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The concept of the ‘risk society’ has focused on growing uncertainties about the benefits of scientific innovation and the reliability of professional judgement. Paradoxically, this has gone hand in hand with reductions in the actual risk associated with many activities and is often accompanied by demands for a technological fix. These contradictory impulses are especially evident in maternity care. While maternal and infant mortality rates have fallen, risk conscious patients are increasingly concerned about the possibility of professional mistake or malpractice. As a result, further categories of risk are created for organizations and professionals, particularly in relation to expensive litigation. Against this background, the paper reports on an ethnographic study of two delivery suites in which a computerized decision support system will be implemented. In the paper, we attempt to highlight some of the intricacies of work processes in delivery suites, specifically involving decision-making, risk, uncertainty, professional autonomy and medical knowledge. Our findings suggest a range of complexities that may considerably complicate the implementation of the computerized decision support system when it finally emerges and becomes embedded in delivery suites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Caesarean sections (C-sections) have become a substitute for vaginal birth in a number of developing and emerging economies. Often in these contexts, the promotion of caesarean delivery as a safe or even zero-risk and zero-pain alternative to vaginal birth continues to serve as a powerful discursive tool in governing childbirth, despite growing international evidence on the iatrogenic effects of C-sections. These caesarean 'epidemics' are often explained in terms of obstetricians' individual preferences for C-sections. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in one private and one public hospital in western Turkey, I argue that there are a wide range of factors influencing obstetricians' risk conceptualisations, discourses and practices. I also contend that the medical justifications for C-sections and their public popularity can best be understood by looking at the ways in which both caesarean and vaginal births are organised. In the settings examined, the processes around caesarean and vaginal births were blurred to such an extent that vaginal delivery was, in its technicised and closely monitored nature, transformed into what I propose to call 'vaginarean' birth. Recent state regulations in Turkey aiming to prevent 'caesarean abuse' had only had limited effects on obstetricians' practices. The notion of risk continued to operate as a major driving force in that an institutional risk colonisation came to compete with medical framings of risk, while deficiencies in the national obstetric care system were made invisible. I conclude that regulations aimed at eradicating a caesarean epidemic, such as those implemented in Turkey since 2012, are unlikely to be effective unless they also aim to combat the vaginarean epidemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of maternal health interventions in India focus on increasing institutional deliveries to reduce maternal mortality, typically by incentivising village health workers to register births and making conditional cash transfers to mothers for hospital births. Based on over 15 months of ethnographically informed fieldwork conducted between 2015 and 2017 in rural Assam, the Indian state with the highest recorded rate of maternal deaths, we find that while there has been an expansion in institutional deliveries, the experience of childbirth in government facilities is characterised by obstetric violence. Poor and indigenous women who disproportionately use state facilities report both tangible and symbolic violence including iatrogenic procedures such as episiotomies, in some instances done without anaesthesia, improper pelvic examinations, beating and verbal abuse during labour, with sometimes the shouting directed at accompanying relatives. While the expansion of institutional deliveries and access to emergency obstetric care is likely to reduce maternal mortality, in the absence of humane care during labour, institutional deliveries will continue to be characterised by the paradox of "safe" births (defined as simply reducing maternal deaths) and the deployment of violent practices during labour, underscoring the unequal and complex relationship between the bodies of the poor and reproductive governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]