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The primary aim of this article is to present the rule of law universalism as a relevant theoretical and socio-political issue that critical legal thought needs to contend with. In order to do so, this issue is described through a Marxist theoretical framework, which aids in identifying the consequences of this universalism. Furthermore, the Marxist theoretical framework is suggested as a countermeasure that allows for going beyond it. The rule of law universalism is analysed as a process connected to establishing hegemony and status quo that affects both the way the law is thought of and practiced. The post-communist context serves in fleshing out some of these consequences. Although the transition is not the main subject of inquiry, it is a starting point to a set of philosophical questions directed towards the rule of law universalism, mainly regarding historical embeddedness and socio-political dependency of the rule of law. The transitional context illustrates the tension between the rule of law treated as a generalized blueprint and the reality it is introduced to. The method of approach to this tension argued for in this paper is Marxian theorization of concept as an interplay between concrete and abstract that underlies historical materialism. This movement within concept is juxtaposed to the universalism. The philosophical investigations are followed by findings from Marxist legal theory that pinpoint the importance of concrete interventions into the legal theory that abate its ever-growing abstractness. In particular, the import of knowledges and practices divorced from the capitalist system is brought into focus. The paper concludes with a brief assessment of the possibility of overturning the rule of law universalism and a discussion on the emancipatory potential of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just as Quine and others have argued for a deflationism about the property of truth, Sinan Dogramaci has argued for a deflationism about rationality. Specifically, Dogramaci claims that we have no reason to think that the basic, deductive, epistemic rules we call "rational" have any sort of "unifying property." A "unifying property" is a property that is necessary, sufficient, and explanatorily illuminating. My goal in this paper is to undermine Dogramaci's argument for this radical position. I do this by first outlining Dogramaci's distinctive view on the function of our epistemically evaluative terms. This view, called epistemic communism, has it that the function of terms like "rational" is to support the coordination of our community on a single set of epistemic rules. I offer a reconstruction of Dogramaci's argument from epistemic communism to deflationism about rationality. I next raise an objection to Dogramaci's argument: different sets of epistemic rules do not equally support the coordinative function. Dogramaci has a response to this objection, but I argue that this response is less than satisfactory. I illustrate that this response is unsatisfactory by employing work by David Enoch and Joshua Schechter. After pushing my objection to Dogramaci's argument, I develop, on Dogramaci's behalf, an objection to my non-deflationary attempt to undermine his argument. In the final section of the paper, I reply to this objection offered on Dogramaci's behalf and conclude that whether we are epistemic communists or not, we need not accept deflationism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existentialism and existentialist thinkers enjoyed sustained interest in Hungary under communist rule. From the late 1940s to the late 1980s, this branch of "bourgeois philosophy" never ceased to generate renewed attention. However, this reception was not subsumed into the ideological orthodoxy, nor was it simply destined to fuel Marxist–Leninist criticism. Whereas Georg Lukács's polemics with existentialism in the 1940s set the agenda to embrace a highly critical reception, it was precisely Sartre's influence in the 1960s that had opened the door for a more open-minded Marxist reading of existentialist thinkers in Hungary. This paper seeks to reconstruct the intellectual motifs and contexts that underlie this uncommon development. In focusing predominantly on the period of the 1960–1980s, I am particularly interested in exploring Lukács's role in the changing attitude towards existentialism in Hungary; the controversies between various Marxist approaches dealing with existentialist thinkers and the ways which the influence of Sartre, de Beauvoir, and Camus in literary circles influenced the tenor of their philosophical reception. Through this exploration, I will seek to provide a deep insight into one of the richest intellectual landscapes of the philosophical culture in state socialist Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The famous German author and playwright Bertolt Brecht lived in exile in Denmark from 1933 to 1939. During the last years of his stay, he was directly and indirectly involved with physicists at Niels Bohr's Institute for Theoretical Physics in Copenhagen. In the spring of 1938, he had a meeting with Christian Møller concerning his plan to write what became The Life of Galileo. Later, in the early months of 1939, Brecht became aware of and interested in the discovery of uranium fission, in part spurred by a radio broadcast with Møller and other physicists. The paper reconstructs what happened in Copenhagen and discusses how the events influenced Brecht's writing of Galileo and his views on science and society. It also reconsiders how he was to some extent inspired by Albert Einstein and made theatrical use of the ideas of the great physicist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper measures social mobility rates in Hungary during the period 1949 to 2017, using surnames to measure social status. In those years, there were two very different social regimes. The first was the Hungarian People's Republic (1949–1989), which was a communist regime with an avowed aim of favouring the working class. The second is the modern liberal democracy (1989–2017), which is a free-market economy. We find five surprising things. First, social mobility rates were low for both upper- and lower-class families during 1949–2017, with an underlying intergenerational status correlation of 0.6–0.8. Second, social mobility rates under communism were the same as in the subsequent capitalist regime. Third, the Romani minority throughout both periods showed even lower social mobility rates. Fourth, the descendants of the eighteenth-century noble class in Hungary were still significantly privileged in 1949 and later. And fifth, although social mobility rates did not change measurably during the transition, the composition of the political elite changed rapidly and sharply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explain the behavior of certain religious organizations in countries with severe regulation that limits the religious market, such as those under communist rule. Religious organizations in those countries sometimes choose to operate both legally and illegally. The model proposed here shows that such behavior may increase the consumer welfare of religionists compared to solely legal or illegal provision of religious services. It assumes that religious organizations maximize the consumer surplus of their adherents. The choice of a religious organization between legal and illegal provision of religious services depends on the costs of religious participation imposed by the government and the set-up costs of dual operation. As an illustration, the paper accounts for the different response of the Catholic Church to restrictions imposed by the communists in Poland and Czechoslovakia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1942 Robert K. Merton tried to demonstrate the structure of the normative system of science by specifying the norms that characterized it. The norms were assigned the abbreviation CUDOs: Communism, Universalism, Disinterestedness, and Organized skepticism. Using the results of an on-line survey of climate scientists concerning the norms of science, this paper explores the climate scientists' subscription to these norms. The data suggests that while Merton's CUDOs remain the overall guiding moral principles, they are not fully endorsed or present in the conduct of climate scientists: there is a tendency to withhold results until publication, there is the intention of maintaining property rights, there is external influence defining research and the tendency to assign the significance of authored work according to the status of the author rather than content of the paper. These are contrary to the norms of science as proposed by Robert K. Merton. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I examine a Chinese family's oral history, which revolves around their tumultuous life transformations under the impact of China's communist movement between 1940 and 1977. Using interviews with four siblings who have distinctive personalities and life narratives, I focus on how they apply fatalistic thinking—a phenomenon popular among ordinary Chinese but is rarely analyzed by scholars—to make sense of the vicissitudes of the fates of the family members. I position the Chinese family's oral history in macro and micro contexts. In the macro context, since the land reform in 1940s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had attempted to replace peasants' fatalistic thinking with class analysis to explain the roots of hardships in their lives. As the communist movement and class struggle receded, fatalistic thinking—which has never been eradicated—revived. In the micro context, fatalistic thinking is expressed through distinctive memories and narratives, which are linked to personalities and identities. I argue that fatalistic thinking is a mean of self-construction that people consciously or unconsciously resort to when facing absurdity. By using fatalistic thinking, people develop narratives about the self and create a sense of mental balance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of our paper is on the changing status of female authors in post-Yugoslav literary canons caused by feminist interventions. We will point to the broader context of the fall of communism and the decomposition of socialist Yugoslavia, its transition to capitalism and the reintroduction of feminism. We will discuss the different aspects of the politicization of the national canon ranging from pointing to its gender bias, and the restoration of female authors, who have not been part of the canon. Then we will point to the political function of the literary canon in (re)constructing post-socialist, post-Yugoslav national identities and the supporting of female authors as part of the process of European-integration, as well as the possibilities of experimental writing in post-Yugoslav literatures. The essential thing will be to point to feminist reception of post-Yugoslav literatures as an important part of the processes of reconciliation after the Yugoslav war in the first part of the 1990s. In the final part of the paper, we will discuss the anxieties caused by feminism and the stance of most female authors who seek the diversification of female literary production which will move between the positions of particularity and universality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The early works of Merab Mamardashvili are usually neglected by admirers and critics alike. In this paper, I focus on the very early period of Mamardashvili's development as a professional philosopher putting it in the context of the thinker's interactions with the intellectual community in 1950s and then current discussions about the perspectives of professional philosophy in the USSR. Special attention is paid to a small society of dedicated young philosophers (known as Diastankury) with whom he shared logical and philosophical interests. In the paper, I trace their influence on young Mamardashvili's perception of his own professional tasks in the period when he was busy with the development of dialectical logic. In the final part of the article, I explore the emergence of Mamardashvili's original ideas about history of philosophy and propose the appropriate methods with which to study it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linus Pauling, a Nobel Laureate in Chemistry, should have been a prize for any university. Yet, he was denied a position at the University of California, Santa Barbara, in 1964. His liberal activism apparently was too much for university officials to stomach; the McCarthy period still cast a dismal shadow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Turmoil in the Taiwan Strait addresses Ambassador Wellington Koo's role in Chinese foreign policy from 1953 to 1956 and his relevance in the larger Cold War context. In particular, it focuses on Koo's involvement in the 1954 Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty and the 1955 Dachen Islands Crisis. This paper argues that, although Koo accomplished a fair amount during this time, he would have encountered fewer professional obstacles had he not represented Chiang Kai-Shek, who had become a controversial figure by the mid-1950s. At the same time, one can conclude that Koo creatively used media and meetings with statesmen abroad to shore up support for the Republic of China during this turbulent decade. This article attempts to provide another perspective on Koo, who has traditionally been understudied in the West. Furthermore, this work seeks to add a meaningful contribution to the historiography on cross-strait relations-particularly in the contemporary era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines a brief stretch of the career of the noted sociologist Lewis S. Feuer, paying particular attention to his relationship to Communism during the thirties and forties. With the aid of archival sources, it reconstructs several key episodes of his political involvement that help to explain his eventual deradicalization. This essay first considers Feuer's geopolitical outlook at the beginning of the Second World War, demonstrating the extent to which his views accorded with the official stance of the Communist Party. It then details Feuer's experience as an American soldier stationed in New Caledonia, highlighting his independent efforts to abolish forced labor under the French colonial regime. These previously unexamined aspects of his early life shed new light on his later struggles to define himself politically. The purpose of this essay is to complicate Feuer's posthumous memory, which has been overshadowed by his belated neoconservatism, and to assert the continuing importance of leftist commitment to his thought even until late in his career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about the relationship between Marxism, Science and Worldviews. In Section I, the paper gives a descriptive definition of the scientific viewpoint based on a materialist ontology, a realist epistemology, and the recognition that science is a social activity. The paper shows in Section II that there are currents in contemporary Marxism which relate favourably to science. In Section III, the paper examines Marx's encounter with Natural Philosophy and Materialism by analysing the influence of Epicurus on Marx. Section IV examines Marx's positive attitude towards natural science. Section V discusses the relation between science and ideology and proposes a scheme to defend the thesis that science establishes a conceptual autonomy from the forms of social consciousness existing in the social formation. Finally Section VI examines the historical infusion of Marxism into the Western scientific community in the 1930s, and the positions adopted by Marxists when they have considered science education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research converges upon institutional explanations for why some countries incarcerate more prisoners than others. The types of institutions that are particularly important are less well understood. This paper investigates empirically the associations between economic, political and legal institutions and incarceration rates in a large cross-section of countries. Using data from 2001 to 2011, we find that countries with smaller prison populations have civil legal origins and fewer years under communism. Our findings also suggest that economic institutions and other economic factors related to economic performance do not correlate with incarceration rates. Collectively, the results indicate that institutions cannot be considered in isolation, but need to be examined simultaneously, with a focus on historical, political and legal factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social capital, measured as the level of trust among people, may be regarded as a new production factor alongside the traditional ones of human and physical capital. With appropriate levels of social capital, monitoring and transaction costs can be saved and thus economic growth stimulated. Via linking social capital to rural development and comparing the cases of agricultural cooperative movements in Denmark and Poland, this paper identifies possible roots of building social capital and suggests that social capital was built through a lengthy process in both countries during the 19th century. However, the comparison of the present level of social capital indicates that the level of social capital is significantly higher in Denmark than in Poland. The paper concludes that the reason for this difference is the fact that the original accumulation of social capital in Poland was destroyed by the communist regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a discussion of the application of democratic and anti-racist educational principles in a college setting. The paper explores both the implications of pedagogical theory for anti-racism and the implications of anti-racism for pedagogy. After giving a brief description of the conditions encountered in an economically and intellectually impoverished region of the country, the paper outlines an application of John Dewey's educational theory to college instruction. Then, after an account of what racism is, the paper reapplies Dewey's model to the teaching of anti-racism, and with the help of Paulo Freire's theory of educational praxis, readapts Deweyan principles to the task of reconstructing our classrooms as models of anti-racist communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the effect that certain basic scientific theories about the nature of human beings (in particular the mind/brain hypothesis) have upon the human condition. It is argued that these theories set the gnostic background, which determines to a large extent the psychological effects of economic disasters and what can be done to prevent and ameliorate them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the beginning, a science-based approach to questions of the future and – more precisely – thinking in alternative futures was in latent conflict with the official ideology of the German Democratic Republic, according to which East German society (and indeed, the whole humankind) was heading towards a communist future. During the 1960s, however, prognostics – the socialist type of futures studies – fitted well into the ambition of political leaders to foster economic development by promoting scientific-technological progress and adopting new management systems of the national economy. Prognostics was to a certain extent institutionalized and obtained in parts a cybernetic underpinning, but ideological constraints on knowledge never vanished. Moreover, prognostics had to distinguish itself clearly from "late-capitalist" futurology. With the reorientation of politics after Walter Ulbricht lost power, prognostics was cut back as was its cybernetic underpinning. As the official belief in the communist future eroded during the 1980s, there was no longer any room for governmental foresight. Futures thinking was taken up by the dissident movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transition from a planned command economy to a market economy means tearing down a socio-economic setting where everybody follows orders and nobody bears individual responsibility for anything. The absence of personal responsibility does not promote ethical behavior in any walk of life. Today, the malnourished business ethics in the former Soviet Union creates a critical obstacle to economic development. The paucity of new official rules governing the conduct of business makes the transition process painful and difficult to people habituated to numberless rules and regulations. The first part of this paper surveys the most visible unethical business practices that have been reported by the Western media and those that are causing the largest number of complaints by the local governments and businessmen. The second part of the paper looks at ethical problems that have been under-reported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the anti-Vietnam War activism of a group of American expatriates in France, the Paris American Committee to Stopwar (PACS), from its formation in 1966 to its dissolution in 1968. Using oral history and archival research, the article uses PACS’ history to further recent studies focusing on the Vietnam War as a global event. Through an evaluation of how PACS dealt with Communism, networking, military deserters and the French government, the article demonstrates how being in France benefited and limited anti-war activism while also highlighting changes in French governmental attitudes post-May 1968. In so doing, the article showcases the significance of location in determining how anti-war protest plays out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a case study of representations of communism in Romania, the paper offers a sketch of a critical-interpretive approach for exploring and engaging with the social memory of communism. When one considers the various contemporary appraisals, responses to and positions towards the communist period one identifies and one is obliged to deal with a series of personal and collective moral/political quandaries. In their attempt to bring about historical justice, political elites create a world that conforms more to their needs and desires than to the diversity of meanings of communism, experiences and dilemmas of lay people. This paper argues that one needs to study formal aspects of social memory as well as 'lived', often conflicting, attitudinal and mnemonic stances and interpretive frameworks. One needs to strive to find the meaning of the social memory of communism in the sometimes contradictory, paradoxical attitudes and meanings that members of society communicate, endorse and debate. Many of the ethical quandaries and dilemmas of collective memory and recent history can be better understood by describing the discursive and sociocultural processes of meaning-making and meaning-interpretation carried out by members of a polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-examines the relevance of three academic norms to contemporary academic life – communism, universalism and disinterestedness – based on the work of Robert Merton. The results of a web-based survey elicited responses to a series of value statements and were analysed using the weighted average method and through cross-tabulation. Results indicate strong support for communism as an academic norm defined in relation to sharing research results and teaching materials as opposed to protecting intellectual copyright and withholding access. There is more limited support for universalism based on the belief that academic knowledge should transcend national, political, or religious boundaries. Disinterestedness, defined in terms of personal detachment from truth claims, is the least popular contemporary academic norm. Here, the impact of a performative culture is linked to the need for a large number of academics to align their research interests with funding opportunities. The paper concludes by considering the claims of an alternate set of contemporary academic norms including capitalism, particularism and interestedness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes as is its point of departure Jean-Luc Nancy's argument that the occidental idea of community in the modern era has always meant a kind of project or work whose intention was to glorify death in order to redeem and make it meaningful. It does so in order to return the community to its self-identity; to inter or assimilate what intrudes. In so doing, it also produces us as beings who cast this glorious lost past retrospectively. Recalling a lost original communalism, then, is not only politically dangerous, it is a symptom: it operates as a kind of compensatory reinstatement of an imaginary lost unity. On this view, casting ‘back’ to a glorious communal past must not only be resisted on political grounds, it also provides, as a symptom, a way to undertake that resistance. In this paper, I investigate a narrow dimension of Nancy's strategy for resisting this lure: Nancy's notion of shattering reveals that the `lost object' of community is a melancholically interred, narcissistically invested retroactive creation of the very work of mourning he resists and rethinks. The work of mourning on this view, can itself only be resisted by a certain disouevrement or unworking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of the concept of rationality in (especially classical) sociological theory. This exploration is prompted by widely held views, especially among economists and rational choice theorists, that classical sociology is the science of the irrational lacking a conception of rationality. By using pertinent examples (mostly) from classical and post-classical (or early contemporary) sociological theory, the paper casts serious doubt on such claims. Specifically, classical sociological theory is characterized by the following features in analyzing rationality: conceptual and methodological pluralism, theoretical and empirical richness, treating rationality as a complex social phenomenon, differentiating economic and noneconomic rationality, acknowledging the social character and foundation of (economic) rationality, and contrasting epistemological or scientific rationality and ontological or real-life irrationality, including the revelation of the irrationality of extreme (economic) rationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the manner in which the east of Europe has been theorized in the post cold war environment, and the implications for our understanding of the relationship between east and west. It argues that hegemonic discourses of neoliberalism lend a quality of inevitability to the integration of east into west, which in turn leads to a singular conception of Europe at the end of a trajectory of development. The paper argues that the relationship of western Europe to eastern Europe is more fruitfully explored through the conceptual framework of a center to its margins, which allows for a broader range of analysis on the issues – conceptual and implementational – at stake in transition processes, and which will allow for a theoretical exploration of where power is located and exercised. Because eastern Europe is understood in scholarly and policy communities as politically and geographically European, the study of postcommunist transition in Europe falls outside the purview of a development studies community that is increasingly focused on the emerging north/south divide. In a scholarly environment where the East/West divide no longer constitutes a salient focus of study, there is a need for the development of a framework that will provide a richer understanding of the reconstituted relationships being formed in Europe in the post-cold war environment. This paper argues that the social, economic, and political impact of disciplinary neoliberalism in eastern Europe can benefit from an analysis that takes into consideration the Eurocentric, disciplinary power that lies at the core of the transition process. Toward this end, it is necessary to query the discursive foundations of what constitutes the `properly European' in order to develop a framework for a more fruitful course of analysis with respect to the relationship between Europe and its fluctuating eastern margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The politics of identity is a controversial and ardent topic in contemporary constitutional theory. As this paper is intended to show, East-European minority politics may provide an interesting angle to the study of this sensitive and complicated issue. The dilemma is the following: It is the Murphy-law of prejudice that when it comes to the maltreatment of members of various ethnic groups no serious definitional or recognition-difficulties arise. It is because when it comes to discrimination or ethnic hostility, it is always the daily practice of the majority that will define membership in the discrete and insular minority group. Defining qualification requirements therefore to minority groups seems to pose difficulties only in the context of minority-identity based preferences. This anomaly is however more then of theoretical jurisprudential interest, as in some cases the entire effectiveness of the aimed minority protection schemes may depend thereon. It is fearful that having a post-communist mentality towards state policies with an ethnicized system of preferences, due to the lack of political cultural and public moral restraints, these preferences will simply be seen as services provided by the (alienated, thus for no sympathy or co-operation eligible) state. What seems to be in the centerfold of East European minority politics is thus ``ethnocorruption '', that is the utilizing and misusing of remedial measures for private and from the legislator's intentions independent means. In this paper, following a constitutional semantical analysis of the minority identity, the demons of ethnocorrpution will be demonstrated through a comparative assessment of a case study of a Hungarian legislation and its possible progeny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past studies of the Socialist/Communist city have paid only limited attention to the ways in which Communist regimes mobilised a wide variety of symbols in the urban landscape in order to legitimate and institutionalise the ideology of revolutionary socialism. This paper considers the role of street names in this process with particular reference to Bucharest, Romania during the 1948–1965 period. When the Communist regime came to power it embarked on widespread renaming of streets as one means of both `decommemorating' the pre-socialist regime and proclaiming the agenda and ideology of the Communist state. The new street names commemorated a variety of events and personalities from the history of Romanian and Soviet Communism. The impact of street names was amplified further through practices such as multiple namings and the spatial clustering of street names of high ideological resonances. The paper argues that Bucharest's street names can be `read' as a mirror of ideological change, changing constructions of national identity, and Romania's macro-political orientation (especially its changing relations with the Soviet Union). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contains a philosophical explication of some of the essentials of a Marxist approach to business ethics. A Marxist approach is construed as a moral critique of capitalism. This paper hopes to lay the groundwork for a more detailed analysis of Karl Marx's critique of capitalist economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The thesis of this paper is that even some of the most fundamental concepts of Marxism have been used and abused to fit their advocates‘ purposes. More specifically, the interpretation of the concept of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" has been subject to a dual development. First, the dictatorship of the proletariat has come to denote an increasingly violent regime. Second, the term has been used to refer to a rule exercised by an ever smaller segment of society. This paper seeks to analyze and elucidate this much disputed and frequently misunderstood Marxist concept. In the first part Marx‘s use of the term is examined. The second section explores how the same concept was explicated in the writings of some of the most important first generation Marxist thinkers and "practitioners" like Engels, Lenin, Kautsky, Bukharin, and Stalin. Following the summary of my findings I attempt to formulate some meaningful generalizations about the usage of the concept by Marxist thinkers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will argue that Marx's political economy is 'humanist' in a sense that sublates ontological and anthropological concepts found in Plato's and Aristotle's conceptions of 'divinity' and its relation to the human being. The tension in the relationship between humanity and divinity in the thought of Aristotle and Plato will be explored. Plato identifies the human being with the potential for 'divinity,' i.e., with the potential to achieve knowledge of 'divine beauty.' Aristotle, in contrast, while associating human beings with 'divinity,' denies that the ultimate 'good' for humanity is the same as that for 'God.' Marx sublates the idea of an objective and knowable 'good' which is the same for 'gods' as for 'man' from Plato, and from Aristotle he sublates the idea of this 'good' as 'the actual exercise of complete virtue,' including the ideas of 'justice' and true 'friendship' as essential aspects of this idea (while rejecting Aristotle's exclusion of women and others from human 'nature'). This sublation is found in his conception of truly 'good' activity as fully 'free' end-in-itself activity actualizing universal ethical, aesthetic and intellectual values. With Marx, therefore, we have a completed humanism, and it is an essential element of his revolutionary political economy. Marx's revolutionary humanism was influenced by the intellectual climate of his day and his exposure to debates about theology and religion was essential for the development of his critique of political economy and revolutionary social theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Washington's cold war diplomacy in Italy as a case study of policy making. Italy caused concerns to US leaders throughout the cold war because of its strong and dynamic communist party (PCI). Worries became even more acute in the 1970s after the PCI spelled out its 'historic compromise' strategy whose objective was to propel the communists into cabinet positions within a broad coalition government. How did the White House, Foggy Bottom, the Rome embassy, the CIA and Congress view such a development and who got the final word? How strong were domestic factors? This paper tries to analyze the differences in opinions and their influence in policy making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whatever the future of mankind might be, certain things will probably never change. People will like to live and to be protected by the society in which they live. They will care for the future of their children. They will need food and resources and will thus have to think about production, distribution and consumption of resources. Also, as before, they will usually prefer a higher standard of living to a lower one. If we agree on these assuptions, is it then possible to predict limiting society forms for possible developments of human societies? Bruss and Duerinckx (Ann. Appl. Probab., to appear, ) proved that the answer is yes if human societies are modeled by sequences of so-called resource dependent branching processes. Among other results, they show how the survival criteria of the societies forming an envelope of possible societies can be explicitly computed. One objective of this paper is to make these results accessible in easier terms to a broader audience. Secondly, we offer new interpretations of the results and also look at specific examples showing real-world conclusions. For the latter, two recent decisions of the German grand-coalition government, widely discussed in the media, are chosen. We try to shed light on them in view of some of our results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the historical background and transnational context of the dialogue between East-European communist philosophy and Western existentialism. It does so by first outlining the exchanges between Lukács, Sartre and Merleau-Ponty between the late 1940s and the early 1960s. Subsequently three major forums of East–West philosophical dialogue are surveyed, that took place during the 1960s: the 'Morals and Society' colloquium, organized by Instituto Gramsci in Rome in May 1964; the Korčula summer school, organized by the Praxis group between 1964 and 1975; and the International Congress for Philosophy organized in Vienna in September 1968. This series of events and the dialogue and confrontations that they engendered prove that, contrary to the exclusively negative reception of existentialism in the socialist camp in the 1950s, but also contrary to the distorted representation, which can be found in dissidents' recollections and which became dominant after the fall of communism, which excluded any possibility of dialogue between the two sides during socialism, such a dialogue has taken place, and led to mutual appropriations on both sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has a long tradition of cadre education in and training (CET), which has developed to be a particular Chinese way of executive development highlighting rigorous and systematic organization by the Chinese Communist Fatty (CCP) and a dual emphasis on political-ideological work and knowledge capacity building. This paper offers an overview of the historical development of CET, and generalizes its managing system, training system. targeted cadres, training contents and insituationalizaton. The functions of CET are classified at including political ( re-) engineering and capacity and knowledge building and informal including collective identity and social connection. The Shanghai Municipal Commitee Party School is further studied regarding its educational programs, especially the planned programs, contents of training, trainers, financing, and quality assurance. It is argued that in response to challenges in an era of globalization, CET has worked both to consolidate the political authority of the CCP and enhance govenmental officials awareness and knowledge of governing issues and their problem-solving capacities. As a result CET itself has been undergoing continuous adjustments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining the revolutionary origins of Soviet communism this paper argues that symbolic structures were crucial in the making of Soviet communism as a political force. It conceptualizes symbolizations as contingent interpretive acts that capture people in extraordinary situations of dissolutions of political order. In the first part, I identify the dramatic and imaginative sources of the Bolshevik Revolution, which created a schismogenetic system, in which symbolic structures of time, representation, and leadership would become disintegrative forces in Soviet society. In the second part, I elaborate on the creativity of political symbolism by understanding symbolizations as rites of passage, constructions of origins and ends, as well as reality-creating self-fulfilling prophecies. Rather than to know the origins of symbols, the proposition here is to understand how symbolic meanings contributed to the creation not only of the empirical-objective world of Soviet communism but also of dominant social science interpretations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the idea of "artificial dialectic" in the essay The Artificial Dialectic. Generalissimo Stalin and the Art of Government (1952) in which Isaiah Berlin plans to reveal the secret nature and purpose and effects of the oscillation of the "party line" set in motion through the Stalinist terror. The paper also reveals the possible sources of the identity and the textual strategies assumed by Isaiah Berlin at the time of the publication of that essay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just as the availability of new ideas can drive the development of new institutions, the unavailability of ideas also has powerful political effects. The article demonstrates the paradoxical absence of class discourse in postcommunist Polish political debates—paradoxical because the same actors who eschewed class discourse believed that postcommunist class formation and inequalities were the central problems shaping the country and driving the political agenda. The paper documents the early thinking about class and politics on the part of key political activists. It traces their fear of class discourse to their limited knowledge of postwar European capitalisms and the role played by strong labor movements in stabilizing those systems. Ironically, Poles understood capitalism in too Marxist a way, as a perennially raging struggle between classes. Knowing that workers would lose out in the new system, they feared that speaking about class would empower workers as a class and thus weaken the market economy they were determined to build. Not generally aware how class compromise in the post-World War II era worked to stabilize capitalism, Polish (and most other eastern European) oppositionists did their best to thwart the emergence of class identities on the part of those left behind, even at the cost, for liberals, of reconciling themselves to political defeat. The result of the refusal to countenance class discourse was not a block on the emergence of class anger, but a displacement of that anger from class “others” to identity-based others, and thus a weakening of the liberal politics that most postcommunist liberals had wished to reinforce. A final section explores recent Polish thinking about class in the context of reactions to the Polish edition of my Defeat of Solidarity book showing continued mainstream reluctance to talk about class but new interest in this category among youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the position of the industrial working class in Romania before 1989, its role in the overthrow of the communist regime during the December 1989 revolution, and its status during the postcommunist transition to democracy after 1989. The subordination of labor interests by both communist and postcommunist regimes to ideologies that underestimated the issue of class differentiation is emphasized throughout the paper. This analysis is undertaken at two levels, namely, the rewriting of the history of communism after 1989 and the obstacles encountered during the process of democratic transition. The later aspect refers to the problematic relationship between the intellectuals and the working class and labor's lack of involvement in shaping the post-1989 economic and political reforms. The argument that I pursue is that many of the setbacks experienced during the democratization process are partly rooted in the status of labor as an important absentee from the discourse and agenda of both incumbent governments and intellectual elites. It has been a significant factor in pushing the working class towards an illiberal right-wing politics and ideologies of a populist, xenophobic, and anti-intellectual nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the fact—despite a widespread impression to the contrary—that the collapse of Communism in the fall of 1989 did not happen overnight, the paper explores the kind of gradual societal work that had led to the emergence of democratic polities in Central Europe but that had generally escaped the notice not only of policy makers and the leaders of the “free world” but also of theorists. The concept and practices of performative democracy as it manifested itself in the period of late Communism (1970s–1989), but also in South Africa at the dusk of apartheid, and the conditions for political performativity, as well as its main features, are then discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I explore the formation of human rights attitudes among what I call the “silent majority” in the post-communist countries of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. This is the large, diverse group of people never directly confronted with harsh methods of repression under communism. I argue here that the foundations for conceptualizing human rights are based on the degree and saliency of exposure to rights violations and that, for many citizens of Central and Eastern Europe, life behind the “iron curtain” is associated with relatively fewer rights violations than life after the iron curtain’s fall. Comparative personal experiences will play a key role in explaining how these citizens conceptualize human rights. I test this argument by applying it to the cases of Poland, where I conducted a total of 68 randomly selected non-elite interviews in an effort to probe for key factors defining individuals’ conceptions of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I was born in Budapest, Hungary, on July 7, 1907, and this first part of my interview with Andor Frenkel focuses on my life and work in Europe. After my elementary and secondary education I studied mathematics at the University of Budapest for two years. I went to the University of Göttingen in 1928 where I attended Max Born’s lectures on quantum mechanics, which influenced me to change from mathematics to physics, and as a consequence I focused on filling the gaps in my physics background. When ready to turn to research work I followed the advice of my friend Edward Teller and spent three months in Werner Heisenberg’s group at the University of Leipzig in the summer of 1930. That fall I returned to the University of Budapest, where I received my Ph.D.degree in the summer of 1932. Two months later, because I had become entangled in the illegal Communist Party, I was arrested and sentenced to fourteen months in prison. Fifteen months after my release, I joined Lev Landau’s group at the Ukrainian Physical-Technical Institute in Kharkov, passed Landau’s so-called “theorminimum” program on my second attempt, began research on the theory of liquid helium, and lost my faith in communism following Stalin’s repressive measures. I obtained an exit visa through the Hungarian Legation and returned to Budapest in June 1937. That September, again with the help of my friend Edward Teller, I attended a conference in Paris where I met Fritz London and Edmond Bauer, who arranged for me a small scholarship and an association with the Langevin laboratory at the Collège de France. Four months later, in January 1938 Kapitza, and John F. Allen and A. Donald Misener reported their independent discovery of the superfluidity of helium, which London and I explored theoretically and I explained with my two-fluid theory later in 1938. Following the German invasion of France, my wife and I left Paris for Toulouse in June 1940, obtained exit visas to enter Spain and Portugal in February 1941, and boarded a Portuguese ship for New York the following month. The second part of this interview, covering my life and work in America, will appear in the next issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French political thinker Raymond Aron (1905–1983) provides the imitable model of the political philosopher as civic educator. Writing in an age of extreme ideological polarization, he aimed at a truly balanced approach to historical and political understanding. In a series of writings from the late 1930’s onward, Aron defended a principled middle way between Machiavellian cynicism and the “abstract moralism” so evident in the public engagement of modern intellectuals. Aron argued for the renewal of liberalism on the foundation of a broad-based “democratic conservatism” and displayed remarkable lucidity regarding the totalitarian temptation. This paper explores this distinctive notion of “democratic conservatism”—equally distant from revolutionary romanticism and reactionary nostalgia—that guided Aron’s public engagement over a fifty-year period and that was central to his idea of the political responsibility of intellectuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to show, using the example of socialist Yugoslavia, how and why authors' rights laws were applied in a socialist regime relying on the same rhetoric of ownership and individualism that marked their use in the capitalist West. In this way, Yugoslav laws have served us as an excuse to examine the connection between rights guaranteed by the legal apparatus and a type of control over creative processes that these rights make possible. Since it is a fact that both single-party socialism and pluralist capitalism have employed the same concept of authors' rights and authorship, it is our claim that the two systems have been and are equally interested in limiting creative freedom by means of property derived from authors' rights. To the extent to which Yugoslav legislative, political, cultural, and ideological practice borrowed from the Soviet variety of socialism, we will consider examples from that tradition as well, treating it as the strictest incarnation of Marxism in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the fall of communism in the Soviet Union, newspapers, films, academic researchers and intelligence agencies warned against a new phenomenon in organized crime: the “Russian mafiya.” In fact, since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Western European countries have noted an increase in the number of criminals from Central and Eastern Europe. In the mid-1990s, the Dutch judicial authorities made the issue a priority and established a special team to investigate crime with links to Eastern Europe. From 1999 to 2005, the KT NON crime team published several studies and reports on serious crime of this nature. In this paper, the authors, who were assigned to the KT NON crime team, discuss the findings of the two most recent publications on the “causes, nature, scale and threat of Central and Eastern European crime” and “mobile banditry,” respectively. They come to the conclusion that among other forms of crime, the phenomenon of mobile banditry seems to be the most serious manifestation of crime from post-communist countries. The Russian mafia was not found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports our field study findings about the efforts of the Communist Party of China (CPC) to rationalize Chinese public organizations. Our focus here is on public organizations in western China. Classifying the development of China into the strategizing, politicizing, and pragmatizing eras, with each era having its unique historical events, reflecting CPC’s basic logic in organization and management and in turn affecting officials’ behavioral tendencies, we examine CPC’s basic political–rational approach and the different rationalization models used in different eras. The contending models had produced mix-results, as most officials are either politically submissive to higher authority, as in the case of western China or, as in eastern region, in transformation, becoming a self-serving hybrid with monopoly of both economic and political powers. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper first traces the major changes in the relationship between the (Orthodox) Church and State in the different Russian polities, using Madeley's framework of historic mono-confessional blocs and multi-confessional belts. Second, it outlines the recent tendencies and characteristic features of church-state relations in today's Russia. Third, using data from sociological surveys, it analyses the current dominant popular perceptions and societal attitudes towards religion and the State, including religious freedom. Being part of the historic monoconfessional Orthodox bloc, the different Russian polities produced different models of church-state relations: from a symphony of religious and political powers, through a forced nationalization of the Orthodox Church (Russian Empire from the époque of Peter the Great until revolution of 1917), and forced secularisation (during the Soviet Union), to a return of mutual support of (Orthodox) Church and State despite a formal (constitutional) separation in Putin's Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we discuss the problem of communist power in so called totalitarian regimes. Inspired by strategies of explanation in contemporary science studies and by the ethnomethodological conception of social order, we suggest that the power of communists is not to be taken as an unproblematic source of explanation; rather, we take this power as something that is itself in need of being explained. We study personal narratives on political screenings that took place in Czechoslovakia in 1970 and analyze how the power of communists obtained its strength from ordinary and “unremarkable” interactions between participants. The screenings are interpreted, in the terms of Bruno Latour, as “trials of strength.” We show that it was crucial for all the participants that associations, translations or mobilizations involved in making the regime real, remained partial and multiple, and not exclusive and “total” as is often assumed within dominant discourses on totalitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]