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The notion that the Howard Government (1996-2007) used silencing dissent within Australian civil society as a key tool of political control is not new and has been explored elsewhere. This paper argues that while the Howard Government demonstrated a weakening support for civil society organisations and attempted to delegitimise the role of Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) in the public sphere, the Abbott Government displayed some significant differences. Their approach moved beyond this to undermine key elements of Australian democracy. The government attempted to shrink, delegitimise and criminalise the advocacy and democratic purposes of NGOs and civil society. Crucial access to the judicial system for NGOs was limited by defunding of organisations that supported civil society to access legal mechanisms. In this way, the independence of the public service and of universities was challenged and compromised. These actions suggest a waning commitment to a public battle of ideas and a rethinking of the relationship between government, citizens and civil society. In this case, it represents a significant attempt to re-mark Australian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores political and poverty situation in Australia. It describes measurement of relative and absolute poverty rates in the country based on the concept introduced by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). The population that are deemed more likely to live in poverty include young people, women, and aboriginal people. It also discusses strategies being taken by the Australian government to reduce poverty which include provision of welfare payments and redistribution of income.

The article discusses the use of social media to force the Australian government to change its policy during the 2011 live export cattle crisis. Large number of Facebook sites were created following the television broadcasting of a video of Australian cattle being slaughtered in Indonesia contrary to government standards. The government temporarily banned live exports of cattle in response to the pressure from social media users. Social media proponents recommend the use of the platform to promote accountability, transparency and public engagement with political institutions.

The article discusses the internet in Australian election campaigns, examining its use as a source of campaign information and a means of electoral communication. Using survey data from the Australian Election Study (AES), the article looks at the number of voters who have used the internet to get news during Federal election years between 1998 and 2010. The article discusses how the use of the internet could change political participation, examining how voters can limit the information they access, the socio-demographics of voters who use the internet, and democratic engagement.

The article discusses the results of the 2010 federal election in Australia, focusing on the fact that the Australian Labor Party (ALP) did not win. This resulted in a minority ALP government supported by independent members of parliament (MPs), many of whom represent rural communities. This is said to serve as an opportunity to promote unorthodox economic ideas which are popular in rural communities but unpopular among political elites. Arguments are presented that several such ideas have previously proved influential outside Australia, and that independent MPs should resist pressures to conform to majority views on economic policies.

The article discusses methods of political activism. It notes that traditional activism has focused on mobilizing support, advocating for rights, and taking direct action in the hope of forcing decision makers to accede to activist demands. The author discusses his personal experience with such activism, in a case involving an Australian uranium mine. He argues that activists would generally meet with more success by focusing on communications skills, particularly listening and negotiation. The benefits of facilitating a more collaborative approach to activism are emphasized.

The article examines the use of carbon trading to reduce the rate of tropical deforestation, to offset the impact of climate change and global warming, and to reduce the risks to biodiversity. The author notes that money devoted to carbon trading will become the largest source of investment in tropical conservations and cites a significant commitment by the Australian government to reduce deforestation in the Asia-Pacific area. A number of topics are addressed including the reasons behind the efficacy of carbon trading, the difficulties faced by carbon trading, and plans to reduce carbon emissions.

This article discusses the potential impact of interpreting water use restrictions as criminal acts. An underemphasis on the ecological impact of water use is described as one issue limiting the scope of restriction enforcement. The author believes that ecological issues are ignored because the framework for communicating drought risks is anthropocentric in its focus. Anthropomorphic approaches to risk and harm communication are compared to eco-centric and bio-centric understandings of the issue. The reframing of harm as a bio-centric or an eco-centric issue is presented as an opportunity to communicate the true scope of harm done by wasting water.

This article discusses issues relating to water resource distribution in Australia as it incorporates citizen participation. The reform of national water policy is presented as an exercise that has claimed to increase public participation. Issues relating to the development of market mechanisms that limit the public role in water resource planning are noted. The localization of authority for defining the nature of public participation is presented as one factor in the determination of citizen participation in the setting of water policy. Neoliberal interpretations of citizen participation are described in terms of their preference for the creation of a national market for water resources.

This article discusses the foreign relations platform of the Australian Labor Party in the 2007 federal election. The position of the ALP on international engagement, alliance with the U.S., and multilateral approaches to international negotiation are addressed. The adaptation of this position to agree with the opposition of many Australian voters to the continued engagement of Australian troops in Iraq is noted. ALP campaign promises to withdraw from Iraq while reinforcing the presence of Australia as a regional power are considered. Regionally, Australia hopes to link the power of developed countries with the needs of developing countries. Plans for the Australian government to reengage with multilateral approaches to foreign policy such as the Kyoto protocol are also assessed.

This article discusses the effect of neoliberalism on party platforms regarding schools funding during the 2007 Australian federal election. The encouragement of privatisation in discussions of educational policy by both the Liberal/National coalition and the Labor party is described. The market orientation and emphasis on managerial responsibility in discussions of political issues surrounding school funding in Australia is assessed. This approach to educational administration is framed in terms of a national scepticism toward what is viewed as welfare spending. The position of the Australian political parties on school vouchers is related to the role of individualism in Australian policy debates.

This article discusses a 2007 Australian House of Representatives inquiry into the impact of illicit drug use on families. In this inquiry, the Liberal/Nationals coalition took a position that prioritized punishment over harm reduction. The rhetoric surrounding this policy development is considered. The scope of the committee, which intended to analyse the impact of drug use on families and the mental health issues surrounding drug use, is considered. The polarisation of Australian debates over drug use is framed in terms of the prioritisation of testimony by prohibitionist lobbying groups such as the Lyons Forum and Drug-Arm Australasia in the committee hearings.

This article discusses issues of industrial relations in the 2007 Australian federal elections. The use of mass media to emphasize the differences between the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the coalition of the Nationals and the Liberal Party of Australia is described. The differences between the two political positions centered around the WorkChoices program developed by the Liberal Prime Minister John Howard. The inclusion of new media broadcasting, such as the online social networking Web site www.facebook.com in the discussion of industrial relations is noted.

This article discusses political discussions of tax policy that occurred during the 2008 federal elections in Australia. The coalition government of the Nationals and the Liberal Party emphasized their economic success by presenting their tax cuts during that campaign. The response of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) suggested that the approach of the governing coalition was financially irresponsibly. The success of the labor response is framed in terms of the ALP's emphasis on responsibility. The author suggests that this success was based on appearances and actual policy differences between the candidates were marginal.

This article discusses the young voters theory, which was developed by Ben Eltham, suggesting that the Australian Labor Party (ALP) won the 2007 federal government elections because of their efforts to mobilize voters under 35. The use networking through an independent campaign site and involvement with the online social network at www.facebook.com is noted. The author discusses the lack of interactive approaches to the use of the Internet in the mobilization of young voters. The coalition of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the ALP in opposition to WorkChoices, the economic program of Liberal Prime Minister John Howard, is described. The responses presented by the Australian Liberal Party candidate, treasury secretary Peter Costello, are also addressed.

This article explores the implications of the 2007 federal election in Australia as it effects the National Party, which changed its name to the Nationals in 2003. The declining support for this party in federal elections is framed as a function of the declining importance of the rural economy and agricultural values in that country. While all of the remaining Nationals in parliament are from rural areas, they now only represent a minority of legislative districts in those areas. The fact that the seats held by the Nationals are located in Eastern Australian states such as New South Wales, Queensland, and Victoria is noted. The political fortunes of the Nationals are addressed in terms of the growth of urbanisation and the decline of protectionism in Australian politics.

This article reports on the deemphasis on political correctness in Australia related to the government of former Prime Minister John Howard. Minority groups in Australia were adversely affected by regressive government policies related to progressive social policy. The article discusses how Howard's administration reacted to social movements for women, homosexual people, and indigenous and ethnic groups. Information on Australian immigration, social marginality, funding for non-government organizations, economic liberalism, and social conservatism is also provided.

This article reports on non-government organisations (NGOs) in Australia and their relation to the government of former Prime Minister John Howard. Typically, NGOs in Australia serve to represent minority and marginal groups that need advocacy. The article discusses how these groups were challenged by Howard's policies and changed under his government's leadership. The article also discusses how Prime Minister Kevin Rudd is expected to interact with NGOs during his tenure starting in 2007. Information is provided on diversity and democracy in Australia, as well as volunteers, advocacy restrictions, and governing through communities.

This article reports on Australian civil society, labour laws, and capital in the 2000s. The article discusses former Prime Minister John Howard's government and how it damaged occupational health and safety in the country and discouraged workers. Information is provided on Howard's Commonwealth occupational health and safety legislation, risk management, and industrial manslaughter. Additionally, the article discusses how state-supported neglect related to workplace abuse was foreshadowed before the 1940s. The article also speculated on the government of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd.

This article reports on the use of humor and satire in the political climate of former Australian Prime Minister John Howard's administration. As the government attempted to quell dissent, humor was used to engage the public, critique politics and politicians, and highlight the absurd in Australia. The article discusses the stunts performed by performance group The Chaser and the pranks pulled on the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). Information is also provided on civil society, civic engagement, neo-liberalism, and moral geography.

This article reports on concerns of political disengagement and disenchantment related to Australia's government in the 2000s. It is believed that the 2007 election of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd following the departure of former Prime Minister John Howard could result in the re-engagement of Australian citizens. The article discusses the reasons for the public dissatisfaction and civil society. Information is also provided on Australian elections, voting, partisanship, and the roles of commentators and the electorate. Tables demonstrating election results are presented as well.

This article reports on the role of truth in democracy and the role of public opinion in the government of former Australian Prime Minister John Howard. While the concept of a fragile democracy is more common in developing nations, a democracy's success in a developed country can still be threatened. The article discusses how a loss of public trust in political institutions can weaken a state and deplete social capital. It is argued that Howard's government constricted public opinion and weakened the country. Information is also provided on public policy-making, cynicism, and civil society.

This article reports on civil society in Australia between 1996 and 2007 related to former Prime Minister John Howard. The article discusses Howard's neo-conservative ideology and Liberal-National coalition, noting his views on political correctness. Howard's administration is also discussed in terms of immigration, multiculturalism, indigenous land rights, othering, and Islamaphobia. Information on the effect of Islamaphobia on Australian perceptions and the treatment of Muslims is also provided.

The article offers information on the nuclear campaigns in the 1970s in Australia. Nuclear power advocates claimed that nuclear power was essential for the country's growth. However, anti-nuclear activists had mounted highly effective campaigns that led to the stagnation or termination of the nuclear programs in most countries. The author claims that nuclear accidents and disposal of long-lived radioactive waste have had the greatest public impact worldwide. In Australia, arguments about proliferation have been prominent because of the country's primary role in the exportation of uranium.

The article examines the arguments used by proponents to justify their promotion of nuclear energy production in Australia. These proponents use various techniques to legitimize the risks inherent with nuclear energy production. They believe that nuclear power will play a vital role in the sustainable energy future debate in the country. According to the federal government and other nuclear energy supporters, the nuclear option is an integral part of combating the global climate change crisis as a safe and clean alternative to fossil fuel-based energy production.

The article focuses on the political debate over the role of Australia in nuclear fuel cycle activities. The debate over the issue has broadened to include concerns on uranium enrichment, nuclear power, and the potential to host an international nuclear waste repository. The author emphasizes that the issues have sociopolitical and environmental implications. The federal government has been a vocal advocate of uranium mining, enrichment, and nuclear power. He explains that the one of the government's motives is the promotion of potentially profitable ventures.

The article examines the nuclear power agenda of Australian Prime Minister John Howard. Howard has suggested that the country could become an energy superpower because of the abundance of uranium resources in the area. Moreover, his nuclear agenda is intended to enhance the country's role in nuclear industry. Part of his agenda is increasing the Australian uranium exports, the building of nuclear power plants along the coast line, and the construction of a uranium enrichment plant. However, Howard's approach has caused concern among the neighbors and will have negative implications for regional security.

The article addresses Australia's perspective on nuclear weapon production and acquisition during the 1950s and 60s. It considers the shifting debates from the 1970s onwards, during which support for production or acquisition in the country has waned although Australia remains complicit in weapons proliferation through its alliance with the U.S. military and the operations of the Australia Nuclear Science and Technology Organization. The author sees that the country has no intention of pursuing nuclear weapon production despite its plan of purchasing a new nuclear reactor. However, support that Australia should maintain nuclear expertise for expediting weapons production at some stage in the future is still considered.

This article introduces the journal with a discussion of the significance of the 2007 Australian federal election for the Labor Party.

This article discusses the political position held by the Green Party of Australia in the 2007 federal elections in Australia. The Australian Electoral Commission's lack of publicity for preferential and plural voting arrangements in some Australian states, also referred to as tertiary qualifications, is cited as one reason for the outcome. The successful presentation of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) as the party of environmental justice is also cited as a concern. The public perception of the Green party as a single-issue environmentalist party is also addressed. The position of the Greens among the minor parties in the federal and Queensland elections is assessed.

This article presents the authors' views on social conditions in Australia after the administration of former Prime Minister John Howard. The authors reflect on the federal government of Australia in 2008 under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and note the differences between the two leaders. Concepts of civil society, democratic processes, and duty are also explored.