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Soon after its independence from the British in August 1947, Pakistan's socio-political culture became entangled into a monopoly of the right-wing with feudal lords, especially in the Punjab province. The pseudo right-wing political parties exploited Pakistan's religious foundations and established a cultural hegemony. Historically, Punjab had remained the epicentre of political bargains since its inception; therefore, it retained strong alliances for stable government in the centre. Somehow, dissident voices and views from any other political ideology were deemed to be anti-state or anti-religious. This paper analyses through Antonio Gramsci's Theory of Cultural Hegemony how the right wing manipulated the opinion of the masses to legitimize their rule, which ultimately led to the decline of socialism. This paper illustrates the underlying ultra-religious campaigns in the electoral manoeuvring of the right wing from 1977 to 1997, thereby gaining the consent of the people. This study also outlines the systematic othering and demonizing of the left wing in society by pseudo right-wing factions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical look at the promises and drawbacks of a popular, novel data collection technique—online tracking—from the point of view of sample composition. Using data from two large-scale studies about political attitudes and information consumption behavior carried out in Germany and Switzerland, we find that the likelihood of participation in a tracking study at several critical dropout points is systematically related to the gender, age, and education of participants, with men, young, and more educated participants being less likely to dropout of the studies. Our findings also show that these patterns are incremental, as changes in sample composition accumulate over successive study stages. Political interest and ideology were also significantly related to the likelihood of participation in tracking research. The study explores some of the most common concerns associated with tracking research leading to non-participation, finding that they also differ across demographic groups. The implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Illiberalism emphasizes traditional values and national sovereignty over liberal democratic ideals, which can lead to the erosion of democratic norms and institutions. Against this background, the paper investigates the relationship between illiberalism and various political and social factors in Romania, taking into account a particular context (the Russian invasion in Ukraine). Romania has experienced a rise in illiberal attitudes and the spread of populist and nationalist rhetoric, which is particularly concerning given its strategic location as a member of the European Union and NATO, and its proximity to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This study aims to investigate the associations between various attitudes, news consumption habits, and perceived exposure to misinformation, and how these factors relate to levels of illiberalism in Romanian society. Given the increasing prominence of illiberal and populist ideologies globally, a nuanced understanding of these relationships is critical. The study employs a quantitative approach, leveraging an online survey to collect data from a sample of 1000 Romanian citizens. Soft quotas were used to ensure a diverse representation across age, gender, and education levels. Data collection was carried out by Dynata, a globally recognized market research firm, between March 1–9, 2022. Our analysis, informed by multiple regression models, uncovers complex relationships between trust in institutions, attitudes towards Russia and Ukraine, news consumption habits, perceived misinformation, and demographic factors in shaping illiberal perspectives. By providing a comprehensive understanding of the contributing factors, this study aims to inform public discourse and policy-making processes on how to address illiberal tendencies in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a republication of Judith N. Shklar's paper "Rights in the Liberal Tradition" first published in an issue of Colorado College Studies in 1992. This is the first time the piece has been made digitally available. Edward Hall and Matt Sleat provide a brief foreword to the essay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines attitudes toward taxes on the rich and middle class in the United States with emphasis on the impacts of political ideology and party identification. Using the 2016 General Social Survey, we estimate bivariate ordered probit models for a full cross-sectional sample, and subsamples stratified by party. Results suggest that proposals to reduce income and wealth inequalities and/or fund large federal expenditure increases by raising taxes on the rich will have difficulty in gaining the political traction necessary for success. Any proposal to raise taxes on both the rich and middle class has almost no chance of passage. Findings also indicate that party affiliation moderates ideological impacts on opinions of taxes on the rich and middle class, in some cases substantially. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins by examining recent scholarship on the carceral state and its political consequences as an opportunity to reassess the study of urban politics. Along with illuminating how race structures local power relations, research on the carceral state exposes gaps in the long-standing, political–economy paradigm, and in particular regime theory, concerning the political lives of ordinary people and the role of ideas, values, and ideology in shaping political behavior. At the same time, this paper recognizes the powerful impact of market forces on urban governance, as well as regime theory's emphasis on organizational resources, intergroup collaboration, and coalition building in accounting for business influence over city policymaking. A new analytical approach is proposed—the mobilization–governance framework—that seeks to build on the insights of scholarship on the carceral state while retaining still-valuable aspects of regime theory. A case study of contemporary politics in Philadelphia is presented to illustrate how the mobilization–governance framework might be applied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrant-origin minorities are underrepresented in many democratic legislatures. This paper evaluates the direct effects of voter discrimination on the electoral performance of minority political candidates in Germany. Using evidence from both a survey experiment and actual election data, the paper tests two mechanisms of discrimination--negative attitudes toward minority groups and assumptions about candidate ideology--and shows that neither results in a substantial penalty for the small numbers of minority candidates who actually compete for office. Minority candidates in Germany typically run for political parties that discriminating voters would not have supported in any case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I analyze struggles over land in the capital city of Phnom Penh in the course of Cambodia's postsocialist transition. In 1989 Cambodia's socialist regime adopted a set of liberal reforms including comprehensive land reform. While land reform was a source of authority for the regime, the rapidity and unevenness of the land reform process created deep divisions within its state apparatus itself. Drawing on land disputes filed with the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia in 1992 and 1993, I document shifting conditions of ownership and authority in the city. I first discuss the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia land dispute files in general, before analyzing two, group disputes over formerly state lands in detail. Struggles over formerly state lands were particularly contentious, as who could claim, govern, and allocate these lands was an open question in the transitional period. I argue that these struggles were integral to the remaking of state rule. I use the term “postsocialist informality” to foreground this particular historical moment of state–society reconfiguration, while also underscoring the political constitution of the categories of public and private, owner and squatter, themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to provide the basis for a theory of imperialism that is consonant with open Marxism. The paper argues that accounts of imperialism heretofore have been contingent and focused on the appearance of imperialism, and spent little time considering its essence as a manifestation of the state’s power and desire to maintain the circuit of capital both nationally and internationally. The paper seeks to show that open Marxism is well placed to achieve this, and to move towards an idea of an open Marxist theory of imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyzes the role of different origins to news media in selective exposure. We rely on a unique web-tracking online dataset from Spain to identify points of access to news outlets and study the influence of direct navigation and news-referred platforms (i.e., from Facebook and Google) on selective exposure. We also explore cross-level interactions between origins to news and political interest and ideology. We find that direct navigation increases selective exposure while Google reduces it. We also find that the relationship between origins to news and selective exposure is strongly moderated by ideology, suggesting that search engines and social media are not content neutral. Our findings suggest a rather complex picture regarding selective exposure online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates the current neo-populist turn in Poland. The Kaezynski government contains a disparate group of ideological positions with a shared antagonism to the preceding neoliberal and post-Solidarity political mainstream. With Poland in the vanguard of neoliberal post-communist transition, the paper sets out to consider whether recent events signal a clear and decisive rejection of neoliberalisation despite the absence of a serious left alternative. It argues that the former Solidarity opposition and state-socialist social forces have been co-opted into reproducing neoliberalism, while the neo-populists, although rhetorically radical, have instead contributed to the reinforcement of neoliberalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Although the point of selling is one of the key moments of exchange where the latent contradictions in capitalist social relations may become manifest, there is a gap in our knowledge about exactly what form of consumption takes place within sales interactions. The key contribution of this paper is that it offers an original conceptualization of the form of consumption that is promoted within the sales interaction. It argues that sales management and sales workers tend to promote not only rational information exchange and trust-building but also enchantment. There is a contradictory relationship of instrumental empathy between the capitalist firm and the customer, and sales management and sales workers attempt to manage this contradiction by promoting the enchanting myth of customer sovereignty. Here consumption involves the customer experiencing a sense of sovereignty but in such a way that space is also opened up for the sales worker substantively to influence the behaviour of the customer. Managerialist sales research and critical ethnographic studies of sales work are drawn on to support the arguments. The paper also considers the systematic likelihood of customer resistance to the forms of consumption promoted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the journal on topics including political ideas, the roles of power and persuasion in politics, and inequality in relation to post-war British conservatism.

In this paper, we engage with the emerging literature that studies the support for populism by means of attitudes among the public at large. More specifically, our paper has two objectives. First, we extend recent research by Akkerman et al. by showing that their measure performs rather well in a context that differs from the one it was originally formulated in. Data from Flanders (the Dutch speaking part of Belgium, N = 1,577) also demonstrate that the support for populism can be empirically distinguished from feelings of lack of external political efficacy. Second, this is one of the first studies that assess who supports populism and why they do so. We show that populism is embedded in deep feelings of discontent, not only with politics but also with societal life in general. Moreover, we demonstrate that populism is strongest supported by stigmatized groups who face difficulties in finding a positive social identity. In the conclusion, we discuss the implications of our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the post–World War II urban crisis of "Black-on-Black crime" provides a case study for understanding the nuances of modern Black conservatism during the 1970s. It complicates how Black conservatism is commonly understood through a Republican lens by looking at mostly working- and middle-class Democrats in urban communities who remained loyal to the party while adopting conservative views about crime in their neighborhoods. Against the backdrop of civil rights and Black Power militancy, an invisible Black community of anticrime advocates adopted socially conservative views on crime that addressed their racialized, gendered, and socioeconomic experiences in postwar Black America. Their political ideology broadens the definition of Black conservatism to include race, gender, class, and local issues—especially crime—demonstrating its saliency among a wider swathe of the community that extends beyond Black Republicans or self-described conservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the structures, systems, rules and experiences of reporting on the British monarchy in the UK news today. The functions underpinning royal news are usually abstracted in the public imaginary. Using in-depth interviews with Royal Correspondents, and a broader understanding of royal news production, it explores the formal and informal agreements which shape reporting on royalty. The article addresses how the systems of royal news production significantly obstruct the ability to scrutinze the monarchy. The data illustrates the various frustrations of Royal Correspondents in terms of access, getting responses from the monarchy's Communications teams, and the potential professional risk of 'getting it wrong'. This has significant implications for questions of media, culture and ideology in the UK media, and the power afforded to the British monarchy in regulating its own media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition from a low-choice to a high-choice media environment has led to concerns about audience fragmentation, ideological enclaves, and selective exposure to partisan news media consistent with people's political preferences. However, previous research has mainly focused on two-party systems (e.g., the United States) and partisan news (e.g., Fox News or MSNBC), studied at single points in time. The aim of this paper is therefore to provide the most comprehensive study of which political preferences (ideological leaning, party support, and political interest) have driven selective exposure to public service news over thirty years, covering the transition from a low-choice to a high-choice media environment. Using an annual representative survey conducted from 1986 to 2015 in Sweden (n = 103,589), results suggest that (1) the ideological left and right have used public service news to the same extent over time and that (2) support for parties outside (rather than inside) parliament accounts for a large decline in public service news use over time. But most importantly, (3) those who lack political interest show the largest decline in public service news use, while public service news use has remained more stable among politically interested citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a new set of questions to analyse the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour in the 2015 Polish parliamentary elections. At these elections, voters faced a choice between two broad blocs: parties that accepted the "liberal-orthodox" model of post-communist politics, and those that rejected this model and the political elites associated with its implementation. I find that there is a coherent set of populist attitudes among the Polish electorate, and that it correlates with economic and cultural attitudes in ways consistent with the supply-side divide between liberal and anti-liberal parties. Analysis of the individual and combined impact of these attitudes on voting behaviour reveals that populism plays a significant role both in structuring the sentiments of voters towards particular kinds of political parties and in determining how they cast their vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sociological tradition of thinking about the middle class has made a very significant contribution to the understanding of politics in advanced contemporary societies. This paper approaches the case of Spain within a conceptual and empirical framework derived from that work. Its point of departure is that most analysis of social class in sociology and political science to date has relied on class schemes that attempt to explain single subjects or dimensions of particular phenomena. Political sociology, for example, has produced numerous single-dimension studies on issues such as voting, political participation, and political values or attitudes. These kinds of study tend to produce neat and unambiguous conclusions. A more nuanced picture emerges from the present study, which adopts an alternative, multidimensional analysis. The study compares the behaviour of social classes, and above all of fractions of the middle class, in each of the four areas of voting, political ideology, political participation, and political values. Doing so, the results present a much more complex picture of middle-class politics than has traditionally been available. The significance of these results is twofold. First, we see that an accurate description of the political behaviour of the middle class cannot be reduced to a dichotomous unitary versus heterogeneous dilemma, or to conservative versus leftist views, since the political stand of this social class is essentially 'ambivalent'. Secondly, these results strongly suggest that theoretical work on this and similar types of phenomena should more frequently take into account the complexity of actually observed behaviour, rather than relying on the often thinner or simpler patterns from which sociological knowledge has too often been derived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pluralism is frequently supported by heterodox economists, but their rationale for it is not always transparent. It could be advocated for strategic reasons, as a response to the institutional power of orthodoxy, or for fundamental reasons, as a program for how economics should best be done. This paper evaluates strategic pluralism, compares it with the alternative of strategic monism, and relates both strategies to long-term objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many deliberative theorists, the importance of a public exchange of reasons lies in its capacity to improve the quality of democratic decision making. The 1831-1832 debate over abolishing slavery in Virginia in the state’s House of Delegates raises the question of whether it can do so on its own. The bigotry of those opposing the abolition of Virginian slavery was matched only by the prejudice of those advocating for its end. This paper examines James Bohman’s sophisticated defense of deliberative democracy but argues for the value of negative and disclosive experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The consideration of cosmopolitanism in archaeology provides a useful lens for thinking about and expanding how to conceive of inter-regional interactions and experiences of belonging in the ancient world. Previous models in Mesoamerican archaeology often implicitly follow a cosmopolitanism of elite male citizens of the world. In incorporating a feminist perspective to the analysis of inter-regional relations, this paper examines Maya women's roles in cosmopolitan encounters during the Late Classic to Postclassic periods (ca. 600-1521 CE) with a particular focus on merchant women, clothing as a statement of belonging in a larger world, and the adoption of new cooking practices. Such a perspective underscores the ways in which inter-regional interactions in Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica may have been unevenly and contingently experienced, rather than homogenously adopted, and that the articulation of different worlds need not require everyone to be highly mobile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to provide insight into the mechanisms of familism in the landscapes of Hungarian non-governmental organizations (NGOs), public and higher education, and academia. By contextualizing the growing importance of familism as a governing ideology and an effective political tool used by the current government, aiming to offer an alternative to the insecurities rooted in economic restructuring and cultural transformation in eastern Europe in the last few decades, we show how "academic familism" and "NGO-familism," often intertwined, reproduce the ideological underpinnings of the Hungarian neoliberal gender regime. The article's novelty is in, first, revealing how recent institutionalization tendencies show that Hungarian academia, especially in the social sciences, is shifting to reproduce and legitimize familism, risking the autonomy of science even in the short term. Second, the study highlights the fact that besides some government-friendly NGOs dedicated to promoting familism, the ideology of the importance of families is strengthened even by some bottom-up civil organizations that campaign for a more inclusive family concept as a reaction to the government's idealization of nuclear, heterosexual, and marriage-based family formations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has become commonplace to argue that Benjamin Constant and Alexis de Tocqueville form a distinct French liberal tradition going back to Montesquieu. Yet Tocqueville showed little interest in Constant, and early nineteenth-century French liberals did not recognize Montesquieu as the father of French liberalism. Based on these observations, this essay demonstrates that the French liberal tradition is a belated construction and explains how, when, and why it was invented. Exhuming the origins of the French liberal tradition, I argue, is important for our understanding of the history of liberalism and the mechanisms behind ideology formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracism has become a topical issue in democracies around the world, eliciting debate in political theory and philosophy regarding its normative and practical implications, especially its potential negative effects on democratic systems. In this article, we analyse conspiracism through the lens of civility. The public virtue of civility plays a key role in democratic politics and in public life more generally, by helping to sustain democratic institutions and facilitating social interaction despite disagreement. If conspiracism undermines civility and contributes to incivility, as we argue in this article, that might have distinctively deleterious effects on democratic life. We begin by unpacking the concept of civility into three key dimensions: (a) civility as politeness, (b) moral civility and (c) justificatory civility. We then illustrate how conspiracism can contribute to incivility and harm democracy in each of the three dimensions but also how it can sometimes be harmless or even helpful for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1997 onwards the FCO was reshaped by New Labour. The removal of responsibility for overseas aid to a new Department of International Development ( DFID) was perhaps the most dramatic change. Successive cuts to the FCO budget and the progressive centralization of foreign-policy decision-making in Number 10 also had their effects, as did a series of government-directed reforms to recruitment practices. In an effort to make it more accountable to the public, the FCO was also bound by Public Service Agreements specifying targets for service delivery, publish Strategy Reports and mission statements, and Annual Departmental Reports setting benchmarks for performance. Together these reforms were designed to transform the FCO's culture, replacing inherited traditions of thought and practice with new ones believed better suited to contemporary world politics. This paper examines these inherited and new traditions, as well as the dilemmas they addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes critically the appeal the unpolitical is enjoying among contemporary political philosophers who are democracy's friends. Unlike a radical critique of democracy, what I propose to call "criticism from within," takes the form of dissatisfaction with the erosion of an independent mind and impartial judgment per effect of the partisan character of democratic politics. This paper proposes three main criticisms of the actual trend toward unpolitical views of democracy: the first points to the strategic use of deliberation as an antidote against democratic procedures themselves (like voting and majority rule); the second to the negative conception of democracy that the unpolitical aspiration makes visible; and the third to the dissolution of political judgment within a model of judgment that is tailored around justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rose's and Mishler and Rose's ‘hourglass’ construction of post-Soviet Russian society illustrates that the civil space traditionally occupied by advocacy and community groups continues to be constricted. Such groups fail to successfully bridge the space between the individual and the state, thereby holding the fledgling Russian democracy to account. In this paper, to shed light on reasons for the continuing constriction of Russian civil space, the behavior of the environmental movement in one Russian region — Samara Oblast — is observed through the lens of social capital. By utilizing Adler and Kwon's schema for assessing the benefits and risks arising from social capital stocks possessed by collectives, it will illustrate that the Russian environmental movement is inward looking and parochial; built on pre-existing friendships or elite connections; and uninterested in forming a mass movement or actively engaging with the Russian public. Moreover, rather than being situated within the constricted civil space of Russian society, the majority of groups within the Samara environmental movement are themselves situated firmly in either half of the hourglass. Groups within each half successfully span gaps between each other, but no activity is undertaken to bridge or reshape the constricted space between the halves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Will Kymlicka has argued that ‘democratic politics is politics in the vernacular’. Does this statement mean that democratic politics is impossible in a multilingual community, whether at the local, national, regional or global level? This paper discusses this assumption and maintains that democratic politics should imply the willingness of all players to make an effort to understand each other. Democratic politics depends on a willingness to overcome the barriers to mutual understanding, including the linguistic ones. Anytime that there is a community of fate, a democrat should search the available methods to allow deliberation according to the two key conditions of political equality and participation. If linguistic diversity is an obstacle to equality and participation, some methods should be found to overcome it, as it is exemplified by the Esperanto metaphor. The paper illustrates the argument with four cases of multilinguistic political communities: (1) a school in California with English-speaking and Spanish-speaking students; (2) the city of Byelostok in the second half of the nineteenth century, where four different linguistic communities (Polish, Russian, German and Yiddish) coexisted. This led Markus Zamenhof to invent Esperanto; (3) the linguistic problems of the Indian state and the role played by English – a language unspoken by the majority of the Indian population in 1947 – in developing Indian democracy; and (4) the case of the European Parliament, with 20 languages and a wealth of interpreters and translators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the outcome of the 2001 and 2005 general elections, when the numbers of abstainers outweighed the numbers of Labour voters on both occasions, much attention has focused upon the state of British democracy and how to enthuse the electorate, especially young people. Whilst the government is exploring ways to make the whole process of voting easier, it may be failing to tackle the real problem – that youth appear to find the business of politics uninviting and irrelevant. This paper examines data derived from a nationwide survey of more than 700 young people in order to shed light on what lies at the heart of young people's apparent disengagement from formal politics in Britain – political apathy or a sense of political alienation. The findings reveal that they support the democratic process, but are sceptical of the way the British political system is organised and led and are turned off by politicians and the political parties. However, there is no uniform youth orientation to politics, and the data indicate that views differ according to social class, educational history and also gender. However both ethnicity and region of the country in which young people live seem to have little influence in structuring political attitudes and behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a preliminary attempt to evaluate changing patterns of democratic governance, at least in Westminster-style parliamentary settings, and possibly more generally. It has two specific purposes: first, to propose a paradigm for evaluating the empirical evolution of democratic governance; and second, to illustrate the explanatory potential of this paradigm through a mini-case study of changing patterns of governance in one particular polity. The conceptual framework is drawn from March and Olsen's eponymous study (1995) from which polar (‘thick’ and‘thin’) forms of democratic governance are derived. Four conjectures about its evolution are then explored. First, in its mass party phase, the pattern of democratic governance approximated the‘thick’ pole. Second, the subsequent evolution of democratic politics has been in the direction of the‘thin’ (minimalist or populist) pole. Third, the cause of this shift was a failure to adapt political institutions to changing citizen identities, which was masked by the ascendancy amongst political elites of the neo-liberal account of governance. Fourth, the paper considers the means by which democratic governance might be renewed. The approach is applied to explain changes in Australian politics over recent decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Law of Freedom in a Platform was Gerrard Winstanley's final published work. It appeared in February 1652, nearly two years after the dissolution of the ‘Digger’ commune in Surrey of which he had been the principal spokesperson. The book is said to differ markedly from his previous writings. In particular, his depiction of a disciplinary state apparatus is contrasted to his earlier rejection of state authority, and his appeal to a utopian legislator (Cromwell) is contrasted to his earlier emphasis on the self-emancipation of the poor. In accounting for this shift of position, commentators often refer to the ‘bitter’ experience of the Diggers’ defeat. Confronted everywhere by ignorance and persecution, Winstanley came to realize that institutionalized discipline was required to counter human imperfection and that emancipation could only come from the top down. This paper questions such an argument. It suggests that in almost every respect The Law of Freedom remained consistent with Winstanley's other writings and that no transformation in his thought took place. What apparent differences there were stemmed from the challenges presented by the utopian genre, and the paper concludes by arguing that Winstanley's achievement lies in his having risen to these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines whether managers' political orientation, which reflects their risk preferences, is associated with firms' stock price crash risk. We find that stock price crash risk is lower when corporate managers have more conservative political ideologies, and the results are robust to controls for other determinants of crash risk. We use Heckman two-stage model and employ difference-in-differences research design around executive turnovers to show that our results are not simply driven by potential endogeneity. We also document that the relation between managerial political orientation and stock price crash risk is stronger when external monitoring is weaker. JEL Classifications : G12; G14; M41. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines the features of a reconceptualised sovereignty. It offers an alternative to the view of sovereignty which has been pronounced dead, diminished or redundant. Two points in particular represent a contribution to the contemporary debate on sovereignty. First, the paper details the liberal character of orthodox state sovereignty. It identifies the correspondence between liberal principles and the features of state sovereignty and extends a critique of liberalism to those features. It then becomes possible to indicate the liberal basis of several intractable problems with state sovereignty. Second, the paper brings together aspects of the work of an important and heterogeneous group of writers, whose insights are employed to develop an alternative conceptualisation of sovereignty and to highlight some of the lacunae of the liberal conception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although some conventional liberal democratic regimes are likely to become consolidated in Latin America, the dominant pattern is better understood as ‘democracy by default’, and in a few cases little more than ‘facade democracy’ is to be expected. This paper reviews the major factors accounting for the fragility, instability and policy ineffectiveness of many of these new regimes. Although current fiscal crises lend some plausibility to the ‘neo-liberal’ analyses of democratization, the paper argues that in the longer run consolidated democracies will tend to develop a range of ‘social democratic’, participatory and interventionist features that are at variance with the neo-liberal model. Latin American nation-states are relatively well integrated and contain a stock of human and social resources that should favour constitutional outcomes, so that although many of these new democracies will remain provisional and incomplete for the time being, they possess the potential for subsequent extension and entrenchment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberal democracy is liberalized democracy; that is. democracy defined and structured within the limits set by liberalism. The paper outlines the constitutive features of liberalism and shows how they determined the form and content of democracy and gave rise to liberal democracy as we know it today. It then goes on to argue that liberal democracy is specific to a particular cultural context and cannot claim universal validity. This, however, does not lead to cultural relativism as it is possible to formulate universal principles that every good government should respect. The paper offers one way of reconciling universalism and cultural diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines Hobbes's doctrine of representation and argues that implicit in this doctrine is the modern notion of the people as the constituent power of the state. Attention is focused on the progressive evolution of Hobbes's ideas about the multitude, the people, and the constitution of political unity, and on the connection between his doctrine of political representation and his concept of personality. The paper ends by assessing the compatibility of Hobbes's concept of the people as constituent power and his concept of the commonwealth by acquisition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his discussion of the forms of legitimate domination Weber notes that rational, legal domination is frequently combined with an important element of plebiscitarian democracy. He also suggests that the fact that the chief may be represented as the servant or agent of the people "naturally does nothing whatever to disprove the quality of dominance" (Weber 1978, p. 215). The element of democracy, then, does not mean here that the people rule. Rather it serves in the legitimation of a distinctively modern form of rule that combines a bureaucratic state and significant elements of charismatic domination. Ideas of popular sovereignty and the considerably weaker idea of the mandate are certainly invoked in these societies, and not only when elections are in the air. They play a significant part in political life, but they do not describe it properly. Weber's argument on this point exemplifies an important cautionary thesis concerning the role of ideas in social life. There is a clear sense in which ideas about the workings of particular social institutions may be embedded in the social institutions themselves and may function as essential lubricants in their day-to-day activities, but it does not follow that those ideas properly describe the institutions in which they operate. The ideas of democracy and popular sovereignty are well-known examples. Another example is the idea of politics as class struggle, which has played an important part in socialist and labor movement politics for much of the modern period. This paper makes a similar point about the idea of the person as rational actor. It is a ubiquitous component of Western social thought, figuring prominently both in the life of modern societies and in our attempts to make sense of it. The first part of this paper identifies what is involved in that idea. Next I go on to use a more general model of the actor, considered simply as a locus of decision and action, to under- mine the idea of the person as rational actor. It is necessary to distinguish 1) a capacity to employ conceptual tools and devices to construct a connected chain of reasoning or argumentation, and 2) the rationality (or otherwise) of the tools employed. What matters is to investigate what those tools and other devices are, rather than to make any prior assumptions about their rationality. The final section considers the implications of this argument for our understanding of what Weber calls the "specific and peculiar rationalism of modern culture" (1978, p. 26). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the major theoretical arguments that link political democracy with economic inequality. is then shows that previous empirical analyses of the linkage have produced inconclusive results because they have suffered from specification. measurement, and sample-composition problems. A non recursive mode! is proposed that overcomes many of these limitations. Using 2SLS and a new weighted 2SLS procedure, we find no evidence of direct effects of political democracy on income inequality, or vice versa. However, economic development influences both variables, while world-system position, Protestantism, and British colonial experience affects political democracy. Population age-structure and systematic measurement error induce changes in income inequality. The paper concludes with a discussion both of the flaws in prior arguments linking democracy with inequality, and of the political processes that undermine any such linkage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper Wallis' theory of sectarianization is applied to data collected on the Divine Light Mission, a contemporary cultic movement of the American youth culture. Its development is discussed in terms of intra-organizational changes with- in the social context of American pluralism. The movement's short history to date largely substantiates Wallis' writings concerning the effects of cultic fragility, sectarianizing strategies and organizational constraints on movement development. The paper contributes to recent conceptual. writings within the sociology of religion on youth culture movements in modern Western societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary scholars routinely argue colonialism and imperialism are indistinguishable. In this essay, I challenge this argument. While it is true the "colonial" and "imperial" overlap and intersect historically, I argue there is a central thread of modern colonialism as an ideology that can be traced from the seventeenth century to mid-twentieth century that was not only distinct from—but often championed in explicit opposition to—imperialism. I advance my argument in four parts. First, I identify key ways in which the colonial can be distinguished from the imperial, including most importantly the specific kind of productive power inherent in colonialism. Second, I examine how colonialism and imperialism evolve in meaning and are redefined by both champions and critics, in relation to each other in the late nineteenth/early twentieth centuries. Third, I examine the historical moment when colonialism and imperialism fully conflate after WWII through the UN process of decolonization as the "salt water thesis" delimits colonialism to mean foreign racialized domination, and it thus becomes synonymous with imperialism. I conclude with an analysis of why the distinction still matters in both theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study assessed the effects of different message framing strategies on average Americans' attitude towards interventions in humanitarian crises abroad. Two survey experiments were conducted via Qualtrics between late 2019 and early 2020, where participants were randomly assigned to read a mock news story about a foreign humanitarian crisis written using one of the three framing techniques. Results of both studies indicated that the framing effect on respondents' support for intervention interacted with ones' political ideology and prompted distinctive reactions among different populations. Most intriguingly, the results of Study 2, which employed a non-student sample and a secondary frame, suggested that the specific order of message framings also influences public opinion towards humanitarian intervention. These findings contribute to the growing body of literature on the persuasiveness of message design and framing in the context of military humanitarian interventions (MHI). Accordingly, news organizations and policymakers are encouraged to consider these findings in specific contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Landscape Convention has brought up the question of democracy in relation to landscape transformation, but without a clear definition of democracy. This paper conceptualises democracy in relation to three main sets of values related to self-determination, co-determination and respect for argument. It examines various methods that have been used to try to make landscape decisions more democratic. In the last part of the paper the connoisseur method is introduced. This method emphasises stakeholder participation in deliberative processes with a particular focus on place-based knowledge. It has been used in Sweden as a means of involving local stakeholders in the democratic process of defining goals and objectives of their landscapes. In the conclusion, this method is recommended despite its dependence on favourable conditions, particularly continuity and commitment, and a few suggestions about possible improvements are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tech industry profoundly impacts our lives and has gained great economic and political influence. Yet, we know little about the people inside tech firms, whose actions and decisions shape technological progress and its impact on society. What is of particular relevance is their opinions and beliefs about the proper order of society and the societal role of tech firms – that is to say, their political ideologies. The few existing studies on this topic mainly concentrate on tech leaders. Our study shifts attention to the workers who develop the technology. Numerous works highlight their influence on the affordances of technology and decisions taken by their firms. Our quantitative analysis of campaign contributions shows that American tech workers exhibit a unique combination of left-wing (liberal) and anti-establishment attitudes. Moreover, we expose a substantial ideological divide between tech workers and their leaders. We discuss these findings in relation to the development of new technologies, employee activism, and tech workers as a distinct class fraction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The way that the economy, politics and ideology interact to maintain stability or bring about change is a central concern for political economy. The social bloc perspective, as elaborated by Amable and Palombarini, provides a promising framework with which to address this question due to its attempt to combine an emphasis on the economic structure with a more central role for politics and ideology. This article argues, however, that the social bloc perspective still retains a rather functional understanding of these two concepts. We contend that a neo-Gramscian approach focusing on hegemonic struggles and adopting a complex conceptualisation of class can overcome these functionalist tendencies, because it perceives politics and ideology as crucial factors in the formation of social groups and the emergence and actions of social blocs. We further claim that a neo-Gramscian approach has broader applicability. To ground our claims empirically, we analyse a case which cannot be accounted for by the social bloc perspective. This is a case in which two social blocs composing different social groups with rivalling worldviews shared some meaningful ideological beliefs and cooperated politically to realise them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, I call for a re-consideration of anarchism and its alternative ways of conceptualising spaces for radical politics. Here I apply a Lacanian analysis of the social imaginary to explore the utopian fantasies and desires that underpin social spaces, discourses and practices – including planning, and revolutionary politics. I will go on to develop – via Castoriadis and others – a distinctly post-anarchist conception of political space based around the project of autonomy and the re-situation of the political space outside the state. This will have direct consequences for an alternative conception of planning practice and theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The persistent claims of indigenous peoples across the world for recognition of their distinctive culture, ownership of land and empowerment of their traditional political institutions have been brought into international forums since the 1970s. Despite the fact that the movement brought different levels of "recognition" of indigenous peoples as distinct groups with varying degrees of entitlements, there are contrasting paradigms. The rhetoric politics of recognition under the tenets of democracy and protection of human rights on the one hand, and the increasing trend in ideologies of developmentalism that increased the scale of "development" projects on traditional lands of indigenous peoples on the other, are the major contradictory trends. While the former puts nation states and international institutions under incompatible policy options, the latter makes indigenous peoples prey to "neo-development" approaches. This paper assesses background contexts of some indigenous peoples' claims for resource rights and the challenges they face in achieving recognition, by addressing competing perspectives on the ideologies of developmentalism and international human rights as related to indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]