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There is widespread scientific evidence that validates tonic immobility (TI) as part of the trauma response in victims of rape, and criminal justice practitioners are increasingly trained in trauma-informed approaches. Yet, legal and policy definitions of consent do not fully recognize TI during the incident as evidence of nonconsent. Using a systematic review of U.S. law and policy regarding sexual violence and consent, this paper analyzes the substantial legal reform of rape law and definitions of consent, suggesting ways to further integrate TI into existing law and legal practices to improve public health approaches and justice responses for victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policies and services to support informal caregivers vary considerably across countries, This paper examines the role of caregivers and how perspectives on that role may influence the availability of benefits and services in three countries that differ considerably in their care systems - Sweden, Ireland and the United States. We developed a nine-dimensional framework for examining differences, including policies and how the role of caregiver is conceptualized. We found differences in the three countries in how services are organized, which reflected assumptions about the caregiver role. There were also similarities in the three countries. Caregivers held an ambiguous position within each social system and there was little concern for equity in the delivery of support services. Increased clarity about the role of caregivers may facilitate development of policies that more effectively meet their varied needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of U.S. states have legalized marijuana for medical use and some states have legalized marijuana for recreational use; yet, marijuana remains illegal federally. Given the misalignment between state and federal policies, this paper seeks to explore how hospitals handle inpatients' medical marijuana use in states where medical marijuana is legal. To examine this phenomenon, we conducted an anonymous, online, cross-sectional survey of nurse leaders working in acute care inpatient settings in states that had legalized medical marijuana. Using descriptive statistics, we report on these nurse leaders' experiences. There were 811 survey responses—291 who worked in an acute care inpatient setting in a state that had legalized medical marijuana. Among those respondents, only a small percentage reported that inpatients had some access to their medical marijuana: 5.8% reported that the drug was kept in the pharmacy and dispensed like other prescriptions; another 3.4% indicated that patients kept the medical marijuana in their rooms and took it, as needed. Most respondents (55.6%) reported that patients were switched to an alternative medication during their inpatient hospital stays. Almost half (49.4%) of the nurse leaders who reported that alternative medications were used, reported that opioids were substituted, and the majority reported that the marijuana was safer than the opioids. These findings are concerning given the increase in opioid overdose deaths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a reaction paper to the article in this journal issue entitled Human Service Cartels: The Soft Repression of the Mediocracy by David Stoesz. As such, it addresses two significant questions about the Stoesz article. One question is as follows: Are we really talking about a cartel? The other question is as follows: Isn't it the power elite that promotes societal control and repression? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unauthorized immigrants and immigration enforcement are once again at the center of heated public debates and reform agendas. This paper examines the importance of applying a subject-centered approach to understanding immigration noncompliance and to developing effective, ethical, and equitable immigration policies. In general, a subject-centered approach focuses on the beliefs, values, and perceptions of individuals whose behavior the law seeks to regulate. This approach has been widely used in non-immigration law contexts to produce a richer and more nuanced understanding of legal noncompliance. By contrast, the subject-centered approach has been an overlooked and underappreciated tool in the study of immigration noncompliance. This paper argues that a subject-centered understanding of why people obey or disobey the law has the potential to generate new insights that can advance public knowledge and inform public policy on immigration in a number of important ways. Specifically, the paper considers how the use of this approach might help us: (1) recognize the basic humanity and moral agency of unauthorized immigrants, (2) appreciate not only direct and immediate costs of immigration enforcement policies, but also their indirect and long-term costs, and (3) develop new and innovative strategies to achieving desired policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electricity industry restructuring is only now beginning to focus on the role of utilities in distributed generation (DG). This paper examines whether, as restructuring unfolds, regulators may permit investor-owned distribution companies to own DG, and if so, under what terms. Concomitantly, the paper explores how ownership of DG by distribution companies impacts electricity restructuring. The paper concludes that regulated utilities should readily obtain approval to install DG on utility sites as long as the utility remains vertically integrated. Approval is also possible for vertically integrated or restructured utilities to provide DG at customer sites if it is shareholder-funded and connected on the customer's side of the meter. However, distribution company ownership of DG at utility sites or on the utility's side of the meter conflicts with electricity industry restructuring. Regulatory approval under restructuring is therefore highly problematical. Should regulatory approval be granted, the need to mitigate vertical market power is likely to precipitate the disaggregation of the distribution company. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

WE PRESENT AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK for use by fellows of the Fogarty International Center--sponsored Advanced Certificate Program in Research Ethics for Central and Eastern Europe to identify gaps in the public policies establishing research ethics review systems that impede them from doing their job of protecting human research subjects. The framework, illustrated by examples from post-Communist countries, employs a logic model based on the public policy and public management literature. This paper is part of a collection of papers analyzing the Fogarty International Center's International Research Ethics Education and Curriculum program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the unspoken, implicit white racial logic of the brain disease model of addiction, which is based on seemingly universal, disembodied brains devoid of social or environmental influences. In the United States, this implicit white logic led to "context-free" neuroscience that made the social hierarchies of addiction and its consequences invisible to, and thus exacerbated by, national policies on opioids. The brain disease model of addiction was selectively deployed among the white middle-class population that had long accessed narcotics and pharmaceutical treatments for narcotics disorders from biomedical clinics, as opposed to from illegal sources subject to law enforcement. In turn, new treatments for opioid addiction were racially marketed to the same white clientele to which newly patented opioid analgesics were marketed, tapping into a circumscribed but highly lucrative consumer base that has long benefited from a legally protected, racially segregated safe space for white narcotics consumption. The connecting thread for the contemporary white opioid "crisis," therefore, is white race as a ghost variable in addiction neuroscience and in its pharmaceutical and biotechnological translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although stepfamilies exist in some form in nearly every country in the world, they are most common in Western countries. This paper provides a summary of laws, policies, and programs pertaining to stepfamilies in a selection of Western countries, with a special focus on the United States. Although stepfamilies have been prevalent throughout the West for decades, they remain "incompletely institutionalized," and governments have been slow to address their needs and concerns. There is large variation across Western countries with respect to how stepfamilies are treated under the law, with some countries employing more liberal definitions of "parents," "children," and "families," than others. In contrast, stepfamilies in the United States must contend with a complex and conflicting set of federal laws, state laws, and court precedents. Their legal status is uncertain and the way stepfamilies are treated is inconsistent across social programs and policies. Overall, there is clear bias against stepfamilies within most U.S. institutions. The review includes recommendations for change that would enhance stepfamily stability and quality of life in both Western and non-Western contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Solar photovoltaic (PV) system prices in the United States display considerable heterogeneity both across geographic locations and within a given location. Such heterogeneity may arise due to state and federal policies, differences in market structure, and other factors that influence demand and costs. This paper examines the relative importance of such factors on equilibrium solar PV system prices in the United States using a detailed dataset of roughly 100,000 recent residential and small commercial installations. As expected, we find that PV system prices differ based on characteristics of the systems. More interestingly, we find evidence suggesting that search costs and imperfect competition affect solar PV pricing. Installer density substantially lowers prices, while regions with relatively generous financial incentives for solar PV are associated with higher prices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It's now well appreciated that social determinants of health are the strongest predictors of our health and well-being. A good argument could be made that housing is at the top of the pyramid of these determinants. And, surprisingly, housing is also the social determinant that could rapidly turn on a dime—that is, with sufficient political will, creating access to housing could be radically expanded in short order. (Unfortunately, of course, it's true one can also become suddenly homeless, since few protections exist in policy or capitalist economies to prevent it). That alone sets it apart from social factors such as education and racism—conditions that take a long time to change. In contrast to long-term interventions (education) or culturally stubborn and historically rooted problems (racism), housing is rapidly malleable. In this article, we describe the social condition of homelessness in two settings, comparing and contrasting the concepts, causes, and consequences, along with how people are mobilizing to challenge the conditions that create their housing insecurity. As we review the factors that create housing conditions in each setting, we propose some universal international principles for a new approach to the human right of decent and secure housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines if and how pet protection orders have been used by domestic violence survivors in the 36 states and the District of Columbia in which they have been enacted. A review of court websites determined if there was a specific item to include a pet in the temporary and/or final protection order. In addition, individual court administrators were contacted in various states to determine if statistics were available on the number of pet protection orders issued. Another mode of investigation included examining appropriate websites in each state to ascertain if the state issued a report on domestic violence statistics, and if so, if that report contained information on pet protection orders. Only one state, New York, keeps track of the number of protection orders that have been issued that include pets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The boundaries of what constitutes "sufficient" health have always been open and, as such, health care has proven to be an opportune area for profit growth. In the United States, the allure of health as a market commodity has proven very strong, but even here it cannot be a mere spontaneous product of the market. It requires government to foster and develop public policy that effectively promotes and maintains health care delivery across the population. Historically, U.S. public policy has veered away from anything akin to universal care, and it has typically been understood as an outlier among advanced industrial states. But, simultaneously, it is also the largest health care market in the world, soon to engulf a full fifth of its GDP. In this paper, I argue that the complicated dynamic between a growing market in health delivery and a patchwork of political reforms has encouraged "adaptive accumulation," a process whereby capital secures optimized accumulation outcomes from enhanced government intervention, deriving extra-market benefits along the way. To make this argument, I explore critical components of the health system, including Medicare Advantage, Medicare Part D, as well as the Affordable Care Act and its aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) strike of 1981 and assesses its impact on labor relations in the federal sector. The author finds the root causes of the stoppage in the history of PATCO's relations with the Federal Aviation Administration, the equivocal manner in which the federal government had dealt with previous PATCO strikes, and the ineptness of PATCO's leaders. He argues that PATCO's basic goal was to gain the right to bargain under private sector rules, and that the union would have made considerable progress toward that goal if it had accepted the government's last offer in 1981. The author also describes the international aspects of the strike, including the strong steps taken by the Reagan administration to maintain transoceanic service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the history of New York City’s Greenmarket program, a municipal farmers market program designed to bring fresh local food to New Yorkers as well as to prevent the loss of regional farmland to increasing suburbanization. In the 38 years since it was established, Greenmarket has expanded from a single location with 7 vendors to 195 vendors selling at fifty-three markets across all five boroughs. This paper traces tensions created by the program’s growth, its shifting place in the city’s food retail environment, and its current renewed commitment to the original goals. Drawing on primary documents, New York Times articles, and other popular press, this paper presents a comprehensive history of NYC’s Greenmarket, describes its unique position in New York City, and ability to serve as a model for other cities’ food planning efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the parking mandate in residential street standards in the United States. Based on literature review and a national survey of ninety-seven principal cities in the top fifty-two metro areas, it reveals two unjustified assumptions behind the mandate: traffic lanes must maintain continuous alignment even with limited, slow traffic; and parking demand must be satisfied with dedicated parking lanes in absence of price. The mandate is likely to force markets to oversupply parking and undersupply housing. The paper calls for removal of the parking mandate from street standards and deregulation of the residential street parking market. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This volume focuses on the importance of state policy for ensuring equity in postsecondary access, achievement, and attainment. America has a federalist system of education that gives states significant autonomy in their governance of schools, colleges, and universities. This system has created significant variation across states; variation that provides opportunities for state governments to learn from one another. This volume underscores the importance of context and uses differentiation across state lines to highlight the roles internal and external factors play in policy development and issues pertaining to postsecondary access, achievement, and attainment. This collection of papers includes a diverse set of theoretical and methodological approaches to address a range of topics that makes clear the scope and importance of a multitude of state policies. This volume will serve as a source of new information regarding state policies that will be useful for policymakers and researchers alike. It is also suggests important new avenues for research that focus on theoretical and methodological considerations as well as topical areas including funding, accountability, transparency, and policy framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a case study of Transition House in Cambridge, MA, a pioneering feminist agency founded in 1976. Transition House has survived and is, today, a thriving agency. Based on interviews with and papers collected from those involved in founding and running it, as well as a few guests/clients, I argue that Transition House's evolution was impelled by three major forces shared with other early domestic violence agencies: changes in the culture due in part to successes of the battered women's movement in the early years, changes in the larger political-economic context due to national policies and economic trends, which make getting out of poverty in 2017 more difficult than it was in the 1970s, and learning from survivors and from evolving research on domestic violence. In 1976, the immediate focus was on women "battered" by their partners, and the agency was strongly identified with the women's movement. In 2017, the focus is on women who are battered by economic and social conditions as much as by their partners, and the agency is seen as a partner with the city and with other nonprofit agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unintended pregnancies, which occur in almost half (45%) of all pregnancies in the United States, are associated with adverse health and social outcomes for the infant and the mother. The risk of unintended pregnancies is significantly reduced when women use long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARCs), namely intrauterine devices and implants. Although LARCs are highly acceptable to women at risk of unintended pregnancies, barriers to accessing LARCs hinder its uptake. These barriers are greater among racial and socioeconomic lines and persist within and across the intrapersonal, interpersonal, institutional, and policy levels. A synthesis of these barriers is unavailable in the current literature but would be beneficial to health care providers of reproductive-aged women, clinical managers, and policymakers seeking to provide equitable reproductive health care services. The aim of this narrative review was to aggregate these complex and overlapping barriers into a concise document that examines: (a) patient, provider, clinic, and policy factors associated with LARC access among populations at risk of unintended pregnancy and (b) the clinical implications of mitigating these barriers to provide equitable reproductive health care services. This review outlines numerous barriers to LARC uptake across multiple levels and demonstrates that LARC uptake is possible when the woman is informed of her contraceptive choices and when financial and clinical barriers are minimized. Equitable reproductive health care services entail unbiased counseling, a full range of contraceptive options, and patient autonomy in contraceptive choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A wide range of sub-national immigration and immigrant-related policies have been adopted in the United States in the last two decades. Using data from the Urban Institute and IPUMS, the authors analyze the impact of state-level policy climates related to enforcement, integration, and public benefits on inter-state mobility for immigrants. The findings of the present analysis show that immigrants are responsive to changes in the state-level immigration policy climate. They are less likely to move out of states that are on balance more supportive of the foreign-born population and more likely to relocate from restrictive states. In addition, the policy impacts do not vary significantly by immigrants' education, language fluency, or employment status, calling into question whether the policies miss their intended targets. These findings have implications for local governments and agencies in policy design and implementation as they continue to develop policies targeting the foreign-born population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The papers included in this symposium provide a compelling rationale for the role of health as an engine of economic growth, and thus for investing in health improvement as an important step in improving economic growth in the Mississippi Delta. This newer model of the relation between health and wealth, positioning health as an investment and as an important determinant of economic growth, has substantial implications for health-related public policy and for the business sector. Societal support of health promoting initiatives through public policy, especially for children and for the poor, are important efforts for improving health and for realizing the economic benefits of health improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on issues related to the British government's policy regarding chronic somatization. The process of seeking medical help by persons without any serious disease has been called "somatization." Unlike the U.S., there are few prevalence data on this disorder in Great Britain. The model of illness implicit in the White Paper emphasizes on diagnostic technology.

Presidential candidate Trump in 2016 promised to prevent unauthorized migration and deport unauthorized foreigners in the United States, and President Trump issued executive orders after taking office in January 2017 that could lead to a 2,000-mile wall on the Mexico-US border and the removal of many of the 11 million unauthorized foreigners, including one million who work in US agriculture. This paper emphasizes that, especially agriculture in the western United States, has long relied on newcomers to fill seasonal farm jobs. The slowdown in Mexico-US migration since 2008-09 means that there are fewer flexible newcomers to supplement the current workforce, which is aging and settled. Farm employers are responding by offering bonuses to satisfy current workers, stretching them with productivity-increasing tools, substituting machines for workers, and supplementing current workforces with legal H-2A guest workers. Immigration policy will influence the choice between mechanization, guest workers, and imports. Several factors suggest that the United States may be poised to embark on another large-scale guest worker program for agriculture. If it does, farmers should begin to pay Social Security and Unemployment Insurance (UI) taxes on the wages of H-2A workers to foster mechanization and development in the workers' communities of origin by dividing these payroll taxes equally between workers as they depart and commodity-specific boards. Worker departure bonuses could be matched by governments in migrant-sending areas to promote development, and commodity-specific boards could spend monies to reduce dependence on hand labor over time. The economic incentives provided by payroll taxes could help to usher in a new and better era of farm labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual harassment is a problem that continues to confront mostly women in the American workforce. One of the primary ways to reduce its prevalence and impact is through bystander intervention. A bystander is familiar with the incident and ultimately decides whether to proactively intervene, do nothing, or actually cause further damage to the victim by siding with the perpetrator. While bystanders can become engaged both prior to and during a sexually harassing event, or at the primary and secondary levels of prevention, they can also be involved after the incident, or at the tertiary level of prevention. This present study addressed tertiary prevention in real-life sexual harassment cases drawn from the fashion industry, whereby female models—as independent contractors represented by agencies and with few labor rights—were the victims, powerful men in the business were the key perpetrators, and other actors were the bystanders. Using thematic analysis to understand 18 accounts of harassment, this research identified bystander support from personal associates and some modeling agencies as institutions in the form of emotional resources and action-oriented advocacy. However, other modeling agencies more commonly engaged in bystander opposition, whereby they silenced their models who complained of harassment or continued to send models to work with known perpetrators in the business. This study thus draws attention to the ways in which some bystanders can help, but others can cause further harm through their particular employment relationships with victims that promote worker precarity. Implications for practitioners and public policy reforms for this industry are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how financial deregulation and the partisan underpinnings of deregulation shaped the path of income inequality in the United States. Using time-series data from 1914 to 2010, we assess the effect of partisan politics on financial deregulation and, in turn, the effect of deregulation on income inequality. We find that financial deregulation has generally declined when Democrats attain more power in Washington and that deregulation has contributed to rising inequality. We also learn that the partisan effect on deregulation has diminished since the early 1980s, suggesting that one way partisan politics has contributed to the recent rise in inequality is related to convergence on matters of financial deregulation. We explore several potential explanations for this post–1980 partisan convergence, finding evidence supporting the idea that globalization, the increasing availability of credit, and shifts in campaign finance were contributing factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In 2009, the Obama Administration announced its intention to rapidly "turn around" 5,000 of the nation's lowest-performing schools. To do so, it relied on the School Improvement Grant (SIG) program to provide temporary funding for states and schools, and to mandate drastic, school-level reforms. Most of these reforms require massive administrative and teacher layoffs, especially under the "turnaround option." In the public debate about the SIG program, reforms such as turnarounds have been described as new and innovative. In reality, the nation has significant experience with them, particularly over the past 40 years. Turnaround-style reforms are not only based on unwarranted claims; they ignore contrary research evidence about the potential of mass firings to improve organizational performance. Purpose: This paper considers the tensions with democratic education inherent in the federal SIG program's market-based school reforms. It examines the evolution of and intent behind the 2009 federal SIG program. From there, it considers the lessons offorty years of research on educational effectiveness and high-stakes accountability. It builds on this evidence, as well as the growing literature on communities' engagement in reform, in its analysis of the school turnaround research and practice. The paper culminates in a set of recommendations that are intended to re-center the purposes of public education for low-income students, students of color, and local communities in developing more equitable, democratic school turnarounds. Research Design: This article synthesizes forty years of research on school and district effectiveness, high-stakes accountability, and community engagement in school reform to evaluate the federal School Improvement Grant program's potential to cultivate democratic, equitable public schools. It also reviews the small, but rapidly growing literature on school turnarounds, paying particular attention to the ways in which this new field reproduces or departs from earlier literature that examined reform models that are analogous to the current SIG-funded school turnarounds. Conclusions: Based on the provisional lessons that are emerging from current SIG-inspired turnarounds, from research on earlier efforts to improve school and district effectiveness, and from pockets of promising community-based practices that are developing at local and national levels, we propose five steps that federal, state, and local policymakers can take toward fostering more equitable, democratic turnaround processes. First, increase current federal and state spending for public education, particularly as it is allocated for more democratic turnarounds. Second, focus turnaround policies on improving the quality of teaching and learning rather than on technical-structural changes. Third, engage a broad cross-section of schools' communities-- teachers, students, parents, and community organizations-- in planning and implementing turnaround strategies that are tailored to each school and district context. Fourth, incorporate multiple indicators of effectiveness-- apart from test scores-- that reflect the range of purposes for schools. Fifth, support ongoing, systematic research, evaluation, and dissemination examining all aspects of turnaround processes in schools and districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the wind industry has undergone considerable development worldwide, thanks mainly to state support for renewable energy embodied in various standards and initiatives. However, the situation differs significantly among the main world producers of electricity from wind power, and in some, we can find incomplete energy policies and regulatory frameworks, which have led to very different economic and social outcomes. In this paper, we present a comparative study of wind policies (based on a multidisciplinary approach) in the leading countries of Europe, Asia and America, in order to establish a comprehensive framework for the sector's future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Parental leave and breastfeeding breaks influence the ability to initiate and continue breastfeeding. We investigated how eligibility criteria in the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) and Affordable Care Act (ACA) affect access to unpaid parental leave and breastfeeding breaks and assessed affordability and alternative policy models. Methods: We used family income data to assess the affordability of unpaid leave by race and ethnicity. We used 2017-2018 US Current Population Survey data to determine the percentage of private sector workers aged 18-44 years who met the minimum hour (1250 hours of work during a 12-month period), tenure (12 months), and firm size (≥50 employees) requirements of FMLA and ACA. We analyzed eligibility by gender, race and ethnicity, and age. We also examined parental leave and breastfeeding break policies in 193 countries. Results: Most Latinx (66.9%), Black (60.2%), and White (55.3%) workers were ineligible and/or unlikely to be able to afford to take unpaid FMLA leave. Of 69 534 workers, more women (16.9%) than men (10.3%) did not meet the minimum hour requirement. Minimum tenure excluded 23.7% of all workers and 42.2% of women aged 18-24 years. Minimum firm size excluded 30.3% of all workers and 37.7% of Latinx workers. Of 27 520 women, 28.8% (including 32.9% of Latina women) were excluded from ACA breastfeeding breaks because of firm size. Nearly all other countries guaranteed mothers paid leave regardless of firm size or minimum hours and guaranteed ≥6 months of paid leave or breastfeeding breaks. Conclusions: Adopting a comprehensive, inclusive paid parental leave policy and closing gaps in breastfeeding break legislation would remove work-related barriers to breastfeeding; reduce racial, ethnic, and gender inequities; and align US national policies with global norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the one-year mark since the overturning of Roe v. Wade, there is an urgent, vital need for feminist scholarship that addresses the ways structural stigma and oppressive policy affect diverse groups of women and people assigned female at birth (AFAB). Accordingly, in this introduction to the special issue of Psychology of Women Quarterly, we provide a historical overview and timeline of reproductive rights and (in)justice in the United States in order to illustrate how we have arrived at this perilous moment in history. Reproductive (in)justice exacerbates inequities regarding who has been encouraged to reproduce, who has been denied reproductive autonomy, and who has been required to reproduce and refused the right to parent their children in safe environments. Accordingly, we aver the importance of centering an intersectional and reproductive justice framework in understanding how coalescing forms of oppression (e.g., racism, capitalism, sexism, ableism) circumscribe reproductive autonomy. We begin the special issue with articles that examine how social policy and structural oppression have violated women's and people AFAB reproductive healthcare, followed by articles that examine how such policy and oppression affect women's reproductive decision-making. We conclude this special issue with an article that centers reproductive justice advocacy in the ongoing fight for reproductive rights and bodily autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes a structural approach to understand how complex organizations, in this case public school districts in the United States, implement programs to promote greater justice for consumers. Drawing on the integrative justice model as a guide, this study uses deductive grounded theory and axial coding to understand how social programs, such as the National School Lunch Program, both orchestrate and obstruct distributive justice (DJ). Leaning on public policy and macromarketing literature and using ethnographic data as a guide, the study proposes a market orchestration model of DJ to offer guidance on how social programs can promote greater DJ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In September 1954 forces from the People's Republic of China began shelling Chinese Nationalist positions on the tiny offshore islands that lay between the mainland and Formosa (present-day Taiwan). The outsized US response to this routine harassment sparked a Cold War confrontation that soon threatened to escalate out of control. This paper explores Canada's stake in that crisis. It follows Ottawa's early reaction to the events in the straits and traces foreign minister Lester B. Pearson's mediatory efforts to promote negotiations and a peaceful settlement. Pearson's liberal internationalist impulses, the paper argues, were always balanced and shaped by a realist calculation of where Canada's national interest lay. His doubts about the wisdom of US policy and his commitment to allied unity ensured that he beat a dignified retreat when the circumstances for peacemaking proved unpropitious. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the conditions under which local governments are likely to engage in formalized intergovernmental developmental cooperation. The author theorizes that policy competition, informational and divisional transaction costs, and resources condition the likelihood of institutional collective action. Data from a variety of sources—including a unique author-conducted survey of local officials in Colorado—are used to test hypotheses in a dyadic model of local cooperation. Results indicate that agreements are more likely in competitive policymaking environments and when jurisdictions have more informational resources. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper offers a conceptual framework in which 'the family' is situated as an object of governmental intervention, on the one hand, and a site of discursive proliferation, on the other hand. Reading across the works of Michel Foucault and Jacques Donzelot, I argue that the family served an important, but often overlooked, role in Foucauldian conceptualizations of sovereign, disciplinary, and biopolitical modalities of power. In particular, the elaboration of disciplinary institutions and biopolitical governance converged in the family household; as a central point in these governmental strategies, the family's relationship to sexuality, child-rearing, and kinship provoked anxieties over race, nation building, sexuality, and gender. After reviewing how these concerns overlapped in US immigration policies, I analyze the debates concerning noncitizen family detention policy in the United States. I show how a series of proposals for family detention and release congealed around competing discourses of childhood innocence and criminality, prison and home, and parental authority and security. On the basis of this analysis, I argue that state and nonstate actors produce multiple normative family subjects through strategic spatializations of state and familial power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper details how businesses and environmental organizations are collaborating to define and implement a visionary agenda for integrating safer chemicals into products, describing the challenges they confront and how they are overcoming those challenges. The framework for this assessment is the Principles for Chemicals Policy developed by the Business-NGO Working Group for Safer Chemicals and Sustainable Materials (BizNGO). The four principles-l) knowing and disclosing chemicals in products, 2) assessing and avoiding hazards, 3) committing to continuous improvement, and 4) supporting public policies and industry standards-while appearing to be straightforward, are, in fact, very complex to implement in practice. Together businesses and environmental organizations are charting a path to safer chemicals by sharing best practices, addressing technical aspects of safer chemicals substitution, and analyzing and supporting public policies that advance the rapid development and diffusion of greener chemicals in the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last quarter-century, six Presidents have sought to encourage labor-management-government collaboration through the creation of advisory committees. This study describes how these committees have grappled with such crucial topics as wage-price stabilization, fiscal and monetary policy, and the employment problems created by technological change. Each of these committees eventually expired for a number of reasons: some Presidents ignored them and others viewed them as an exercise in public relations; business and labor representatives sooner or later disagreed with presidential policies and with each other; and those representatives could not speak for all American employers and workers. Nonetheless, the author concludes, the committees produced some concrete achievements, such as recommending or providing important support for certain programs, and they also provided a needed forum in which labor and business leaders could discuss issues of mutual concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper first analyzes the role of finance in community development, and then contrasts 1990s development-financing policies with those undertaken decades earlier in the context of the federal “War on Poverty.” It is shown that the Clinton-Bush era programs in support of community development were less extensive than War on Poverty programs. Further, they were weighted toward large banks and large commercial real-estate projects, and did not take into account the implications of the changing strategies and activities of private-sector banking firms. Consequently, programs implemented in the 1990s and afterward by the Clinton and Bush Administrations had relatively little impact. This paper then suggests some lessons for the new Administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental statutes are among the most complicated national legislation. These laws seek to integrate scientific ambiguity, political competition, management performance and intergovernmental relations. The Clean Air Act has seen considerable changes in the conditions under which it is implemented. As a consequence, new paradigms are needed to advance air quality in the United States. This paper suggests that complex adaptive systems theory can be applied to the Clean Air Act to introduce a new intellectual framework that reconfigures how this act could be more effective in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the history of the US effort to dispose of high-level radioactive waste created by operating nuclear fission reactors for military and commercial purposes. The history is considered here in three parts: the period beginning in 1957 and ending with passage of the Nuclear Waste Policy Act in 1982; implementation of that Act over the period 1982 to 2005; and recent plans to promote a nuclear power "renaissance", including the initiation of the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership in 2006. To date, disposal has not been accomplished, and many observers doubt that disposal will occur during the next several decades. The history of the disposal effort features a series of decision-action cycles in which objectives were formulated, decisions were taken, actions were implemented, and outcomes occurred. The decision-action process is examined here with attention to the roles and objectives of major stakeholders, the relation of those objectives to governmental decisions, and the extent to which the actual outcomes have corresponded with the objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Designing regulatory contracts for the operators of power transmission networks has become a critical policy issue in the United States. In this paper, a regulatory contract is proposed that induces network operators to optimally expand the grid, which is crucial for the emergence of efficient wholesale power markets, while also satisfying the other traditional regulatory objectives. The proposed mechanism is readily implementable, since it builds on a contract currently in place in England and Wales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the War on Poverty in the 1960s, the U.S. social safety net has shifted away from direct cash assistance for the lowest-income households and toward tax-based transfers targeted at working families with children. Previous research has assessed this shift by evaluating its effect on the national poverty rate. Doing so, however, overlooks how it may also have led to increased inequality among low-income households. We apply a decomposition framework to measure how changes in taxes/transfers and composition have affected trends in inequality below the poverty line from 1967 to 2019. Income inequality among the poorest households has been volatile since the 1960s, and changes to the American welfare state played a decisive role in expanding or reducing inequality below the poverty line. Unlike in previous decades, after the mid-1990s, the policies that most reduced poverty were also those that most increased inequality among the poor. These findings challenge standard theories regarding the effectiveness of income transfers in reducing poverty by revealing that recent state-led antipoverty efforts have placed the near poor and the deeply poor on divergent paths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faculty, staff, and students employed by or who serve as representative of universities in the United States are required by the Title IX federal law to report all instances of sexual harassment, discrimination, and sexual assault on college campuses. Despite the well-intended purpose of the Title IX regulations, less is known about campus communities' experiences and perceptions of this "mandated reporting," and its influence on disclosure. This exploratory mixed-methods study examines student (n = 88) and faculty and staff (n = 77) thoughts, concerns, and experiences regarding this policy at a mid-sized Northeastern University. Participants were recruited utilizing a campus lab system, with supplemental recruitment through student-life offices on campus. Data were collected via an anonymous survey hosted on the Qualtrics platform. Descriptive statistics were conducted for quantitative responses, whereas thematic analysis was utilized to analyze open text responses. Descriptive statistics demonstrate that the majority of participants (students and faculty/staff) were aware of their "mandated reporter" status. Additionally, students and faculty/staff varied regarding their support of the policy and the majority of faculty/staff had not had students disclose sexual violence to them and thus, had not reported any incidences of sexual violence to the university. Results of the thematic analysis further highlight the complexity of students and faculty/staff views' regarding the "mandated reporter" policy illustrating positive and negative perceived impacts of this policy, as well as several suggestions for improvement. Implications for research and practice are framed within the literature on Title IX, sexual harassment, and violence in the context of universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eligibility for asylum for survivors of intimate partner violence (IPV) has recently been contested. We summarize social science evidence to show how such survivors generally meet asylum criteria. Studies consistently show a relationship between patriarchal factors and IPV, thereby establishing a key asylum criterion that women are being persecuted because of their status as women. Empirical support is also provided for other asylum criteria, specifically: patriarchal norms contribute to state actors' unwillingness to protect survivors, and survivors' political opinions are linked to an escalation of perpetrators' violence. The findings have implications for policy reform and supporting individual asylum-seekers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to understand the changes in federal health care policy that led to greater telehealth adoption during COVID-19 pandemic. For decades, telehealth was identified as a possibility for increasing health care access, but the policies needed for greater telehealth reimbursement were stalled until the public health emergency was declared. Applying the dynamic concepts within punctuated equilibrium theory (PET) model to traditional fee-for-service Medicare policy, the influential factors are identified and specify how policy change occurred as a response to the pandemic, resulting in swift and large-scale changes in Medicare telehealth reimbursement requirements and widespread telehealth adoption. The model also explains how the same forces that led to Medicare policy response are at work to maintain and broaden or contract and limit the future of telehealth reimbursement as the public health emergency recedes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public and clinician attitudes are important to consider when studying the reentry of individuals who sexually offend. Uninformed public attitudes drive the continued use of ineffective policies like registries and residential restrictions in the United States, and experts must assess risk to decide what level of supervision and control to recommend upon release from prison. This study investigated whether actuarial feedback could change participant attitudes about recidivism risk and disposition. Association for the Treatment and Prevention of Sexual Abuse (ATSA) members and a sample from MTurk completed a survey using vignettes to assess recidivism risk and dispositional outcomes of individuals who had sexually offended and varied in their risk to reoffend. They received feedback about the individuals' Static-99R risk levels and adjusted their initial ratings. ATSA members were less punitive than MTurk participants, initially predicted risk that was more consistent with actuarial data, and adjusted when incorrect. MTurk participants held more negative attitudes towards individuals who sexually offend, as measured by the ATS-21. They adjusted their risk ratings more than ATSA members, though their estimates were still higher than the ATSA members after feedback. Implications for US public policy, including the recommendation to use actuarials across the country, are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past two decades the occurrence of crime at institutions of higher education has received considerable attention. In 1990, the United States Congress enacted the Crime Awareness and Campus Security Act (hereafter referred to as the Act). The Act requires post-secondary institutions to develop and promulgate an annual report listing campus crime data and describing policies and practices that have been enacted to deal with and prevent campus crimes. This paper examines the extent to which sworn campus police agencies and non-sworn security departments differ with regard to policies and practices linked to provisions of the Act. Base upon a nationwide survey comparisons are made between sworn police agencies and security departments employing only non-sworn officers. Baseline data are analyzed for future comparative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the results of a cross-sectional analysis of emergency relief, unemployment insurance, and old-age pensions in the 48 American states. It analyzes sir outcomes: state emergency-relief expenditures and federal emergency-relief expenditures from 1933 to 1935; the timing of passage of unemployment-compensation legislation; the timing of passage of old-age pension legislation; and the contents of old-age pension and unemployment-compensation legislation. These outcomes represent different dimensions of social policy and are used to appraise three theoretical approaches: economic, democratic politics, and statist explanations. In the analysis, the sample is split into industrialized and nonindustrialized states, in accordance with recent cross-national research on social policy and social spending. Although the results yield some support for all three perspectives, the statist perspective is especially well supported. The findings suggest that the different perspectives are limited in applicability to specific outcomes or samples, or both. The superior performance of the statist perspective is due to its applicability across outcomes and subsamples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of social indicators is valuable for understanding the role that the social sciences play in the political arena. One common pattern is for a particular social indicator to become frozen in place once it takes on political significance, and this can result in ironic consequences. This study traces out the case of indicators of aggregate productivity trends in the United States. These measures were initially developed as part of an underconsumptionist argument that was linked to the political left, but there was considerable debate over different measurement schemes. Over time, one particular measure of trends in aggregate productivity became central for wage negotiations and for government policy. This created a context in which the slower rates of growth of this measure of productivity in the 1970s helped to validate the views of those on the political right who saw the need for greater restrictions on wage gains and government civilian spending. The paper raises questions about the value of this particular measure and ends by emphasizing the problems of locking in place an "objective" social indicator when the reality being measured is in continua! flux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a rational-choice explanation for the adoption of deterrent work-welfare programmes by recent governments in Britain and the US. Such programmes require the recipients of welfare or unemployment benefits to participate in a training programme or work activity in exchange for receiving their benefits and reflect a New Right (in contrast to a social democratic) conception of social citizenship. Governments design such policies to generate a partial separating equilibrium under which some claimants identified by the state as undeserving are discouraged from seeking benefits. These programmes are intended lo overcome problems of free-riding and false claiming viewed, by the New Right, as inherent in state-administered benefit systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the acculturative process of one Dominican family, focusing on the adaptation of extended families to United States immigration policy, and the implications these adaptations may hold for the traditional Dominican family. It is the contention of this paper that the definition of "family" according to United States immigration regulations does not reflect the cooperating kin group which is the "family" in Dominican culture and this gives rise to the need for a variety of extra-legal immigrant adaptive strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]