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This paper explores how civic food networks (CFN) use public forums to engage with other initiatives and stakeholders in civil society. It develops the concept of social infrastructure to capture the assemblages of discourses, networking and spaces around agrifood forums. The research then examines how social infrastructures support CFNs' capacity to organize communities and challenge power relations in the agrifood system. Two cases are compared: News&Market, a Taiwan-based agrifood news platform which also sells organic food products, and Foodthink, a collective blog created by a farmers' market in China. Both started in the late 2010s but one focuses on policy critiques while the other focuses on market critiques. A comparison finds that CFNs develop different critiques to address the specific challenges facing local alternative food networks (AFNs), and use networking and space creation to promote social dialogue with other stakeholders or build networks across AFNs and NGOs. The paper argues that a social infrastructure such as that built around agrifood forums enables CFNs to shape food democracy and food citizenship practices in new ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to examine whether and on what basis the international human rights law applies to the territorial non-state entities, having as an example the cases of the Republic of China and the territorial non-state entities from the post-Soviet space. For this purpose, the paper will focus first, on the applicability of the relevant international human rights treaties and general international human rights law regulations. Second, it will look at what place is reserved for the international human rights law in the national legal systems of the analysed territorial non-state entities. It is argued here that these territorial non-state entities proclaim their commitment to the rule of law and human rights by transplanting international regulations, especially the human rights ones, into their national provisions. After analysing the two case studies, it will be claimed that although the territorial non-state entities committed themselves to following international human rights law norms and standards, legal transplant is not sufficient and the territorial non-state entities shall engage more at the practical level in order to ensure the effectiveness of human rights protection on their territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethics is central to leadership because of the impact leaders have on establishing organizational values and engaging followers to accomplish mutual goals. The ethical concerns of leaders may influence ethical decision-making of their followers. This paper attempts to investigate the relationship between leaders and followers on moral judgment, and make a comparison between China and Taiwan on the leader-follower moral judgment relationship. Data were collected through a questionnaire survey on purchasing professionals in China and Taiwan. The development of moral judgment was measured using the defining issues test. Research findings indicate that followers exhibit higher level of moral judgment while their leaders have higher level of moral judgment. A positive moral judgment relationship exists between leaders and followers. The comparative study between China and Taiwan reveals that Chinese purchasing professionals are more easily influenced by their workplace leaders than their Taiwanese counterparts. Power distance would strengthen the leader-follower moral judgment relationship. The present research makes contributions toward the ethics literature by providing empirical insight into the relationship between leader moral judgment and follower moral judgment. This paper also suggests implications and opportunities for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Xi Jinping era, China is actively implementing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) around the globe. Under the BRI, infrastructure development has become the main agenda for China to create connectivity. One of the infrastructure projects in the energy sector is the Nam Ou Cascade Hydropower Project. The Nam Ou River is a tributary of the Mekong River located in Laos and borders China. For Laos, this project is part of their vision to be "The battery of Southeast Asia." Therefore, this article attempts to explain that Nam Ou Hydropower has implications for China's dominance in the Mekong region. The circle hydro-hegemony is used as the conceptual framework for analyzing the phenomenon. This article also applies a qualitative method with secondary data. The article shows that the Nam Ou Cascade Hydropower Project in Laos elevates China's influence in the Mekong region. By actively pulling and pushing its neighbors into cooperation, China exercises its power as an upstream country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some countries more effectively respond to crises than others? This paper compares China's relatively effective response to the 2002-3 SARS outbreak with Taiwan's relatively ineffective response, focusing on three variables that constitute China's 'authoritarian advantage' - centralized decision making powers; public support; and, relations with the mass media. The paper rejects a fourth explanatory variable specific to the Taiwan case - membership in international organizations. Drawing heavily on the Taiwan example, the paper concludes by suggesting options for overcoming the authoritarian advantage in pandemic response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is an exploratory research that seeks to investigate how ideology predicts Taiwanese perceptions of cross-strait relations, including attitudes toward Taiwan independence, perceptions of mainland China and Chinese people, Chinese invasion of Taiwan, and Chinese democracy. We took an inductive approach to left-right differences in Taiwan to offer a more systematic empirical understanding of ideology beyond the West. To do so, we conducted a nationally representative survey among adult Taiwan citizens (N = 1,350). Findings revealed that those who identified with the Left (vs. Right) tended to demonstrate more negative perceptions of cross-strait relations. Specifically, the political left is more negative about the outlook of Chinese democracy while favoring Taiwan independence, than the political right. Furthermore, the political left perceives both mainland China and the Chinese people more negatively than the political right. These findings underscore the role of ideology for a full comprehension of cross-strait relations, as they indicated a fundamental difference between the political left vs. right in terms of perceptions of cross-strait relations. The present research extends existing political psychology literature on ideology and international relations, particularly in the East Asian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As healthcare systems around the world are facing increasing physician shortages, more physicians are migrating from low to high income countries. Differences in medical education and international interaction may have significant effect on physician flows. The Chinese Medical Graduates (CMGs) in the US present an interesting case to examine this effect. This paper evaluated the current number and historical trends of CMGs in the US from mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong comparing their differences and similarities in terms of demographic and geographic characteristics. Since 2000, the number of CMGs in the US showed a consistent upward trend at a rate of approximately 206 additional graduates per year. In 2010, there were 8,797 CMGs in the US. Compared to CMGs from mainland China, CMGs from Taiwan and Hong Kong were much older. Much larger proportion of Taiwan and Hong Kong CMGs were male. However, they were more likely to practice in solo settings than mainland CMGs. The vast majority of CMGs are concentrated in urban areas and no significant differences were found for their distributions in underserved areas. However, a larger proportion of Taiwan and Hong Kong CMGs were in western coastal states; whereas a larger proportion of mainland CMGs were located in eastern coastal states. Fluctuations in CMG numbers in the US reflect the significant differences within the medical education systems among the three. The seemingly homogenous CMGs in the US do show significant differences. Given the magnitude and historical trends of migration of CMGs to the US, further exploration of its causes and impact is needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After noting the rise of geoeconomics in the post-Cold War era, the paper ascertains how the age of geoeconomics re-defines power and the rules of the balance of power game. Of particular significance is that a nation’s economic security eclipses its military security (or traditional national defense). In this context, I examine the meanings of the rise of a re-ascendant China for world politics in general and for Taiwan’s future in particular. Considering Taiwan’s heavy dependence on imported natural resources and its isolation and exclusion from vital international economic groupings, such as FTA’s. ASEAN, ASEM, and the 16-nation Asian super economic bloc in the marking. Finally, I take a prospective look at the prospect of a future cross-Strait integration between Taiwan and mainland China under the impact of the dictate of geoeconomics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the government and society of the Republic of China's (ROC or Taiwan) have changed markedly in the new millennium, the fundamentals of US policy toward the island remain intact. This study outlines recent developments in Taiwan and shows how they represent challenges to the US. It also discusses American policy toward Taiwan and examines several proposals for change that an American administration may wish to consider. In conclusion, the paper explains why the current policy, albeit contradictory and ambiguous, is in the best interest of the United States. There is a strong possibility that any major change in policy would succeed only in undermining peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An armed conflict between Taiwan and China is not unthinkable in the future. For historical, geographical, economic, and diplomatic reasons, Japan would not be able to stand on the sidelines. Relying on three major concepts—national interests, path dependence and balance of power, this paper explores Japan's three possible roles in the event of a cross-Strait conflict. First, Japan could pass the buck, staying out of the conflict as much as possible and providing at most logistical and intelligence support for an American military operation. Second, it could balance power, throwing its weight behind Washington against Beijing. Finally, it could play peacemaker. At the end of the article, the author discusses several key factors that would shape Tokyo's decision-making in the event of a cross-Strait conflict and assesses the relative probability of each option. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Chinese-Caribbean relations, which have been marked in the early twenty-first century by an increase in bilateral trade and Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to the region. The relationship has been generally positive for both sides. However, at the same time, there are areas of friction including charges of Chinese "neo-colonialism," similar to those leveled against Chinese ventures elsewhere. My study of China's relations entails case studies of Cuba, the Bahamas, and Jamaica, which I supplement with an examination of the Dominican Republic and Haiti's political and economic relations with China. It shows most Caribbean countries have not noticeably changed their foreign or domestic policies because of their economic linkages with China, though there is variation in these countries' specific responses to their economic ties with China, which is a function of diverse international and domestic economic and political variables. Regardless, Beijing's views are given more consideration than previously. As noted in the article, China's push into the Caribbean is increasingly resented by the United States and could play a role in bringing a New Cold War to the region. Rounding out the piece is a review of the diverse challenges facing COFDI in the Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human adenoviruses (HAdVs) are DNA viruses found in recreational water, such as water parks and swimming pools. Human adenovirus 41 (HAdV-41) is the most common serotype detected and is a leading cause of acute diarrheal disease. The focus of this study is to determine the prevalence of HAdVs in hot springs. Of 57 samples collected from four different geological sites, 16 samples have shown evidence of HAdVs (28.1%). HAdV-41 and porcine adenovirus 5 (PAdV-5) were the two types isolated, with a greater frequency of HAdV-41, which in other settings has been associated with acute diarrhea. The highest occurrence was found in private hot tubs/Yuya (37.5%), followed by an outlet of hot springs (30.8%); public pools and foot pools shared the same detection rate of 21.4% (3/14). However, there was no evidence supporting a link between water quality indicators and HAdV detection rate. From a phylogenic analysis and BLAST against the NCBI database, it was concluded that HAdV-41 obtained from hot spring areas are closely related to global environmental genotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Tsunami disasters have been documented several times in Chinese history, mostly in the Taiwan region. To assess the tsunami hazard along the coast of mainland China from sources in Taiwan, this study analyzed historical tsunamis and undersea seismic events around Taiwan and found that the frequency and magnitude of earthquakes around Taiwan are significantly higher than in the adjacent Ryukyu and Manila trenches. The probabilistic seismic hazard analysis method was adopted to estimate the maximum possible earthquake magnitude around Taiwan. Then, six tsunami sources were assumed in those places where both earthquakes and tsunamis have occurred previously. Numerical models of the tsunamis were used to calculate the probable maximum tsunami amplitude and tsunami arrival time. The largest tsunami amplitude and the shortest arrival time were drawn on a GIS map. The modeling results provided a summary of tsunami hazards along the coast of mainland China from tsunami sources in Taiwan. The results showed that tsunamis triggered by the maximum possible earthquakes in the Taiwan region would arrive first at Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong, and Hainan Provinces within 3 h; the largest tsunami amplitude was up to 3.3 m. Thus, parts of Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangdong Provinces were identified as regions with the highest hazard levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: China, as a rapidly developing country with the largest population including over 50,000 orthopaedic surgeons, has an increasing importance in the field of spine. However, the quantity and quality of research production in the field of spine in the major regions of China-Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong is unclear. This study aimed to investigate the contribution of China to the field of spine. Methods: Articles published in the 5 major spine journals originating from Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong in 2004-2013 were retrieved from the database of Web of Science. The number of articles, impact factors, citations, article type, city, institution, funding source and conflict of interest were analyzed. Results: There were 1006 publications in the 5 spine journals between 2004 and 2013 from China, including 706 from Mainland China, 210 from Taiwan, and 90 from Hong Kong. The time trend of the number of articles from these three regions showed a significant increase of 8.74-fold (from 23 to 201) between 2004 and 2013 ( p = 0.000). From 2006, the number of publications from Mainland China exceeded Taiwan and Hong Kong. Mainland China had the highest total impact factors (1686.54) and total citations (4214), followed by Taiwan (498.93; 2009) and Hong Kong (222.89; 1311). Hong Kong had the highest mean impact factor (2.48) and mean citations (14.46), followed by Mainland China (2.40; 10.26) and Taiwan (2.38; 10.14). The journal Spine published the largest number of articles (470), followed by European Spine Journal (268). Conclusions: Chinese contributions to the field of spine have a significant increase during the past 10 years, particularly from Mainland China. Hong Kong had the highest quality research output in terms of mean impact factor and mean citation per article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on public perceptions of legal authorities in Chinese societies has been accumulating, yet a critical line of inquiry is missing, regarding the effects of the media. Relying on two nationwide samples, this study examines: (1) to what extent do Chinese and Taiwanese citizens trust their police and courts; and (2) how does media consumption influence Chinese and Taiwanese trust in police and courts, after controlling for a range of individual demographic, experiential, attitudinal, and locality variables? Results show higher levels of trust among Chinese than Taiwanese. Chinese trust their courts more than the police, but Taiwanese trust their police more than courts. Media exposure variables have limited effects on public trust in legal authorities. While frequency of consumption of television, newspaper, and the Internet does not influence Chinese or Taiwanese trust, exposure to foreign news lowers Chinese trust in legal authorities. Trust in media is closely connected to trust in legal authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the expansion of the practice of marriage and family therapy outside of the U.S. and Western Europe, it important to gain a better understanding of family interaction and processes in other cultures and countries. Several studies have examined the problems that couples experience in the United States, but little is understood about problems that couples in Asia experience. In this study, perceptions of relationship problems experienced by 213 married couples living in urban Taiwan were examined. Results indicated that raising children and communication were the two problems most frequently reported by both husbands and wives. Among eight relationship problem areas, the only gender difference was in the area of communication, with wives significantly more likely to report it as a problem. An examination of within-dyad agreement indicated that couples generally had high consensus regarding relationship problems. Implications of this research for culturally-sensitive MFT practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on related studies published between 1980 and May 2008, we examine the prevalence of osteoporoses in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Overall, the prevalence of osteoporosis among these Chinese populations remains low compared to other Caucasian populations; in the mainland, it was approximately 13%. Osteoporosis is a significant public health problem and has received great attention in industrialized countries. However, limited is known in many developing countries including China, where aging and changing lifestyles likely contribute to increased osteoporosis. The objectives of the study is to examine the disease burden (prevalence) and time trends of osteoporosis in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Related studies published in English and Chinese between January 1980 and May 2008 were reviewed and analyzed. The prevalence increased with age and varied dramatically based on local versus international diagnosis criteria. In the mainland, reported overall prevalence of osteoporosis based on nationwide surveys ranged from 6.6% to 19.3% (average = 13.0%). The prevalence varied considerably across studies, and by regions, gender, and bone sites, but the urban to rural difference was small. In Hong Kong, the prevalence among women ≥50 years ranged from 34.1–37% in the spine; was 7% in the same aged men. In Taiwan, among those aged ≥50 years, average prevalence of osteoporosis was 11.4% in women and 1.6% in men. Future national programs need to monitor the burden of osteoporosis in China though available data indicate that the prevalence of osteoporosis remains low compared to that of other Caucasian populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is among the world's richest countries in terms of plant biodiversity. Besides the abundant flora, containing some 33,000 vascular plants (30,000 angiosperms, 250 gymnosperms, and 2600 pteridophytes), there is extraordinary ecosystem diversity, as well as a large pool of both wild and cultivated germplasms. China is also considered one of the main centers of origin and diversification for seed plants on Earth, and is especially profuse in phylogenetically primitive taxa and/or paleoendemics due to the refuge role glaciation played during the Quaternary period. The collision with the Indian subcontinent significantly enriched Chinese flora and led to the formation of many neoendemisms. However, flora distribution remains uneven, and some local floristic hotspots are found across China, such as Yunnan, Sichuan and Taiwan. Unfortunately, this biodiversity faces enormous threats, which have increased substantially over the last 50 years. The combined effects of habitat destruction and/or fragmentation, environmental contamination, over-exploitation of natural resources, and to a lesser extent, introduction of exotic species, have caused irreparable damage to China's plant biodiversity. Burgeoning economic and population growth have also contributed to this deterioration. It is believed that up to 5000 flora species are currently endangered in China, with some taxa having already become extinct. Although in recent years government authorities have made some efforts to preserve biodiversity, much work remains to be done. While China has established an extensive network of nature reserves and protected areas, encompassing more than 16% of the total land area, insufficient budgetary and staffing commitments are common limitations in their management structures. Ex-situ conservation is also deficient, primarily because the botanical gardens are not representative of several local floras, nor are they often of adequate size or representative of endangered species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past half-decade, China has developed a careful balance of cooptative and coercive power in its attempts to dampen the Taiwan independence movement and pursue political unification. In essence, attempts to curry favor with politically relevant constituencies on Taiwan have been paired with attempts to diplomatically isolate and militarily threaten the island's top policymakers. This balance is risky because of the possibility that it may appear too lenient to PRC nationalists, and too provocative to ROC residents. Nevertheless, the current structure of carrots and sticks has emerged for three reasons. First, the institutional coherence of Chinese decision-making and implementation has allowed for the viability of an adaptive, long-term approach. Second, the constraints on both unreinforced cooptation and coercive diplomacy have mediated toward a posture in which the former is enhanced and the latter downplayed. Third, expanded external opportunities in recent years have made it possible to exploit this middle ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on Stephen Walt's balance-of-threat theory, this article models the interactions among the United States, Taiwan, and mainland China in a three-stage sequential game of complete information, and the interactions between Taiwan and mainland China without the U.S. commitment to defend Taiwan in a two-stage sequential game of complete information, respectively. By comparing the equilibria of these two games, this article explores theoretically the U.S. role in constructing the balance of threat across the Taiwan Strait. Furthermore, based on the scenarios yielded by the three-stage sequential game, this article narrates the evolution of security situation across the Taiwan Strait and how the United States has been maintaining the balance of threat in that area. In conclusion, this article speculates on the future of cross-Strait relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postage stamps issued by the government of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan provide a useful tool for considering changing elite aspirations and political objectives. Stamps issued on Taiwan while under authoritarian rule frequently sought to demonstrate or bolster the legitimacy of the ruling KMT, typically through demonstrating the ROC's status in international society or through portraying the economic and developmental success of the KMT regime. The on-going democratic transition on Taiwan has seen a move away from stamps as mechanisms for domestic regime legitimation. Since the election of President Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party in 2000 stamps have increasingly become a medium for promoting the idea of a 'Taiwanese' identity distinct from that of 'China'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]