interaction. An ethnographic approach into the nature of the alliances between bus drivers and their passengers in Monterrey, Mexico, revealed a subterranean gender system that systematically structured workers’ struggle against management in ways that have not been considered by the sociology of service work. How might personal, emotional, and sexualized connections weave into class struggle? In this article, the author traces a series of strategies and counterstrategies developed by male bus owners and bus drivers in their quest for control over profit, highlighting the gendered motivations and means that sustain this gendered class struggle. The article concludes with a hypothetical overview of the contradictory ways class and gender systems may be articulated and how further research along these lines might deepen the understanding of class struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]