Search

The growing attention to naturally occurring radionuclides in building materials has a significant societal impact. This impact is apparent in recent research studies and the latest European Council directives, where reference levels for indoor radon concentrations and gamma radiation levels are reported. This paper studies black sand samples from the Estonian coast, mainly from Kihnu island. The results are discussed from various aspects to determine if utilization of these sands as a building material component is viable. For this reason, this paper focuses on the mineralogical and radiological characterization of these samples with special attention to radon emanation and exhalation. Furthermore, a detailed correlation study of mineralogical components against emanation and exhalation factors and the levels of 226Ra, 232Th and 40K was performed. It is found that the sand samples are composed of very high heavy mineral content as compared to the rest of Estonia; the black sands studied here include a heavy fraction dominated by garnets and a light fraction characterized by quartz and feldspars. The analysis also indicates that the higher 232Th and 226Ra content in the samples is correlated with an increase in zircon, ore minerals and garnets; on the other hand, the 40K content is connected to amphiboles. A strong correlation was also found between the 226Ra activity concentration and the measured massic exhalation rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies how voting rules affect the ease with which decisions are made, basing the analysis on the key premise that ideology makes some coalitions more likely to form than others. Our study focuses on the Council of the European Union (EU), where member states hold different voting weights and ideological positions are strongly linked to the affiliation of actors to political parties. Accordingly, to explore the influence of ideology on the probability of coalition formation, and to thus formulate a ‘decision probability’, we incorporate ideological positions in the analysis of efficiency of the voting system. For the case of the EU, we particularly consider the transition from the triple-majority voting system of the Nice Treaty to the double-majority system incorporated into the Lisbon Treaty. The standard assumption that member states vote independently and affirmatively with a probability of 0.5 leads to a more pessimistic view of the Council’s decision-making capacity than does the premise that member state votes are biased towards voting with the Council majority. The latter assumption is supported by voting data and anecdotal evidence on the ‘consensus-seeking’ culture in the Council. Hence, this paper offers some insights into the ‘efficiency’ of the decision-making process, given institutional voting rules, in combination with actual actor ideological positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data of contested decisions in the Council of the European Union, combined with data on the position of member states on the left-right and support for European integration dimensions, this paper provides an overview of winning coalitions formed in the council in the 1998 to 2004 time span. It shows distance between the combined policy positions of winning coalitions to individual EU states within these coalitions and demonstrates that most winning coalitions in the Council have a large combined voting weight, minimal winning coalitions are rare, and ideological connectedness plays a much smaller role than expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the European Union's codecision procedure as a bargaining game between the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament. The relative influence of these institutions on legislative decision-making in the EU is assessed under a priori preference assumptions. In contrast to previous studies, we do not consider the codecision procedure in isolation but include several aspects of the EU's wider institutional framework. The finding that the Council is more influential than the Parliament due to its more conservative internal decision rule is robust to adding 'context' to the basic model, but the imbalance is considerably attenuated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

So much has been written—and vigorously contested—about ‘organised crime’ (OC) that the impending fall of this familiar icon may come as a shock, both to its detractors and to those who take it for granted. Yet that moment may be upon us, for reasons that this paper will explore, as the European Union shifts the vocabulary within which policies on police cooperation are articulated. A pivot of this change is the EU Council Decision on Europol, first debated by the Council in late 2006 and anticipated as applying from 2010 onwards. This will shift the scope of Europol’s work from ‘organised crime’ (attributing qualities to criminality) to ‘serious crime’ (concern with impacts and harms falling on individual and collective victims); will transfer financing of Europol to the Community budget; and so will initiate parliamentary scrutiny. These issues in security governance are explored from ‘northern’, ‘southern’ and ‘eastern’ European perspectives and in the contexts of ongoing enlargement and democratisation of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the appointment of the European Commission as a strategic game between members of the European Parliament and the Council. The focal equilibrium results in commissioners that duplicate the policy preferences of national Council representatives. Different internal decision rules still prevent the Commission from being a Council clone in aggregate. Rather, it is predicted a priori that Commission policies are on average more in accord with the aggregate position of the Parliament than that of the Council. This prediction is confirmed for a dataset covering 66 dossiers with 162 controversial EU legislative proposals passed between 1999 and 2002. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water quality indices (WQIs) are numerical measures used by researchers and water managers to communicate water quality status to the public. This study analyzes the official databases from the CONAGUA monitoring network of the main tributary rivers in the middle basin of the San Pedro-Mezquital River in Durango, Mexico, for a 6-year period (2013–2018). We applied three WQIs to 432 data (18 sampling sites, four samples per year, 6 years): Canadian Council of Ministers of the Environment (CCME) WQI, National Sanitation Foundation (NSF) WQI, and Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology (SEDUE) WQI. The Canadian index proved to be a flexible, appropriate, and rigorous methodology for assessing water quality based on its use. Results classify the water quality in the studied reservoirs as good, while river water was rated for public use, as marginal to very poor. No statistical significant differences in the quality of water between the rainy (June–October) and dry (November–May) seasons were found. However, tendency shows that in the rainy season the water quality was lower, mainly attributed to agricultural runoffs and bank erosion. The main contamination problem was the presence of fecal coliforms in high concentrations, which is associated to the high population density in the area, low sanitation efficiency, and multiple non-point discharges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's codecision procedure is analyzed as a bargaining game between the Council and the European Parliament. The model shows that the policy outcome is biased towards the ideal point of the institution that is closest to the status quo, when the negotiation leads to an agreement. If the Council's ideal policy is closer to the status quo, as is the case for example concerning the duration of maternity leave, the resulting policy will remain closer to the Council's than to the European Parliament's position. Furthermore, the result of the codecision procedure is Kaldor-Hicks inefficient. The developments of common policies concerning asylum, fishery and maternity leave illustrate both the possibility of the failure of negotiations and the influence of the Council on the outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legal framework of telecommunications regulation is about to change. This is due to the reform package which the Commission submitted in November 2007. The European Parliament and the Council of Ministers are still to approve. There is ongoing political debate. Unfortunately, it does not cover the crucial issue: is the sector-specific ex ante telecommunications regulation still justified after ten years of liberalisation and a partly dramatic evolution towards competition? The author replies in the negative from a historical, a regulatory policy and an analytical perspective. De lege lata, the three-criteria test, if applied correctly, induces this outcome. De lege ferenda, a sunset rule, if need be a qualified one, would be useful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze the problem of computing the Banzhaf and Shapley power indices for graph restricted voting games, defined in a particular class of graphs, that we called line-clique. A line-clique graph is a model of a uni-dimensional political space in which voters with the same bliss point are the connected vertices of a clique and then other arcs connect nodes of consecutive cliques. The interest to this model comes from its correspondence to the spatial voting game: a model that has been proposed and used by political analysts to understand nations' behavior and the political outcome of the bargaining process within the EU Council. Broadly speaking, the computation of a power index of a graph restricted game is strongly #P-complete, as it includes the enumeration of all winning coalitions. Nevertheless, we show that in this special class of graph coalitions can be enumerated by dynamic programming, resulting in a pseudo-polynomial algorithm and proving that the problem only weakly #P-complete. After implementing our new algorithms and finding that they are very fast in practice, we analyze the voting behavior in the EU Council, as for this application previous research compiled a large data set concerning nations' political positions and political outcomes. We will test whether voting power has an effect on the political outcome, more precisely, whether nations that are favored by their weight and position can influence the political outcome to their advantages. Using linear regressions, we will see that unrestricted power indices are not capable of any predictive property, but graph restricted indices are. The statistic evidence shows that the combination of voting weight and network position is a source of power that affects the political outcome to the advantage of a country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We aim to estimate the power distribution in the Council of the European Union—both a priori and a posteriori. With respect to the latter, our analysis suggests that several previously used indices are ill-suited for this application. By introducing minimal modifications, we propose a new index and compare it with previous constructions in a unified framework. Empirically, we find that that all countries gain a priori voting power in the Council as a result of Brexit. We rely on data from the Chapel Hill Expert survey to compute a posteriori power and find that it is more unequally distributed than a priori power. Specifically, a posteriori power is almost exclusively held by relatively few rather populous states (yet not the United Kingdom). As regards Brexit, France appears as the main benefactor in terms of gaining a posteriori power; Poland loses substantive power in several areas but remains one of the most powerful EU member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent European Council Directive 2013/59/EURATOM requires the establishment of diagnostic reference levels (DRLs) to optimise radiation dose in diagnostic and interventional radiology procedures. At the time this directive was enacted, just a few European countries had already set paediatric DRLs and many of these were outdated. For this reason, the European Commission launched a project addressing European Guidelines on Diagnostic Reference Levels for Paediatric Imaging that was awarded to a consortium led by the European Society of Radiology with the collaboration of the European Society of Paediatric Radiology and other European stakeholders involved in the radiation protection of children. The main aims of this project were to establish European DRLs to be used by countries without their own national paediatric DRLs and to provide a consistent method to establish new DRLs in the future. These European guidelines have been very recently endorsed by the European Commission and published in issue N° 185 of the Radiation Protection series. The purpose of this article is to introduce these guidelines to the wide community of paediatric radiologists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Significant attention has been devoted at European level to evaluation as a crucial step in the development of mutual recognition and mutual trust in the field of criminal justice. This article takes a pragmatic approach to the theme of evaluation with the aim of giving practitioners an idea of what an evaluation procedure implies from the point of view of the evaluators. It deals with evaluation mechanisms established in the framework of the European Union, in particular with those carried out by the Council of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyse and evaluate three decision rules for the Council of Ministers of the EU, which are prescribed by the `definitive form' of the Treaty of Nice. The first will apply from 2005 to the present 15-member EU, if it will not have been enlarged by then. The second or third will apply to an enlarged 27-member EU. We conclude that the first of these is an improvement on the current decision rule; but the other two have extremely undesirable features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]