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Over the last decade it is young women who have come to be widely understood as the bearers of educational qualifications. It is girls who are now seen to have 'the world at their feet' and to be able to attain the glittering prizes of academic success associated with elite universities and top occupations. And it is upper-middle-class girls, in particular, who appear to be achieving the most; a 'super class' of pupils who are supposedly able to effortlessly succeed in everything that they do. Drawing on ethnographic data generated during a research project in a single-sex, selective girls' school this paper will explore what it meant for one group of elite girls to achieve and succeed in school. The paper will examine the different versions of success made available to the girls in this school, the girls' differing relations to these discourses and their intersection with other relations of power. The paper will question the popular post-feminist picture of the smart, sassy and successful 'top girl' who is able to 'have it all' and in the conditions of her own choosing. The paper will suggest that, even for the girls in this school, success was not easy to perform or 'own' for oneself. Despite attending a school where success was openly celebrated, the paper will demonstrate the ways in which many girls still felt restricted to perform success in narrow and competitive ways that clashed with dominant discourses of femininity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although immigration researchers, like other social scientists who study mobility, usually look only at upward mobility, immigrants and refugees often suffer from downward mobility. This is particularly true of new arrivals who were professionals in their country of origin and now work as technicians, although newcomers of lower status may experience it as well. For some immigrants and refugees, downward mobility is temporary; others may suffer from it all their lives and even pass the pain on to their children. This paper discusses the various impacts of downward mobility, the ways immigrants and refugees cope with them successfully or not, and the consequences of their class and status decline for their children. The paper can be read as a follow up to my earlier articles in Ethnic and Racial Studies, 'Second Generation Decline', (1992) and 'Acculturation, Assimilation and Mobility' (2007). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the identity politics of the US Patriot Movement and how it addresses the anxieties its primary constituency—working-class whites—have with globalization. White workers find themselves straddling an identity fault under globalization. By virtue of their class, they suffer exploitation within a capitalist system. By virtue of their race, they find themselves the beneficiaries of racial privileges. To analyse how a patriot politic addresses this dual positionality, a poststructuralist identity theory is employed, focusing on a subset of this literature known as whiteness studies. It is argued that discourses of patriotism keep patriots from addressing the economic basis of many of their grievances while buttressing notions of cultural/racial superiority through 'safe' nationalistic coding. The Patriot Movement in Central Kentucky is examined as a case study—in particular,its deployment of a patriot politic around two issues: calls to legalize industrial hemp and efforts to stop the designation of a biosphere reserve in the state.This paper's conclusions are situated within a current debate in whiteness studies between those calling for the abolition of whiteness and those calling for its reconstruction. The paper contends that disidentification is not a viable option without alternative categories to replace it. The willingness of Kentucky patriots to galvanize around a patriot politics despite realizing goals through it indicates that working-class whites are anxious for political categories of action in the new global era. Given that working-class whites are mobilizing around categories that code their race-based anxieties, however, reconstruction paradigms must also consider the reconstruction of categories—such as 'patriot'—that currently work to divide workers along racial lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the technologies of controlling migration and how the human rights of third-country nationals are disciplined and limited in many European Union member states. It discusses the rationalities of allowing entry as they are inscribed in the Schengen visa regulations and in the regulations relating to resident permits and family reunification rights in various European countries. Specifically the paper sheds light on how market veridiction results in the disciplining of human rights in these policies. The analysis is conducted through a Foucauldian governmentality framework entailing an analysis of the problematisations of immigration through market veridiction and how these are applied today to limit immigrants’ human rights. The paper then compares these rationalities to eugenic justifications for problematising immigration in the USA from 1860s onwards. This historical comparison shows how social Darwinist notions of human worth continue to function at the level of rationalities and technologies of disciplining immigrants’ human rights. The paper concludes that market veridiction makes human rights function inside a framework of (e)quality in which human worth is calculated as ‘quality’ and not as ‘equality’, and shows how migrants’ human rights are made to function as something to be earned rather than something inherent or inalienable. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Reform of the United States welfare system in 1996 drastically changed welfare receipt for low-income lone mothers. This paper explores the effects of these changes on lone mothers by summarizing empirical work on caseload reduction, labor force participation, income, poverty, material hardship, and family formation. While it appears that the economic status of many lone mothers improved during the economic expansion in the late 1990s, many lone mothers continued to experience poverty and material hardship. Building on the work of feminist scholars from both the US and other countries, this paper goes on to critique mainstream research on welfare reform. It identifies a particularly feminist approach to welfare reform research, stresses its advantages over mainstream research, and speculates about why there is comparatively less feminist research to date. The paper concludes by calling for more structural analyses of poverty and of lone motherhood itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building upon the finding that the term “artisan” is a floating signifier in contemporary US chocolate marketing, this paper suggests that “artisan” functions similarly to brands for craft chocolate. This function is specific to the US post-Fordist creative economy and the rise of craft chocolate since 1997. Based on textual analysis of craft chocolate websites and packaging; comparisons between historical and contemporary uses of “artisan”; and results of a consumer survey on meanings of the term, this paper demonstrates that “artisan” has shifted away from denoting a labor class. Instead, it now suggests a community of producers and consumers who perceive shared priorities for this value chain. In this market reframing, “artisan” as a brand word has opened up new possibilities for value addition for chocolate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Entrepreneurship is often touted as an economic opportunity that embodies American ideals of individualism and financial gain. Yet social scientists have long noted divergent entrepreneurial outcomes among various groups. In this paper, we consider how race informs entrepreneurship for minority business owners. In particular, we focus on the ways black entrepreneurs use racial counterframes as a means of defining various aspects of the entrepreneurial experience. Furthermore, we introduce the concept of intersectional counterframes to show how black entrepreneurs understand business ownership as a response to categories that interact with not only to race, but other social group categories as well, such as gender. We argue here that these business owners use both counterframes to construct entrepreneurship not simply as a potential pathway to economic stability, but perhaps more importantly, as a response to existing inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), this paper investigates the impact of race and ethnicity, class and naturalization on the voter registration and subsequent assimilation of second-generation Caribbean immigrants into the USA. Drawing from both classical and contemporary models of assimilation, I conduct a comparative analysis of Afro-Caribbeans and Cuban immigrants using voter registration as the primary measure of integration. Although the assimilation literature typically characterizes Cubans as upwardly mobile, this study shows that this is not a distinguishing feature for this group because Afro-Caribbeans are gaining higher levels of upward mobility compared to Cubans with respect to political incorporation. Findings suggest that race and ethnicity, class and citizenship status are all significant factors as both Cuban and Afro-Caribbean immigrants assimilate into the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the identity formation of middle-class Haitian youth. Segmented assimilation theory predicts that the Haitian second generation will integrate into the black American underclass or maintain strong ethnic group identities. The black middle class, however, is an unexplored pathway of cultural assimilation. This paper uses the literature on the racial and class experiences of the black American middle class as a departure point for understanding the boundary work of middle-class Haitian youth. Based on qualitative interviews and a focus group, we uncover the mechanisms of identity formation for this invisible population. Racial, ethnic and class boundaries compel Haitian youths to create strategies of either empowerment or distancing. They negotiate between their middle-class status and ethnoracial exclusion in a racially segregated neighbourhood, an ethnically homogenous church and a mixed-race school setting. This study's findings extend our theoretical understandings of middle-class immigrants and their identity work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions of high-speed rail in the United States generally involve relatively straightforward matters of urban policy, civil engineering, economics and raw politics. High-speed rail is touted as an economic driver, a paragon of sustainability and an arena of competition with economic rivals in Europe and Asia. But a critical look at the discourse surrounding high-speed rail reveals the deep contradictions that have managed to stymie numerous initiatives to build high-speed rail lines while simultaneously keeping the dream alive in the imaginings of generations of advocates. This paper looks at plans for high-speed rail in the United States as a complex of ideas, connecting the nascent efforts to the larger American story. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When teaching in Sport Management programs professors are often forced to respond to the actions and teachings of professionals in the field. According to the study by Kincheloe & Steinberg many of these normalized and, indeed celebrated, behaviors are actions that are part and parcel of the ‘recovery movement’ which (re)inscribe new forms of colonization, sexism, racism, classism and so on. Given that these performances are often considered ‘good business practice’, it is now more important than ever to challenge these conventions in what has been termed the post-neoliberal moment. This paper, therefore, analyzes and explains how the mundane recycling of borrowed thought has seeped into America's collegiate educational system—particularly in sport management programs. It does so through a critical examination of Amber's educational and pre-professional experience as an intern for various sporting constituencies. Further, we examine the disguised precedence and obligatory requisites of the sporting industry, which use exploitative and manipulative marketing tactics to fabricate a hyperreal milieu of sporting production and consumption. Given this context, the project at present seeks to (re)evaluate just what we, as teachers, owe our students as they venture into an economy facing ‘hard times’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The purpose of this paper is to determine the extent that theorists of white privilege vary in their emphasis of intersectionality. Since few theorists incorporate gender, theoretical differences that explain why some authors emphasise class differences and others not are identified. Race and class intersect for the following reasons: First, investment in whiteness is viewed as a means to achieving greater material resources, and is not an end in itself. Second, white privilege is historically located by explanations of how specific occupations or income levels of whites benefit from direct material conflict with non-whites. Third, materially based conflict among whites is a significant factor for between-race conflicts, as claims of white privilege made by working whites are said to be motivated by a combination of compensation for within-race class exploitation and a judgment that the material conditions of non-whites were too similar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines gender- and nation-specific forms of capital through migration. It focuses on first-generation Swedish women moving to a new social and political landscape in the USA, typically from upper- and middle-class environments in Sweden. Their migratory experiences are used as a departure to analyse how former class positions are being re-enacted (or not) in the neo-liberal USA. The study, conducted from 2006 to 2008, is based on in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with 33 women and three of their spouses and participant observations in a support group for Swedish-speaking women in the Western region of the USA. Using an intersectional analysis, it is suggested that Swedish women are located in contradictory class positions in the USA in terms of the loss of social and cultural capital, access to the social democratic welfare state and a dependence on racialised labour in a different social geography. It is argued that the women's class privileges are shaped, transformed and reproduced through their capacities to re-invest their cultural and embodied forms of capital in marriage and by marking a distance to subordinated groups, often other migrant women, thereby mirroring the unequal relations between (migrating) women in a global arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large body of historical evidence shows that welfare states originate in fear—class fear, and this is no less true of the United States than Western Europe. Drawing on the history of the American labor movement, populism, and progressivism, this paper questions the theory of American “exceptionalism” as well as Theda Skocpol's argument that the autonomy of capitalist states relegates Marxist theories of the state to secondary importance. The expansion and contraction of welfare states are best understood in terms of class conflict, which moves Marxism from the sidelines to the center of efforts to explain capitalist states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the war against obesity intensifies in the United States, obesity is frequently portrayed as a problem of class, race, and nationality that has serious economic costs for a nation whose healthcare resources are already limited. The competition for resources has caused not only an economic panic but also a moral panic about who deserves available resources, and obesity has become a flashpoint for discussing concerns about the fiscal and physical health of the United States. This paper examines how the war against obesity (and especially the rhetoric employed) negatively affect a growing number of people by projecting national angst about race, class, and economics onto individual lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The current United States presidential administration's statements and policies have, in a shockingly short time, catastrophically affected people of color and LGBTQIAþcommunities. And although these numerous discriminatory policies and policy revisions have negatively affected both US people of color and LGBTQIAþpeople, trans women of color have been disproportionately affected. Even more specifically, when focusing on vulnerability to violence--including murder--it is Black trans women who are most directly affected by the intersections of transphobia and racism in the US. This article explores a Black trans woman's experiences with mental health professionals across two decades and different regions of the US. Aims: This article argues for the necessity of understanding trans people's mental health experiences as necessarily intersectional, in order to more fully appreciate and address the degrees to which factors such as race, socioeconomic class, and geographic context matter in trans people's efforts to access ethical and effective mental healthcare. Methods: Using a theoretical framework informed by Kimberlé Crenshaw's single-axis concept, the authors fully center Aryah's intersectional experiences and counter a single-axis in exploring trans mental health issues, our article relies on a narrative-based approach. As narrative inquiry is a broad field, we selected Butler-Kisber's narrative analytic approach, "Starting with the Story" as our method. The narratives are pulled from approximately 10 intensive qualitative interviews over the course of several months. Discussion: These narratives disrupt the common threads in the literature that ignore the degrees to which race and class matter alongside being a trans woman. In addition, as we noted that nearly all of the mental health literature relied on large-scale survey-based data, this article offers a qualitative narrative exploration of Aryah's experiences and works to humanize trans mental health challenges and needs, while emphasizing the multilayered oppressions and obstacles that affected Aryah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Characterizing subcultural models of tap water derived from interviews from 154 respondents in four neighbourhoods in the urban Southwestern United States, we identify sources of public discourses that support and anticipate passive elite capture. In accord with predictions, social devaluation of those who use tap water is situated with residents of a privileged exclusive community sector. This suggests the value of a broader conceptualization and an empirical model of elite capture in water resources: not just as a physical deviation of resources, but also as a discursive devaluation of public resources by specifically elite populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Problem, research strategy, and findings: In this study I investigate whether zoning has traditionally protected communities of color from the dangers of heavy commercial and industrial use to the extent that it has protected White communities. I evaluate whether upzonings—changes from less intensive uses to more intensive heavy commercial and industrial uses—disproportionately occurred in African-American and low-income neighborhoods in Durham (NC) from 1945 to 2014, and I evaluate the comparative impact of downzonings. I use the contemporary demographics of the census tracts where these rezonings occurred and qualitative evidence from public hearings, plans, and other relevant primary materials. I find that before 1985, the pattern of rezonings in Durham had negative implications for African-American areas in particular. Environmental justice efforts in the 1980s, followed by gentrification, caused the city’s planners and local elected officials to change course. Takeaway for practice: Planners have an ethical obligation to promote equity, and their ability to do so depends on understanding sources of social injustice. In Durham, race historically played a role in upzonings and downzonings involving heavy commercial and industrial uses. The city also demonstrates that planners and local elected officials can successfully intervene to end disparities in zoning practice across communities of different racial characteristics. Assessing past zoning practices in other cities may reveal similar records of bias and help planners to present cases for corrective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We often imagine black respectability politics as a suffocating hegemon, opposed only by small, usually youthful, groups of artists, intellectuals, and activists. But for more than the last two decades, the most popular syndicated black American radio show, The Tom Joyner Morning Show, has openly dissented from respectability politics—while simultaneously “flying under the radar” of both black and mainstream public sphere attention. This invisibility may be due to the show’s commercial status and mixed format—but most importantly, because of its low-status medium, radio, combined with the “unsexy” nature of its huge audience: middle aged and definitely working class. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

No other book in modern sociology is so well known but yet so roundly dismissed as William J. Wilson's The Declining Significance of Race. Its major thesis is supported, however, by a great deal of credible and systematic evidence. Its historical analysis is notably informative and prescient in predicting rising class inequality. The Declining Significance of Race remains vitally important reading for enhancing our understanding of inequality in contemporary America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Educational access was central in the racial inscription of class identities in the late nineteenth century. In Atlanta and New Orleans, white newspapers, politicians and ordinary citizens launched vigorous campaigns against integrated schools, which resulted in limited access to elite public schooling for upwardly mobile Blacks. Jewell's study analyses these cases to explore social reproduction as a link between race and class as social structures. Whites in both cities used the concept of miscegenation, or racial mixing, to define Blacks' access to elite cultural knowledge and social networks as a violation of the colour line. Jewell argues that analyses of racial formation should give attention to discursive links between race and class in struggles over social reproduction because maintaining racial hierarchies in periods of social change requires constructing new cultural narratives that reproduce economic dominance over racial minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The alliance between the United Steelworkers and the Mondragon Cooperative Complex-to develop industrial jobs oriented toward a green economy-represents an important proposal for solving the problem of unemployment in the United States while addressing the issue of environmental degradation. Still, this alliance in the context of the United States poses interesting questions regarding issues that go beyond joblessness. This article seeks to present some of the issues that relate the complexity of subjectivities to how the crisis is articulated via the nation-state lens of economic representation. The main aim is to open up the discussion about the possibilities of nonexploitative class structures existing alongside subjectivities that are not informed by or do not reflect anticapitalist and anti-imperialist affiliations, and how this might relate to the concrete situation of the United States in times of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have often discounted social class as a substantial contributor to residential segregation by race, in part as a result of using the dissimilarity index, which is likely to show high levels of uneven group distribution regardless of socioeconomic status (SES), and in part as a result of using limited categories of SES. This study expands on prior research by examining residential segregation between black-alone and white-alone households in 36 metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) with 2000 decennial census data, using both spatial unevenness (dissimilarity) and two types of experiential indicators (exposure indices), measuring SES across income levels and accounting for the presence of other races. Findings show that black households with higher incomes live in neighborhoods with greater exposure and lower isolation than do black households with lower incomes. Additionally, while the dissimilarity of black households decreases with income, unevenness is not as strongly connected to income as are the experiential measures. While race remains a primary determinant of residential segregation, results indicate substantial class differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The usage of the term affordable housing has changed over time, from meeting the housing needs of the poor, to the relatively unproblematized workings of the home ownership market. Qualitative analysis of media discourse in the Boise, Idaho, metropolitan area, from 1990 to 2009 demonstrates this shift in meaning. The changing construction of affordable housing in the media reifies the importance of homeownership as a primary tenure status and further marginalizes the poor as consumers of housing and as legitimate policy concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay I recount some of the farcical things that were said about the economic prospects of the United States at the end of the great housing boom and the peak of the stock market in 2007; then I turn to a discussion of the causes of the Panic of 2008, examining the relation between productive and unproductive labor in the economy. I discuss the explanations according to which the Panic and subsequent Second Great Depression are blamed on neoliberal ideology. I critically examine the call for a Keynesian solution of government regulation and stimulus, counterposing it to a Marxian strategy of class transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent criticism of the over-representation of minority students in special education do not adequately account for gender, despite the fact that urban special education classrooms in the USA are largely populated by young men of colour. In fact, we know very little about how being female shapes the experiences and understandings of young women of colour labelled disabled in schools. Using an interdisciplinary framework informed by Black feminist studies, disability studies, and class studies, we analyse autobiographical portraits of five young women of colour who received special education services. Focusing on their perspectives of life in and out of school, we examine how they understand and negotiate multiple subject positions and actively and creatively work to resist these constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways in which American college women of South Asian descent discuss their positioning as middle class. The article analyses participants' talk around class as evidence of embeddedness in American class discourses and a complex and contradictory scheme of identification that implicates other identities like gender, race and culture. Respondents often articulated class using the American Dream, where the social capital their parents immigrated with is left unexamined in favour of a narrative of 'rags to riches'. Young women also used other constructs like 'stability', 'race' and 'resources' to make reference to class, but also to participate in an American discursive silence around it. Finally, the notion of a drive towards professionalism as an immigrant goal is examined, and it is suggested that this serves to further deflect discussions of class. This article synthesises theories of diaspora, 'translocational positioning' and habitus, and examines the production of American class discourse as a performance of an American middle class habitus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary purpose of this study is to assess the relative effects of race and class, at both individual and neighborhood levels, on public satisfaction with police. Using hierarchical linear modeling on 1,963 individuals nested within 66 neighborhoods, this study analyzes how individual-level variables, including race, class, age, gender, victimization and contact with police, and neighborhood-level factors, including racial composition, concentrated disadvantage, residential mobility and violent crime rate, influence residents' satisfaction with police. The results from the individual-level analysis indicate that both race and class are equally important predictors. African Americans and lower-class people tend to be less satisfied with police. The significant effects of race and class, however, disappear when neighborhood-level characteristics are considered simultaneously. Neighborhood racial composition affects satisfaction with police, with residents in predominately White and racially mixed neighborhoods having more favorable attitudes than those in predominately African American communities. Further analyses reveal that African Americans in economically advantaged neighborhoods are less likely than Whites in the same kind of neighborhoods to be satisfied with police, whereas African Americans and Whites in disadvantaged communities hold similar levels of satisfaction with police. Implications for future research and policy are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Civil defence pedagogies' normalise continuous emergency through educational channels such as school, community and adult education. Using critical whiteness studies, and critiques of white supremacy from critical race theory, as a conceptual base, the protection of whiteness, and particularly the white middle-class family, is considered to be centrally important to civil defence in education. Civil defence is not only classed and state-centred, but a racialised and eugenic discourse where the state considers not necessarily the survival of the majority of white people, but the continuity of whiteness to be prioritised above the survival of people of colour. Within these policies, the enterprising white, middle-class, suburban family has provided a key role as main reference, beneficiary, activist and supporter of civil defence pedagogies. Through the use of policy analysis and documentation from the USA in the 1950s and the UK in the 1980s, I discuss representations of the family, race and class in civil defence pedagogies. Although whiteness is contextualised by geography and history, there is congruence in terms of the eugenic tendencies of these seemingly innocuous pedagogies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational critique for what and for whom? In the early 20th century, socialist internationalists fused the theoretical front and the organizing front, but, at the start of the 21st century, is globe-trotting, border-interrogating scholarship any more than the latest academic fashion industry or tourism industry? This article reassesses the transnational turn. It offers cautionary perspectives on the class implications of American universities-without-borders and the globalization of elite students, some ideas about American-Studies-on-tour and what shouldn't get ejected while on the road, a few thoughts on the political development of transnational critique into transnational activism-and-organizing studies, and some reflections on the tactics of postmodern diversity capitalism and diversity Americanization. Reconsidering contributions by F. O. Matthiessen, Lawrence Chisolm, Alan Trachtenberg, Stanley Aronowitz, Jeremy Brecher, Tim Costello, Michael Denning, Timothy Brennan, Evelyn Hu-DeHart and others, it helps formulate a usable American-Studies-takes-on-the-world project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This call to action exposes how race, gender, class, and sexuality influence the plight of the aging in the United States. The author contends that in order for all people who are growing old to be able to age with equal success, aging activists with theft wide range of political involvement must recognize how one's situation is complicated by overlapping social concerns-how older adults are doubly or triply discriminated against because of their sexual orientation, their race, theft gender, and/or theft socio-economic status. Further, activists must not fail to seize the opportunity to illuminate the concerns of older LGBT populations when LGBT-friendly elected officials are in office. In order to successfully make change, older LGBT populations first need to have a stronger presence in official data on American communities. After data are gathered, older LGBT populations will have a better chance of getting their issues heard and dealt with in the official halls of American government. The LGBT community must not only look outward for change, but must engage in a self-critique of its own discriminatory practices based on age. Then, the LGBT community can begin to make real, substantive change for the older populations within it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how gender and class antagonisms are coded as sexual fantasy in the text of "Cosmopolitan," magazine. "Cosmopolitan," magazine, with its familiar cover, has been an icon of feminine sexuality since the mid-1960s. The cover "Cosmo girl," dressed in costumes signifying leisure and sexual availability, levels a gaze suggesting at least pique if not downright hostility. She is flanked by provocative titles offering the customer "Love, Success, Sex, Money" at supermarket checkout counters and newsstands across the United States. "Cosmopolitan," first published in 1886, is one of the oldest mass circulation magazines in print in the United States. At one point in its history the magazine was a muckraking crusader. Later it became a monthly journal of popular women's fiction. "Cosmopolitan," because of the seemingly sophisticated leisure attire of the cover models and the up-scale tone of its ads, may appear at first glance to be targeted for a middle-income audience. One might also assume that most readers are single women, given the absence of references to home, children, or family concerns in the text.

Marxists theorize that inequality and poverty are functional components of the capitalist mode of production: capitalism necessarily produces inegalitarian social structures social structures. Inequality is transferred from one generation to another through the environment of services and opportunities which surrounds each individual. The social geography of the city is made up of a hierarchy of community environments reproducing the hierarchical class structure. Change in the system results from change in the demand for labor. Continuing Poverty in American cities results from a continued system need to produce and reproduce an industrial reserve army. Inequality and poverty cannot be eradicated without fundamental in the mode of production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]