Search

Escalation of great power rivalry resulting from China's rise and Russia's invasion of Ukraine has prompted Japan to align its foreign and security policies more closely. This paper analyzes how ODA policy, which the Japanese government regards as a crucial diplomatic instrument, has been modified in the face of these changes. The most significant transformation is the securitization of ODA, or the deployment of ODA to advance Japan's national security interests. This trend is evident in the emergence of a new type of ODA that aims to contribute to Japan's security interests by strengthening the deterrence capabilities of developing countries involved in territorial disputes with China. Notably, Japan is justifying this new ODA trend in the name of upholding the universal value of the international rule of law. In other words, Japan is shifting the focus of assistance away from domestic issues of democracy and human rights in each recipient country toward the rule of law in international relations. This is a manifestation of Japan's effort to strike a careful balance between upholding universal values and avoiding the risk of offending incumbent governments in recipient countries with questionable domestic governance records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzing North Korea is essential for examining international relations in East Asia as a whole, but North Korea's tight control over information makes this difficult. Another factor complicating analysis of North Korea is its "special relationship" with China. The aim of this paper is to examine four factors contributing to the "special relationship" between China and North Korea, how that relationship came about, and how it functions within the context of international politics today. This paper is a structural analysis of China–North Korea relations that describes four factors behind their "special relationship." It continues by analyzing China–North Korea relations under Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un up to the deployment of THAAD in South Korea. The "special relationship" between China and North Korea is based on four factors. What is distinctive about these factors is that they can bring the two sides together but also push them apart. In terms of national security issues, the force bringing them together has ultimately prevailed. Socialist ideology issues have surfaced much less frequently now and have lost their capacity to both bring the two together and push them apart. In the area of traditional ties, the two leaders are attempting to use their personal relationship to have closer relations, but this is not having much lasting effect. Where economic relations are concerned, Beijing and Pyongyang have become even more dependent on each other and this is a strong force pushing them closer together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes instances of the Indian leadership's choice of an escalatory approach in its border dispute with China, first in the adoption of the Forward Policy in the lead up to the 1962 war, and more briefly the more recent decision in 2017 to take escalatory action in response to Chinese activity in the Doklam area in the trijunction of the India-China-Bhutan border region. In doing so, the paper demonstrates how a focus on reputation as an explanatory factor may allow us to make better sense of how Indian leaders have in the past and continue to in the present make decisions on key issues of national security concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of American exceptionalism in guiding US national security concerns has often come under scrutiny in the past from security analysts and policy makers alike. The US is not alone in projecting its exceptional values in its foreign policy articulations. Indian foreign policy assertions also stress India's unique civilizational qualities that make it capable of pursuing a "peaceful" modernity as opposed to the "violent" modernity of the West. The aim of this paper is to analyze how the idea of exceptionalism impacts the national security cultures of the two biggest democracies of the world. What are US and Indian exceptionalism in the context of international relations? How do they translate into the national security cultures of a superpower and a rising power? Is their national security culture driven by fear or hope, trust or mistrust, flexible or rigid strategies? These are some of the issues that this paper seeks to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a March 2015 speech delivered in Mauritius, India's current Prime Minister Narendra Modi outlined what he described would be India's vision for the Indian Ocean Region. Under the acronym, SAGAR or "Security and Growth for All in the Region," five key points were elucidated. At the time, the speech was praised for articulating a proactive approach to the Indian Ocean and the various visits to, and agreements that followed with, littoral and island countries, appeared to confirm this. This paper seeks to assess the extent to which India has been able to deliver an agenda of security and growth for the maritime region. Despite the enthusiastic reception to SAGAR, the critique is often made that India is slow to deliver on the promises made as part of the country's maritime and naval diplomacy. The paper highlights a selection of decisions and actions taken since 2015, which have contributed to maritime governance in the region and argues that there is a substantial change in the way SAGAR provides a framework for strategic action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the long‐term ties between security, development, and fear in Guatemala. I argue that as the development apparatus in Guatemala has long been structured around violence and security concerns, development encounters in the contemporary era continue to be shaped by fear. The confluence of multiple mechanisms of fear, including the legacies of violence, surveillance, and coercion, structure development encounters in profound ways. Drawing on semistructured interviews with development practitioners, I examine their perceptions of fear's impact on development encounters at the local level to highlight the problematic culture of fear rhetoric, which serves to obscure practices through which lived experiences of fear are reproduced. Emphases on social cohesion, solidarity, and behaviors which "better contribute" to development work to mask the racialized elements of these discourses and ultimately serve to silence and delegitimize indigenous demands for structural change and justice in the country [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rather than ask why New Zealand supported the intervention, this paper focuses on how representations of New Zealand and the international terrorist threat resulted in public acquiescence to a pre-emptive strike by the world's sole superpower against one of the poorest, most war-torn countries in the world. The paper concludes that legitimacy was achieved through the blending of themes of terrorism and war, national interest and democracy, rule of law and human rights, to produce an ambiguous ‘international campaign against terrorism’ that allowed for picking and choosing of the most convenient position on different matters. The alternative—to refuse moral and material support for the United States-led ‘war on terror’—was to risk New Zealand's membership of the United States-led international community and a ‘seat at the table’ in future international trade and security negotiations. As such, any campaign benefits appear to have accrued to New Zealand rather than Afghanistan or the Afghan people, especially given the parlous state of that country in 2018. A wide-ranging debate within New Zealand on the purpose of such interventions is needed before similar commitments are made in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the history of the civil defense program of the U.S., from 1944 to 1984. Reason given by the government on the establishment of a civil defense program; Studies conducted on the potential impact on a typical American city of the hydrogen bomb; Creation of the U.S. Federal Civil Defense Administration; Ways used to educate the public on civil defense; Implementation of the Interstate Highway Act of 1956.

Most studies looking at India's external policies continue to "black-box" the actual process of how Indian foreign policy is made. More specifically, most studies generally overlook how India's complex domestic polity and bureaucratic apparatus shape India's foreign policy outlook. Unlike works on India's security policy which have built from and contributed to broader academic debates, studies on India's foreign policy have failed to directly engage with concepts and theories developed by the sub-discipline of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). Why have these concepts and approaches not been consistently applied to the Indian context? There are various reasons for this, ranging from these disciplines' excessive reliance on Western case studies, or the lack of interest in mainstream International Relations scholarship by South Asianists (in contrast to disciplines such as economics, political theory, and developmental studies, all of which have benefited from the Indian experience). This special issue is a step towards bridging this gap and to encourage a greater dialogue between FPA and the systematic study of Indian foreign policy. Through the careful analysis of specific case studies, the different papers offer a conceptually grounded and empirically innovative reading of India's foreign policy across time, space, and themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses various issues related to the imposition of controls over the free flow of scientific information in the United States and its national security. The article makes specific reference to the views of Bobby Inman, deputy director of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, in this regard. There are many reports and proposed regulations that ask to limit openness and free flow of scientific work due to certain national security concerns. Different reviews conducted by different agencies have affected the work of intellectuals including scientists, engineers, students along with university and industrial officials.

The number of unauthorized tunnels discovered through the U.S.-Mexico border has risen dramatically since the mid-1990s. These tunnels are problematic for the state because the subterranean border is both less visible and more difficult to monitor and control than is the surface border. In this era of heighten security, the debate on secure borders has intensified. As a result, the need to demonstrate security success at both the national and the agency level has risen. Efforts to make tunnel discoveries (and security) visible are made within border-security agencies and within national discourse and legislation. These efforts spatially fix tunnels to the border in ways that obscure fuller a understanding of drug trafficking in general. This paper employs archival research, content analysis, and informal interviews with security-enforcement agents to consider the material presence of tunnels within border landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional wisdom among many analysts and policy-makers is that India’s central government has followed a fairly consistent internal security policy by deploying an “iron first in a velvet glove” that attacks irreconcilable armed groups, while holding open the door to mainstream politics for moderates. This article argues that this wisdom is incorrect. It instead offers a more political explanation of government strategy, showing that Delhi cares much more about some kinds of groups and conflicts than others, leading to a diverse pattern of strategies toward armed actors. Central government strategy is driven by varying political resolve for crackdowns and varying political space for either deal-making or neglect. Rather than a shared general approach, there is a far more selective and complex pattern of strategy. The paper examines both counterinsurgent conflicts and the murkier realm of private armies and armed political parties that blend “normal” politics with violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defense and commercial trade offsets (also known as countertrade or industrial participation) are valued in the tens of billions of dollars each year andoften accompany the export of advanced technological goods. An offset is any type of non-monetary compensation that a procuring government requires an exporting firm to provide as a condition of the sale and generally commits the exporting firm to spend a certain percentage of the value of the sale in the procuring country. This paper examines 1) how procuring governments use offsets to achieve their goals, and 2) the economic and national security implications of offsets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three-sector model - encompassing the private, public and non-governmental or 'third' sectors - is important to much of the research that is undertaken on development policy. While it may be analytically convenient to separate the three sectors, the realities are more complex. Non-governmental actors and government/public sector agencies are linked in potentially important (though often far from visible) ways via personal relationships, resource flows and informal transactions. This paper seeks to understand these links by studying the 'life-work histories' of individuals who have operated in both the government and third sector. Two main types of such boundary crossing are identified: 'consecutive', in which a person moves from one sector to the other in order to take up a new position, and 'extensive', in which a person is simultaneously active in both sectors. Drawing on a set of recently collected life-work history data, the paper explores the diversity of this phenomenon in three countries. It examines the reasons for cross-over, analyses the experiences of some of those involved, and explores the implications for better understanding the boundaries, both conceptual and tangible, that both separate and link government and third sector in these different institutional contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

March 2002 George W. Bush announced that the new Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) would increase US development assistance by $5 billion per annum. The MCA's goal of 'reducing poverty through growth' was highlighted in the November 2002 National Security Strategy, which elevated development to join defence and diplomacy as one of the three pillars of the 'war on terror'. This paper critiques the crude and dogmatic alignments that the NSS and the MCA draw between neoliberal economic policies, poverty reduction and security. Drawing on an analysis of the first five MCA 'Compacts' with Cape Verde, Honduras, Madagascar, Nicaragua and Georgia, I argue that the newly invigorated security-development paradigm is being used to legitimate more spending on 'development' programmes which are primarily intended to serve the interests of US consumers, manufacturers and investors. Despite the rhetoric, poverty reduction is at best a secondary objective. The paradox of American empire is that its pursuit of economic hegemony through the extension and ever-deepening penetration of neoliberal capitalism (in which the MCA is one small vehicle) precisely undermines the conditions for sustainable profitability, as well as social justice. This analysis suggests that like its military and diplomatic counterparts, the developmental 'pillar' of national security will contribute to the erosion of human and political security for the United States and the rest of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At Los Alamos National Laboratory (LANL), statistical scientists develop solutions for a variety of national security challenges through scientific excellence, typically as members of interdisciplinary teams. At LANL, mentoring is actively encouraged and practiced to develop statistical skills and positive career-building behaviors. Mentoring activities targeted at different career phases from student to junior staff are an important catalyst for both short and long term career development. This article discusses mentoring strategies for undergraduate and graduate students through internships as well as for postdoctoral research associates and junior staff. Topics addressed include project selection, progress, and outcome; intellectual and social activities that complement the student internship experience; key skills/knowledge not typically obtained in academic training; and the impact of such internships on students’ careers. Experiences and strategies from a number of successful mentorships are presented. Feedback from former mentees obtained via a questionnaire is incorporated. These responses address some of the benefits the respondents received from mentoring, helpful contributions and advice from their mentors, key skills learned, and how mentoring impacted their later careers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Comments on the U.S. judiciary's increased willingness to let the executive branch decide what may or may not be published about the national security issues. Public right's to debate national security issues; Lack of discipline in keeping secrets which characterized American politics; Three cases that established the fundamental principle that the courts would assist the government in enforcing its view of what needed to be kept secret in the name of national security.

In this paper we begin by defining and examining the concept of police building. Its historical precedents and contemporary forms are briefly reviewed, showing a variety of motives and agendas for this kind of institution building. We argue that police building has been a relatively neglected dimension of nation- and state-building exercises, despite its importance to functions of pacification and restoration of law and order. The emerging literature on international police reform and capacity building tends to adopt a narrow institutionalist and universalistic approach that does not take sufficient account of the politics of police building. This politics is multilayered and varies from the formal to the informal. Using two case studies focusing on events in 2006 in Timor-Leste and Solomon Islands, the reasons for the fragility of many current police-building projects are considered. In both cases, we argue, police capacity builders paid insufficient attention to the political architecture and milieu of public safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the practice of naming events, actions, places and people in the Palestine - Israel conflict. It explores the way colonialism and the national project deploy transformations in naming to construct places and identities and craft widespread imaginaries about these places. Names form part of cultural systems that structure and nuance the way we imagine and understand the world. They embody ideological significance and moral attributes and can be consciously mobilised for various projects of power. Words and names reference a moral grammar that underwrites and reproduces power. As such, our analytical approaches to lexicons must be embedded in historical, political and cultural frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to provide a survey of the functions and dysfunctions of the nuclear arms race on American society. The analysis of the positive functions does not serve as a justification for the status quo, but is undertaken to point out the numerous constraints mitigating against change. The dysfunctions of U.S. nuclear war preparations are explicitly considered hare to point out the direct, indirect and opportunity costs of adhering to a policy of extended deterrence. The juxtaposition of both functions and dysfunctions provides insights concerning potential sources of change and policy alternatives that may decrease the negative consequences without weakening U.S. national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the author's views on the efforts of the U.S. officials over the past half decade to restrict the free flow of scientific and technical information. Such attempts are against fundamental principles of openness. Restricting open communication among American scientists and engineers that helped the U.S. in the past would hamper the technological basis of its national security. Clear rules as to what should be kept secret are required to prevent abuses.

Analyzes the National Security Decision Directive (NSDD) 189 designed to exempt fundamental research from national security controls. Claim on the use of classification as primary control mechanism in cases involving national security interests; Revelation of a rule exemption allowing the government to control research; Ban on the placement of restrictions on federally funded research; Primary tools to limit access to information.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "Women and the National Security Debate" by Rosemary Chalk in the October 1982 issue.

A response by Rosemary Chalk about a letter to the editor in response to her article "Women and the National Security Debate" in the October 1982 issue is presented.

Transboundary impact assessment (TIA) has become an important environmental management tool, particularly where a project may have transboundary impacts. With the growing practice of TIA, it becomes important to consider the accuracy of the transboundary impact assessments that are being conducted. If TIA is a planning tool designed to provide a basis for making an informed decision, does it actually provide the necessary information? This paper summarizes lessons learned in pilot-testing a methodology to assess the accuracy of TIAs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper participates in the debate of whether immigration is a security problem, examining the theoretical framework that brings immigration into a security agenda and going on to discuss Greece as a case study. It first presents the kinds of security threats (social, cultural, and territorial) that are allegedly posed by population movements, and then examines the dangers that might arise from the presentation of migration as an 'objective' security threat at both an individual and collective level. The aim here is to challenge the concept of an 'objective security threat' and that of the 'objectively dangerous immigrant'. In the second part it examines the securitization of immigration in Greece. It discusses how immigration is perceived in three dimensions by Greek society--public opinion, media and politics -- demonstrating different levels of securitization. On the one hand, public opinion and the media appear to be the major securitizing forces and Greeks the most 'insecure' citizens of Europe; on the other, in the political sphere Greece has not generally prioritized immigration in its security agenda. This contradiction supports the idea that the immigrant-threat is, ultimately, a social construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to examine the treatment of homeland security in the content and context of a purposeful sample of graduate and undergraduate courses. This article establishes a framework for guiding future research in the field by establishing a conceptual definition grounded by what is being taught under the moniker of homeland security. It illustrates the imprecise or multifaceted nature of the definition of homeland security and the varied approaches used to teach homeland security. The research design in this paper employed a purposeful sampling logic, a grounded theory paradigm, and a content analysis technique applied to the descriptions of the courses, topical/unit coverage, and the use of terminology in the syllabi. The study concludes that homeland security courses play a variety of roles in the curricula, that there is very little agreement about what constitutes homeland security as a curriculum, and that the content of the syllabi seems heavily grounded in a variety of disciplines. The article discusses the possible implications of the conceptual definition of homeland security that the syllabi seem to suggest; that is, a system of emergency preparedness that requires military and civilian response to perceived, potential, or eminent terrorist threats against U.S. citizens and interests at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and China are two powers in Asia, having common borders but different sense of entitlements and vulnerabilities. China's global profile has become much stronger than India's. How India and China deal with each other will determine peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. The challenge for New Delhi is to factor its national self-interest and security into dealings with a rising China. India is threatened by Chinese assertiveness, given its outstanding boundary disputes with China, Belt and Road Initiative, uncritical Chinese support for Pakistan and China's increasing penetration into the Indian Ocean region. However, current Indian stance toward China is characterized by hedging, which has severe limitations dues to many structural constraints. The article argues that India should unhesitatingly increase its strategic engagement with America, Japan and Australia to strengthen the Quadrilateral. Despite some obvious differences, all four maritime democracies share a set of common strategic perceptions, which could deepen their security arrangements to manage China's growing assertiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water crises have risen over the past decade. In the Brazilian context, extreme events have intensified over the country, undermining water systems in regions that already face water shortages. Although previous studies have focussed on individual regions of Brazil, an overview of the entire country will contribute to developing a national action plan for mitigating water inequalities. Therefore, we reviewed and analysed water security in Brazil, presenting a diagnosis focussed on the peculiarities of each geographic region and hydrographic area. One of the biggest threats is the slow pace towards a robust policy for strengthening national water security. As shown here, water security depends on several variables such as availability, quality, and external factors such as climate forcing and anthropogenic pressure. Therefore, water governance needs to integrate human needs with ecosystem functioning, considering climate uncertainties to move towards better water resources planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xi Jinping's political authority was not preeminent among cadres of the Communist Party of China when he assumed the General Secretary of the Central Committee in November 2012. After his inauguration, Xi advocated a slogan of "Chinese Dream" for realizing the "great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation" and pursued the policies for expanding the "core interests," which appealed to growing nationalism among the party and the society, resulting in enhancing their support to Xi. China's assertive behavior to claim territorial sovereignty and maritime interests in the East and South China Seas caused tension with the regional countries, but Xi took advantage of the conflictive relations with neighbors to strengthen his leadership in the Chinese politics. Xi administration achieved the integration of four maritime law enforcement agencies into the China Coast Guard and the establishment of the Central National Security Commission, which needed to overcome persistent opposition within the party. Xi also launched "Major Country Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics" as a new direction of Chinese foreign policies, seeking for greater leadership of China as a major power in the international community, which helped Xi to consolidate political authority. Xi cleverly employed assertive diplomacy to raise his authority in the Chinese politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian Prime Ministers occupy the pinnacle of India's government, national security hierarchy, and nuclear command and control infrastructure, which allows them to make decisions that transform Indian nuclear strategy. However, within India's nuclear decision-making bureaucracy, other actors including India's nuclear scientists and engineers, the military, and democratic processes can also adjust Indian nuclear strategy which creates rivalry. This article argues that the Indian Prime Minister's position gives them the ability to influence and direct these various domestic political actors to make a nuclear strategy that suits the Prime Minister's interests. But as bureaucratic actors actually translate the Prime Minister's directions into policy, it results in influence often falling short of control in setting nuclear strategy. Applying a bureaucratic model to the making of nuclear strategy, the article's findings suggest that Prime Ministers have purposefully guided and overseen India's post-Pokhran-II nuclear strategy beyond a "minimal" credible deterrent outlined in its 1999 official nuclear doctrine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assesses the economic conversion efforts in the U.S. Examples of failure of economic conversion; Major reason for a record of opposition and failure; Problems posed by conversion advocates; Alternative to conversion through the addition of an economic dimension to the definition of national security.

Comments on how U.S. journalists are accustomed to accepting the dictates of 'national security' while remaining unshakably certain of their own objectivity. Changes in the news media during the nuclear age; Return to peacetime assumptions and practices; Evidence that the news media have consistently gone along with Washington's overstatements of Soviet strength and military spending.

Argues that the collaboration of society to maintain the warfare state and, possibly, to assure its own destruction is paralleled by the routinization of unimaginable horrors in Nazi concentration camps. Analogies that appear in planning for nuclear war; Consideration of human behavior in the concentration camp; Observation on the arguments that preparation for nuclear war is necessary for reasons of national security.

The article presents information on Admiral Bobby Ray Inman and his contribution to the U.S. intelligence and the National Security Agency. He played significant role in maintaining a balanced view of the proper role of government secrecy and intelligence agency prerogatives in a free society. He always tried to maintain a symbiotic relationship between the science and national security as he believed that technology has the potential to enhance a nation's international strength. This article also includes information on his informal system of government censorship of privately developed scientific information.

The article discusses various issues that highlight the significance of an international chemical weapons convention. Chemical weapons conventions should be negotiated before nations accept chemical weapons as conventional agents of war. Actual weapons and equipment for the dissemination of chemical warfare agents should be prohibited. It also informs that all chemical warfare agents should be covered by a prohibition to develop, produce or stockpile them, with regard to the scope of a chemical warfare convention.

The article offers information on Chinese military strategy. The author posed that predominantly the concern of Chinese foreign policy has been the containment and control of Soviet power. It is identified that in various military, political and diplomatic undertakings, the Soviet Union has been considered as a prime threat to the security of different states, including the Peoples' Republic of China. This country's views of world politics and security objectives are dominated by the manifestations of Soviet behavior and intent.

The article examines the civil defense program of the Soviet Union, and suggests conclusions that the United States can draw from it. It surveys the supposed program to train citizens for military deployment, evacuation and sheltering plans, assumptions held about the nature of a U.S. attack, and post-attack recovery estimates, and concludes that much of these are unrealistic, inadequate in the face of large-scale nuclear attack, or spurious. It notes that there is little evidence that Soviet leaders have planned their economy with civil defense in mind, and that there is not much basis for claiming that Soviet leaders would risk war with the U.S., which has more than sufficient capability to nullify whatever passive-defense measures may have been taken by the Soviet Union.

The article presents a discussion of the function of the military systems. The purpose of military systems is to maintain and improve national security. National security is defined as the prevention of property damage, injury and loss of life caused by military means. However, the danger of death, destruction and the compromise of national sovereignty are increasing as they grow in size and complexity. One military strategy which can increase military national security is substantial disarmament.

Reports the stockpile stewardship program as strengthened by the signing of the Comprehensive Test Ban (CTB) against nuclear testing in United States. Effect of the program on the national security of the nation; Moves taken by US government officials regarding the program; Features and functions of the program; Reactions from activists on the components of the program.

The article presents a list of books and research papers related to national security, tax reforms and economic reform. Some of books listed here include: "Military Expansion, Economic Decline: The Impact of Military spending on U.S. Economic Performance," by Robert W. DeGrasse Jr; "The Productivity of Soviet Investment and the Economic Burden of Defense," by Stanley H. Cohn; "Energy, Economics, and Foreign Policy in the Soviet Union," edited by A. Hewitt. Some of the articles are: "Tax Incentives and Economic Growth," by Barry P. Bosworth, "Taxes, Loans, and Inflation," by C. Eugene Steuerle; "Understanding Inflation in the 1980's," by Robert J. Gordon published in "Brooking's Papers on Economic Activity"; "The Military Money Drain," by Stanford J. Unger published in "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists."

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles on topics related to India, including a comparison of India's democracy to democracies in other South Asian countries, the economic and political effects of globalization on the Indian state of Odisha, and India's internal security.

The production of hazardous materials that can be used for civilian and military purposes (dual-use items) has led the U.S. government to impose export controls in order to prevent the proliferation of risky materials falling into the wrong hands -- a concern in this age of international terrorism. Export controls are prudent government responses to the emergence of a new and widely perceived threat to national security. However, existing controls have failed to keep up with rapid global economic and technological changes, and are likely to have adverse effects on firms' economic performance. This article suggests regulatory and policy reforms, as well as corporate strategies for dealing with U.S. export controls in order to make such controls effective and relevant to changing technological developments. Among the problems the article identifies are the negative effects of these export controls on firm innovation, market competitiveness, investment, and trade flows. These issues point to a pressing agenda for regulatory reform. Reforms can focus on limiting control lists, enhancing the bilateral or multilateral cooperation in export controls, improving the efficiency and transparency of the licensing system, improving resources and the outreach to small and medium-size exporters, and compensation for the loss of market share. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors conduct a comparative review of the strategic imperatives driving Sino-Indian policy on Afghanistan in the post-2014 scenario. The article argues that divergent strategic imperatives make cooperation difficult and/or unlikely. This analysis is based on a broader consideration of both contemporary history and geopolitical dynamics shaping the foreign policy considerations of these two countries, and an assessment of the impact of ongoing bi-lateral and regional aspirations. The authors begin by highlighting the salient dynamics that have historically characterized and driven Indian and Chinese foreign policy in general and on Afghanistan. They find that Afghanistan, although not a primary focus of either state’s foreign or security policy, historically, is increasing in importance for both; India and China compete on a range of economic and security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the stand taken by the Norwegian Labor Party in Norway regarding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's decision on twin track missile deployment in the years 1979 and 1982. In December 1979, the Norwegian Labor Party supported the decision of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization despite disagreements and public debate within the party. In April 1982, the Labor Party has reversed its position and opposed the deployment of missiles. Labor opponents of the twin track decision found it difficult to comprehend any situation in which the party can support the deployment.

The article suggests how Americans going to the polls in the November 1982 Congressional elections might best conceive of the long-range security needs of the U.S. in relation to the Soviet Union. It is opined that candidates' attitudes toward the approach of United States and the Soviet Union to lessen the danger of nuclear war will be the most important factor in the election. A great deal of attention will also be focused on a number of aspects of U.S.-Soviet relations. Farmers will be concerned with grain exports to the Soviet Union.

The article discusses the information control provisions as defined by the U.S. Atomic Energy Act of 1940 which embodies the principle of born classified which regulates access to restricted data. The concept of restricted data has given rise to intense debate from within as well as outside of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission due to a vaguely defined usage of the term. The restricted data was supposed to include scientific and technical information related to nuclear technology and its applications. It is suggested that there is an urgent need for reviewing and amending the regulations concerning the access to restricted data and properly defining its usage.

The article focuses on the author's comments regarding the strategy Graduated and Reciprocated Initiatives in Tension-reduction meant for maintaining national security, maximizing the likelihood of reciprocation and evaluating the genuineness of reciprocations. According to the author, nuclear capacity can serve rational foreign policy if it is viewed as a security base to take limited risks in reducing tensions. A shift in military policy should be clearly indicated at the beginning.

Recent disclosures of information concerning the internal workings of New Zealand intelligence agencies offer fertile ground for scholarship reassessing New Zealand's security arrangements. Building upon only a few of these disclosures, this article argues that when the Government Communications Security Bureau decided to assist the New Zealand police with its extradition of Kim Dotcom to the United States it stimulated a flurry of media interest which not only signalled the widespread confusion among the intelligence community over the meaning of national security but also revealed systemic deformities within the intelligence community itself. The article concludes that this confusion over national security and those systemic deformities constitute a prima facie case for reforming New Zealand's intelligence community, though the prospects for an immediate transformation remain dim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]