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This paper examines China's engagement with Nigeria in the area of petroleum production and the need for harnessing local initiatives for petroleum refining. This is important because even though Nigeria is a major exporter of crude oil it remains an importer of refined petroleum products to meet domestic needs. With the aid of secondary data sourced from journal articles, books and reports of local and international organisations, this paper examines how China–Nigeria relations contribute to meeting the need for refined petroleum in Nigeria and how harnessing local initiatives can improve the situation in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informed by the work of Alistair Anderson on entrepreneurship as embedded in institutional contexts, this paper explores the experiences of 30 women micropreneurs in rural South-East Nigeria. These women are amongst the poorest people in the world and live in an environment marginalized from formal institutions, where informal ones are prioritized, and where culture and tradition reflect patriarchal limitations on their activities and experiences. We find that while microfinance is often cited as one of the key mitigators of institutional voids and an important support for entrepreneuring in deprived contexts, in fact there are critical barriers to uptake and socio-cultural conditions are found to limit the extent to which women trust and engage with microfinance. To that end, new methodologies that might mitigate perceived risks, including deepening poverty, are called for. Implications for those who would support enterprise in poverty circumstances in developing nations include that to be effective they must engage with the socio-cultural institutions and lived realities amongst the people they seek to serve. Alongside this, further application and development of the approaches to studying entrepreneurship in marginalized environments that Alistair was such as central contributor to are advocated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the relationship between Foreign Direct Investment from China in Africa and the growth level in five African countries. Based on the high degrees of persistence observed in the data, we use techniques based on long memory models, and our results indicate that of the five countries examined, namely Kenya, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Nigeria and South Africa, only for Nigeria do we find a significant positive relationship between the two variables though under some assumptions, this evidence is also found in the cases of Kenya and South Africa. Several arguments are put forward at the end of the article to justify these results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The slow pace of improvement in service delivery and health outcomes for pregnant women and newborns in developing countries has been a major concern for policy makers in recent decades. This paper presents the results from a randomized controlled trial of a community health worker program designed to enhance uptake of child and maternal health services in Northern Nigeria. Three interventions were evaluated: the deployment of community health educators, health educators with the provision of safe birth kits, and health educators with community dramas. The results suggest that the interventions increased utilization of antenatal, postnatal, and infant care. Maternal and newborn health practices improved as well as health knowledge. In addition, the community health worker program was more effective when supplemented with additional program components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects on how heritage knowledge is built around time-space discourses. It takes a Critical Heritage Studies (CHS) position to examine heritage knowledge systems through the lenses of Walter Mignolo's decolonial praxis on 'locus of enunciation' and Tim Ingold's exegesis on 'dwelling perspectives'. Drawing from ethnographic evidence collected among the Igbo of Nigeria, the study engages Indigenous concepts and heritage ontologies in the context of time and space in heritage making in Africa. Secondly, it interrogates the evidence with the continuity that occurs in society through intergenerational knowledge systems that began with known ancestors. Thirdly, such sustainability mechanisms are examined using what I call 'territorial communion' – the ways in which those local knowledge systems are 'printed' on the landscape through human-nature 'relational ontologies', and how such pictured living holds heritage in a continuum. Finally, the paper contends that a good knowledge of intergenerational 'dwelling perspectives' from different loci of enunciation would begin the decoloniality of heritage in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is arguably one of the biggest challenges globally. In order for countries to meet the commitments of the Paris Agreement, climate investments need to be scaled up for adaptation and mitigation strategies. Green bonds are one of the most emerging climate finance mechanisms for large-scale climate projects and offer investment opportunities for many developing countries. Most developing countries are heavily reliant on climate funds which are insufficient. Hence, the urgent need to tap into emerging climate finances such as green bonds. Out of all the regions, Africa is expected to be the worst impacted by climate change and green bonds can contribute to the much needed climate finances. The growth of the green bond market has been observed in the economic hubs of the continent with countries such as Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa demonstrating huge potential in being active and contributing to the growth of the market. However, this paper recommends that for the green bond market to further expand in these countries and rest of the continent, there needs to be public–private partnerships fostered, integrated policies, political will as well as effective institutional frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the political implications of China's economic relationship with Africa using the case study of Sino-Nigerian economic relations. China – perhaps the most prominent rising economy of the contemporary era – and Nigeria – one of the Africa's largest economies with a fast-growing consumer population – provide an ideal context to study the economic significance of bilateral ties for the 'Global South.' Nigeria's prospects of sustained economic growth, through Sino diplomatic relations, could appear relatively bleak considering issues involving its growing debt burden, unequal trade composition and deteriorating governance standards, some of which are attributable to China. This paper explores both sides of the argument before concluding that certain political aspects of Sino-Nigerian bilateral relations do indeed undermine sustainable economic development in the long run. It is argued that unequal economic practices, lack of transparency, disregard for environmental concerns, exclusion of civil society and absence of serious engagement with wider social actors and other checks and balances could indeed nurture elements of rentierism across Africa – particularly in resource-rich countries like Nigeria leaving significant detrimental effects that could well outweigh short-term gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores how small business owners in Africa talk about their tax responsibility, using Nigeria as a case study. Data were collated through interviews, focus group sessions, and online chats. The study identifies two main types of tax responsibility talks amongst these business owners: (1) duty-based and (2) right-based discourses. The duty-based talks see taxation primarily as the citizens' responsibility to governments, which should always be fulfilled unconditionally, while right-based talks see taxation primarily as the government's responsibility to citizens, which should be fulfilled first, in order for the government to earn the trust of citizens for higher tax compliance. Further analyses reveal that these talks are anchored on four common discursive themes – i.e. socioeconomic development, and legal, moral, and philanthropic themes, which business owners respond to in different ways. The paper argues that understanding these diverse responses will help tax regulators respond to taxpayers' attitudes effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the coloniality of power underpins the continuity of colonial situations in postcolonial Africa, (neo)liberal thinking attempts to dismiss its place in Africa’s contemporary challenges, blaming instead anti-colonial struggles and the quest for complete decolonisation as the cause of these challenges. A focus on this neoliberal cum pro-colonial perspectives, at the expense of a corpus of post-, anti- and de-colonial writings that expose and challenge coloniality, however, inhibits our understanding of the consolidation, problematic place and impact of the coloniality of power in postcolonial Africa. Analysing the presence of colonial situations in policy choices and governance patterns, which link Africa’s postcolonial present to their colonial past, this paper claims that the coloniality of power retains its salience in postcolonial Africa. Illustrating with experiences from Nigeria, I show how this continues to structure the state of affairs in Africa even after formal colonialism has ended. This article contributes to the discourse on the legacies of colonialism in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the productivity of a representative sample of African seaports from 2002 to 2008. Productivity scores are decomposed, based on the Luenberger productivity indicator, and the nature of technological change is analysed. The paper finds that Nigerian seaports are the most efficient, followed by Angola and Mozambique. Discussions of the results as well as related policy implications are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The literature on industrial policy in Africa has generally explained its political origins in terms of ruling elites' distribution of benefits to their supporters. However, in competitive political contexts in which policies are deeply political and designed to satisfy clients, such as policies that support party donors, the problem of policy discontinuity is bound to arise because a change in ruling party is bound to alter the direction of distributional policies. The current paper uses Nigeria's backward integration policy (BIP), an industrial policy on cement production, to sharpen the analytical distinction between the origins and persistence. Although the ruling elites' political quest for survival explains the origin of Nigeria's industrial policy on cement (ruling elites were in search of re-election funds and teamed up with domestic capitalists for donations, who in turn influenced the political elites to create policies in their area of business), it does not explain the continuation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts between sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists (herders) are a common phenomenon in Africa. In recent scholarship, environmental change, structural violence and capital flows to agro-pastoral communities are identified as the core conflict drivers. Although scholars differ on the exact causal pathways, most arguments ultimately centre around competition over access to water and land. Yet there is a lot more to learn about the ecology of these conflicts, especially people's perception of pastoral nomads and its implication for conflict resolution. The tendency among researchers is to explore the conflict as if it comprises only objective realities devoid of subjective beliefs. Yet my research shows that popular representations of Fulani herders in Nigeria today reflect ancient stereotypes of nomadic peoples. By ignoring this subjective dimension of the conflict, we limit our understanding of its causes and the reason(s) behind its protraction, and, by extension, are blinded to the need for prejudice reduction. This paper argues that the perception of pastoral nomads as savages is a factor in the conflict because it shapes people's relationship with, and reception of, Fulani herders. Hence, it must be grasped, probed and included in the visioning of conflict resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the prospects and problems of Nigeria's aspiration for a seat on an enlarged UN Security Council. Some of the factors that strengthen the country's candidacy include its past experience, e.g. its service as a non-permanent member of the Security Council for three terms, its impressive peacekeeping profile at multilateral and bilateral levels, and its unparalleled African leadership role. The return of the country to the path of democracy after years of successive military regimes has also increased its legitimacy in international affairs. If these credentials are to yield the desired result, the country must contend with the worsening state of national security, the slow pace of economic recovery despite ongoing reforms, the challenges posed by other serious African contenders particularly Egypt and South Africa, and Nigeria's continuing image problem, despite advances in the struggle to address it. This is the paradox for Nigeria's candidacy of the Security Council Seat. The paper concludes with recommendations to address these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Nigeria has always promoted multilateral diplomacy in the African context, the civilian administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo made it a cardinal objective of its Africa policy. Through his foreign policy speeches, President Obasanjo emphasised the readiness of his administration to play a leading role in African continental organisation - the African Union (AU). Using data collected through the secondary and interview methods, and thematic analysis, this study analyses Obasanjo's diplomatic outing in the AU. While there were some encumbrances (such as the failure on occasion to make wider consultations within the AU framework and the absence of a well coordinated inter-ministerial approach to project Nigeria's leadership in the AU), the paper contends that the administration's diplomacy in the AU was successful. This showed in the role the administration played in shaping the structures that currently define the existence of the organisation. The transmutation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to AU, the recalibration of its peace and security architecture, and the funding of the organisation benefited immensely from Nigeria's diplomacy under President Obasanjo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research is part of a larger research project which explored how information and communication technologies (ICTs) may contribute to sustainable development of rural communities' development in Nigeria. One of the major reasons for the failure of ICT for development initiatives in Africa is their “fit” with the socio-cultural context in which they are implemented. The communicative ecology framework is used to explore ICT use and interaction in the wider context of people's lives. The research findings demonstrate the truism that technology does not have an independent determinative existence. Using an exploration of the complex and dynamic links, both real and potential, between ICTs and community development in Nigeria's diverse and troubled Niger Delta region, the paper makes a strong case for: the social embeddedness of ICTs in developing world contexts and the empowerment of local populations in defining the parameters of such a “fit.” The paper concludes with an integrated media framework on how ICTs may be successfully deployed to support the development of marginalized communities in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Social obstacles including colonisation, cultural inhibitions, and religious restrictions impact female participation in sports. In Nigeria, particularly, where urbanisation and women participation in football has increased, interest in studying women's football amid social obstacles continues to be important. Some of these obstacles included a British colonists’ edict prohibiting female football in the country. The edict stunted the growth of female football in the country. Today, religious prohibitions, along with several other obstacles, such as cultural inhibitions, in the northern part of the country, create additional fault lines in the game's development. Indeed, several of the obstacles are rife in women's football in Nigeria and deserving of academic investigation such as reported in this paper. The paper uses a critical discourse analysis of archived newspaper media to expose the struggle and resistance of female football from the mid-twentieth century to date. The analysis makes the female game's urban existence essential in understanding its development, resistance to obstacles, growth and advancement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In recent years, the Paris club granted a number of African countries, including Nigeria, debt relief. This elicited widespread celebration in the capital cities of affected countries, where it was portrayed as a veritable launch-pad to Africa's development. This paper takes a critical look at the debt relief, with emphasis on its problems and prospects for Africa's development. It is argued that while debt relief does offer some prospects for development, there is little or no evidence to suggest that such an outcome is automatic. The conditions that precipitated the debt crisis in the first instance, including an inequitable international economic order and political conditions tied to aid, are still very present in the debt relief regime. Corruption of the foreign aid regime by both internal and external actors has been compounded by the recent global economic crisis, posing further constraints on the effectiveness of foreign aid in Africa. If debt relief must yield the desired result, it has to be accompanied by a sustainable campaign to fundamentally reform the world order to make it more equitable, together with a drive for good governance that is not only democratic, but also efficient and development-oriented in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an account of the earliest attempt in Africa to make education available to all within the context of what has been called fundamental education or a mass education programme. The paper draws attention to how the demand for mass education during the Second World War years was met by the British government, which, following what appeared to be a revision of its initial policy of exclusion, restriction of access and general hostility to mass education, made an unprecedented "large capital and recurrent grant" available for medical and educational work in its Colonial Development and Welfare Fund, and subsequently published the historic document entitled Mass Education in African Society. Using materials from the archives in Nigeria and Britain, the paper seeks to examine the reasons for the collapse of the promising literacy campaign in that country. In the process, it attempts to address, in particular, the issue of colonial policy and practice towards literacy acquisition by the "natives", and in particular the attitude of colonial government to mass literacy promotion. It draws attention to the complex colonial machinery, involving ideological differences and a personality clash that may have frustrated concerted efforts that were required to translate the programme into reality and contributed to the collapse of the literacy efforts. For while some of the officials were receptive to the idea of assisting the colonies in developing a literate citizenry, some remained strongly opposed to providing access to a large population. In the end, the frustrations and neglect led to discouragement and the end of the campaign, which could therefore not achieve its objective of making Africans literate. It then asks whether the failure of the literacy campaign may have been deliberately programmed for failure by the colonial administration to prevent the provision of mass access to literacy for the African population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communication is generally viewed as a critical component in mergers and acquisitions (M&A) performance, yet surprisingly little research has examined the link between different communication approaches and M&A outcomes. This paper provides a systematic empirical study to evaluate the link between communication approaches and M&As outcome. Specifically, a typology is created to examine interaction between the process and content of communication and M&A outcomes, in terms of employee commitment to merged organization strategy and M&A survival. Using data drawn from a single clearly defined M&A wave in the Nigerian banking sector, different communication practices are related to M&A outcomes. The findings are the first to show the effects of communications practices in African M&A and answer the calls for extending M&A research beyond western developed countries. They confirm the importance of communication practices in M&A, extend earlier findings on the importance of post-acquisition integration communication in US and European contexts and show the importance of communicating throughout the whole M&A process. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Small Business & Entrepreneurship is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates what is at stake in decolonising the study of conspiracy theories online. It challenges the confidence with which conspiracy theories are often dismissed as aberrations and negative externalities of digital ecosystems. Without reifying conspiracy theories, we identify as problematic how alternative forms of knowledge production are dismissed and colonial tropes reproduced. Contributing to conversations around 'decolonising the internet', we offer additional and sharper tools to understand the role and implications of conspiracy theorising for communicative and political practices in different societies globally. Empirically, we analyse a conspiracy theory circulating in Nigeria between 2018 and 2019 purporting that Nigerian President Buhari had died and the man in office was his 'clone'. Conceptually, our analysis intersects with Achille Mbembe's work on power in the postcolony, to illustrate how it is possible to adopt alternative forms of normativity that eschew the stigmatisation and exclusion that has prevailed, but still offer evaluative frameworks to locate conspiracy theories in contemporary digital environments. We engage with Mbembe's ideas about how humorous and grotesque forms of communication can result in the zombification of both the 'dominant' and those 'apparently dominated'. We argue that zombification as a theoretical intervention provides a useful addition to the conceptual and normative repertoire of those studying conspiracy theories, between the poles of dismissal/condemnation and pure curiosity/acceptance of what is said. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Counter-terrorism initiatives are failing across the African continent. A major reason for this failure lies in the state-centric and military-focused nature of many counter-terrorism initiatives. In Africa, the state is often the source of insecurity for ordinary citizens. Any military strengthening of an illegitimate African state by the international community not only serves to bolster a predatory state but also undermines the human security of citizens. More importantly, such an approach conflates sub-state and international terrorism and serves to bolster the latter, thereby undermining regional and international security further. Put simply, current counter-terrorism initiatives are counter-productive. This paper focuses on counter-terrorism efforts in Nigeria and Mali with a special focus on US initiatives to combat terrorism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture, Health & Sexuality is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper captures an emerging African phenomenon in which the form of democracy is brazenly used to invalidate its very substance. Drawing on particulars from Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria, we articulate the re-ascendance and re-invigoration of anti-democratic forces across Africa, and weigh up the challenge that violent erasure of the electoral sovereignty of citizens constitutes to democratic theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some religious reactions to the HIV epidemic in Africa unwittingly contributed to the expansion of the epidemic in its early years. This was because many religious people regarded the emergence of HIV and AIDS as divine punishment for man's sins as a result of people's sexual promiscuity. Some also opposed public promotion of the use of condoms for HIV prevention. However, religious bodies have made positive contributions to HIV/AIDS responses in many African countries in recent times. Though Christian bodies are taking the lead in faith-based responses to HIV and AIDS in Africa, Islamic bodies have also been major partners in HIV/AIDS interventions in several countries. Against this background, this article examines some Islamic perceptions of HIV and AIDS, and especially the impact of antiretroviral treatment (ART) for people living with HIV in Africa, with particular emphasis on Nigeria. In spite of the emergence of antiretroviral (ARV) drugs in Africa, Islam still emphasises the prevention of new infections and care for people living with HIV or AIDS. The article discusses basic issues associated with ARVs, such as health, sickness, life-prolongation and death, from an Islamic viewpoint, as well as some Islamic measures to prevent HIV-risk-taking behaviours in an era of ARVs. It also looks at the nature and extent of Islamic involvement in the national HIV/AIDS response in Nigeria. The paper concludes that while Islam sees HIV and AIDS and other diseases as 'tests' from Allah, the religion is not opposed to ART. Thus, efforts need to be intensified by Islamic bodies and Muslim leaders in Nigeria for an improved response to HIV and AIDS in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly, faith-based organisations are being asked to participate in HIV prevention and care activities. This paper presents formative research on HIV/AIDS prevention messages, activities and policies within six religious institutions in Cross River State, Nigeria, at urban and rural sites. Data collection methods included a review of written HIV policies gathered from national church and mosque offices and 48 key informant interviews. The study highlights differences in messages between mainstream and Pentecostal Christians and Muslims. Although all groups stated a core message of abstinence outside marriage and faithfulness within marriage, Pentecostal churches tended to have more messages of punishment and condemnation for people infected with HIV. Urban churches/mosques tended to have more HIV resources and programmes. Attitudes towards condom use varied by denomination and individual; although few saw a role for religious institutions to promote condoms there were exceptions voiced. These findings indicate that religious organisations are already playing a role in HIV prevention but their responses are not uniform. Public health organisations and policy-makers should be aware of these denominational differences as they engage with religious institutions and leaders in HIV prevention and care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the system of open and distance education is an inevitable development in the evolution of education internationally. With the increasing popularity of distance education, focus has turned to the role of libraries in the distance learning process. The library is an important tool for individuals' intellectual development. Academic libraries contain resources for research, teaching, and learning. This paper examines the efforts being made by Nigerian university libraries to fulfill the information needs of distance education students in their respective institutions. This study was carried out in four Nigerian universities running distance education programs. The questionnaire method was used for data collection. The respondents used in this study were randomly selected from the distance learning (DL) students of the universities under study. It was discovered that DL students were not adequately catered for as far as the use of library resources is concerned. A student could graduate without having used libraries. The study recommends that adequate planning and financing should be made for DL students to be able to make use of the libraries and information resources. It adds that this would enhance their critical thinking and also enhance their degree of exposure to existing knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Job satisfaction has received a great deal of attention in organizational research due to its significant impact on work attitudes such as organizational commitment, performance, absenteeism, and turn- over intentions. Many organizations iii Africa are plagued by poor performance. high turnover rates, and low productivity, largely due to the negative work attitudes of the workforce. Information technology (IT) is seen as one of the means to liberate the sagging African economies. and boost employees' morale, performance, and productivity. This paper investigates the effect of cultural values on job satisfaction and organizational commitment in Nigeria. Data were collected from 316 information systems managers in selected business organizations in Nigeria. Results of this study suggest (in support of many western studies) that cultural factors are positively and significantly related to job satisfaction and organizational commitment. Implications for management practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The confluence of political party polarization, interparty conflict, and contentious politics is nearly a universal axiom in Africa. Although the reasons for parties to protest and rally are many, pinpointing who actually participates is rather tricky. Building on previous literature regarding the influential power of political parties on member behaviour, this study proposes political party affiliation strength as metric for identifying whom within political parties is more and less likely to participate in in-person political protests and rallies. Using data on Kenya, Nigeria, and Tunisia, this study finds strong supporting evidence that party affiliation strength effects protest participation propensity mediated by party-government linkages. Those strongly affiliated to political parties that enjoy majority power in government are less likely to protest, and strong affiliates of non-majority power-holding parties are more likely to protest. Preliminary evidence presented here also demonstrates those with non-political party affiliation are significantly more likely to post online about political issues rather than participate in in-person contentious politics. This study's findings help further bridge the gap between individual political psychology and macro-level political behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates empirically the impact of foreign direct investment inflows to firms on firm value in South Africa, Nigeria and Ghana using listed firms. In order to control for any possible endogenity problems in the model, the study adopts a robust System Generalized Method of Moments to investigate the relationship between Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and firm value (measured using Tobin's Q and ROA) from the period of 2008 to 2019. From the findings, it is established that FDI has a positive significant impact on firm value in all the three countries (South Africa, Nigeria and Ghana). This positive relationship between FDI and firm value in the selected countries can be attributed to; technological transfer, managerial transfer, innovation transfer and skills transfer in favor of the host firms through inflows of FDI. This study does not only serve as a reference work for subsequent investigations into the impact of FDI on firm value in Sub-Saharan Africa, but it also serves as a guide to policy makers on the impact of FDI inflows to firm value in the region. It is one of the pioneering works that comprehensively examines the effect of FDI inflow on firm value among firms in Sub-Saharan African and also controls for endogeneity effects in the panel set. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The colonial disruption of organic state formation in Africa through the imposition of an alien state system adversely influenced state-building in the continent with consequences for good governance, belonging, and development in its holistic sense. Looking at the case of Nigeria, the adverse manifestations of the postcolonial state are signposted in the prevalent high level of insecurity that brings the state to the point of failure. This study used a mix of qualitative and quantitative research methods to interrogate the origins of the Nigerian state, the perverse character it manifests, and her future trajectory. The findings show that Nigeria is in self-destruct mode unless, for once, the fundamental problem of its imposed origin and essence is addressed. Doing so will require a political mechanism that enables Nigerians to participate in negotiating a social contract between the state and its citizens as equal stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the construction of national identity in the context of the post-9/11 counter-terrorism sanctions regime established by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373. The study focuses on the written reports of three member states – Cameroon, Kenya, and Nigeria – arguing that these documents not only serve as inventories of national capacity but also as performances of national identity within a specific historical moment. Two overarching arguments are made. First, constructions of terrorism play a crucial discursive role in demarcating self from other in these reports, consistently portraying terrorism as an external and morally reprehensible threat to national security. Second, despite this relatively consistent framing of terrorist otherness, the reports contain creative and diverse reflections on, or articulations of, national identity and its associated characteristics. In making these arguments, the article contributes to existing literature on the post-9/11 UN counter-terrorism regime by offering an original reading of national submissions to the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee, focusing on relatively neglected states from the global South, and develops new conceptual insight into the plasticity of terrorism as a form of discursive otherness capable of sustaining diverse representations of national self-identity [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since pandemic declaration, the vulnerability of countries with serious economic challenges and limited health resources became evident. This vulnerability has been put to the test once again with the appearance of Omicron as another variant of concern. Although great efforts have been made to develop effective and safe vaccines, they need to be made available globally at an affordable price to all governments and distributed equitably to maximize immediate and long-term efforts to contain the virus and advance global public health. Potential sources of unfair allocation of COVID-19 vaccines are not hard to find. The COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access Facility (COVAX) has so far shipped over 406 million COVID-19 vaccines to 144 eligible participants. From that batches, about 115 million doses (28%) were allocated to 49 African countries. If proactive measures are not undertaken, Nigeria, pointed here as a case study, and Sub-Saharan Africa countries may not be self-reliant for COVID-19 vaccines. This report raises a discussion on the difficulties in accessing vaccines and diagnostics in sub-Saharan Africa, compared to high- and middle-income countries. Now more than ever, it is crucial to note that there is no overcoming a pandemic without coordinated action for actions that go beyond borders. The coordinated effort to raise vaccination rates in the African continent is not a humanitarian action aimed exclusively at Africa, but more than that, it is an effort for the benefit of global public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study shows that women's labour market outcomes in adulthood vary depending on the circumstance that prevails in the early stages of their lives. Exploiting the variation in drought incidences across Nigerian states with a nationally representative household survey for the periods 2008 and 2013, the result shows that women exposed to the drought at early periods of life see adverse labor market outcomes (including the probability of working and the standard of such work). Educational outcomes also declined with exposure to the drought, suggesting that poor human capital formation is a potential channel for these effects. Impacts on a related supplementary outcome, age at marriage entry, is also a consistent operative channel of impact. These findings further shed light on potential labor supply deficits for women from early life exposure to adverse climatic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine the relationship between social and human capital in colonial Western Nigeria. Using data on expenditure of cocoa farmers in 1952, I show that farmers in towns with higher social spending individually spend more on education. The relationship holds after controlling for various characteristics of the farmers and the towns. Thus I highlight the importance of social capital in generating human capital. I also show that this relationship is not limited to contemporary African development but was already present during the colonial era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study assesses ways in which oil-rich countries can escape the ‘resource curse’ through the implementation of effective fiscal and revenue management policies. A comparative study of the policies of Norway and Nigeria is conducted. The analysis suggests that a rule-based approach to fiscal policy together with a natural resource fund should be the benchmark policy framework in oil-producing countries. The analysis also suggests that Nigeria can learn from Norway's experience. Nigeria can adopt a cautionary fiscal rule to ensure that consumption is limited to a stream of returns from accumulated financial assets to prevent volatility in the economy. In addition, Nigeria should enhance transparency of their oil fund through ethical policy guidelines. Accounting for the structural differences from Norway, Nigeria should direct a portion of oil revenues to finance expenditure on public goods and infrastructure that could serve as a platform for private investments, job creation and long-term growth. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

HIV stigma is a major barrier to HIV care and treatment among people living with HIV (PLWH). Evidence suggests that expansion in antiretroviral therapy (ART) may reduce stigma. However, there are limited longitudinal studies examining temporal trends in HIV stigma in sub-Saharan Africa in the Undetectable = Untransmittable (U = U) era. We longitudinally assessed temporal trends in self-reported experienced stigma and the association of experienced stigma with ART adherence and viral suppression among PLWH enrolled in the African Cohort Study (AFRICOS). AFRICOS is an ongoing cohort study enrolling PLWH in Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, and Nigeria. As of 1 March 2020, 2937 PLWH enrolled in AFRICOS and had available data. In 2013, 22% of participants reported stigma at the enrollment visit and by 2018 the prevalence decreased to 1% overall and was below 2% for all countries. However, there was not a statistically significant change in stigma prevalence in our longitudinal models. In adjusted models, experiencing stigma was associated with a 0.67 decreased odds of ART Adherence (95% confidence interval (CI): 0.56–0.80) and a 0.64 decreased odds of viral suppression (95% CI: 0.73–0.99). HIV-associated stigma was associated with poor self-reported ART adherence and unsuppressed viral load. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media are viewed as playing an important role in promoting economic development by educating the public, framing the agenda for discussion, serving as a watchdog and promoting corporate governance. This article examines some characteristics of the print coverage in Nigeria, Ghana and Uganda of oil, gas and mining, to see whether it lives up to these lofty goals. A content analysis was done of 788 articles that appeared in Nigerian, Ghanaian and Ugandan newspapers from 2007-2009 to determine how informative their coverage of the extractive sector was. Measurements included the use of jargon; the explanation of context and background; the number, type and range of sources. The conclusion was that much of the reporting was news-focused and did not include substantial discussion about the effects of oil and gas extraction or the policy implications. Nor did the articles provide a balance of sources who could articulate a range of perspectives. Differences were more pronounced between periodicals than countries. Delineated are some ways in which press coverage could be improved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Nigeria's National Assembly has become increasingly assertive since the start of the Fourth Republic, lawmakers continue to be heavily engaged in corruption. Such rent-seeking practices are commonly regarded as antithetical to democratization. In this article, however, I argue that individual access to public rents actually supports legislative independence. Based on an original dataset of 8th National Assembly MPs (2015–2019), I find that membership of lucrative committees is positively associated to the number of bills and motions sponsored. I also show that while legislative initiatives may be self-serving, an important share also appear to strengthen accountability and the rule of law. This result can be explained by the fact that MPs access to rents is not determined by their loyalty towards the president, but rather by their relations with the Assembly leadership and the bureaucracy. Increased monetary power in turn strengthens lawmakers to play a more independent role in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to Will Reno's review of my book, Unmasking Boko Haram: Exploring Global Jihad in Nigeria, in issue 32, 1, 2021 of Small Wars and Insurgencies by examining source validity, analytical frameworks, and international networks related to Boko Haram and jihadism more generally. The purpose of the book was to provide a more 'panoramic view' of Boko Haram's emergence and evolution based on original research and newly introduced sources. However, Reno's review included several inaccuracies and raised issues that warrant this rejoinder and further explication, which is provided in this article. It is hoped this article responding to Reno's review and any subsequent counter-responses by Reno will contribute to debates on Boko Haram to better understand the movement and its history and future trajectory. This, in turn, will facilitate policy-making and developing measures to prevent other movements similar to Boko Haram from emerging in Nigeria or elsewhere in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Performances of solar dryers for the drying of medicinal and aromatic plants (MAP) in Africa were reviewed. Policy formulation indicators, including the economic and the environmental impact analysis that was lacking in almost all research, were presented in this study. Three countries, Nigeria, Egypt and Algeria, were used as case studies. Key indicators analyzed were the amount of money saved and CO2 reduction based on 10% to 100% rate of utilization and cost of a kWh of energy in each country. Results showed that as the rate of usage increased from 10% to 100% for drying Lemongrass in Egypt, the amount of money saved increased from $102.5 – $1025/year. While, in the same country at the same drying condition and mass, it increased from $123.5 – $1235.44/year for drying Oregano. Drying of Chilli in the coastal area of Nigeria saved more money than drying of Basil in Egypt under the same rate of usage. About 40702.38–407023.8 kg of CO2 per year can be reduced in the drying of Grape in Egypt, while 2308.5–23085 kg of CO2 can be reduced for drying of Chilli in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participatory methods can be used to build food system resilience. However, it is widely acknowledged that these methods are usually highly time and resource consuming, which reduces their applicability. This study developed a novel rapid participatory system mapping method to elicit system conceptualizations from distinct value chain actors. This study also tested the method in a case study of rice value chains in Benue State, Nigeria. Participant evaluations of the rapid participatory system mapping method provide evidence of this method's potential to contribute to resilience building by facilitating social learning, informing better decision making, and promoting community problem solving. These contributions especially strengthen the two resilience factors of social self-organization and reflective and shared learning. This novel rapid participatory system mapping method can be used in the future as a self-standing research approach, or to complement other participatory methods of food system resilience building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The aims of the study were to investigate the reproductive health challenges in Nigeria of male and female street beggars and the use of reproductive health services by female street beggars.Methods: The study had a cross-sectional descriptive design. An interviewer-administered questionnaire, designed by the authors, was used to elicit information from 100 male and female street beggars recruited over a 4 week period in Ife-Ijesa zone, south-western Nigeria. Information was obtained about male and female participants' reproductive health challenges (symptoms and issues) and female participants' use of reproductive health services.Results: More than a third of participants were aged ≥60 years (37%), 57% were men, 82% were from the Hausa tribe and 92% were Muslims. The main reasons given for street begging were poverty (30%) and physical handicap (66%). Although most of the street beggars were aware of the availability of reproductive health services (81%) and where to access them (89%), only a small proportion of female street beggars had given birth in hospital (9.3%) and family planning services (32.6%).Conclusion: Street beggars are a poor and vulnerable group with reproductive health challenges. They have difficulty accessing reproductive health services because of physical disabilities and related low socioeconomic status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the thesis of GVC-oriented industrial policy and the view that traditional industrial policy is no longer relevant. This is done from the perspective of Africa. Placing Africa at the core of GVC-oriented industrial policy reveals several problems. Using the example of industrial policy in Nigeria's cement sector, the article will argue for the relevance of traditional industrial policy, whereby a country seeks to build a complete production chain within its borders. The case study fleshes out the argument that traditional industrial policy is still relevant – both in itself and as a pre-condition for GVC-oriented industrial policy in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite powerful pressures for convergence towards global financial norms we do not see uniform outcomes across the globe. Instead, local agents seek to adapt foreign agendas to local conditions. While scholarship has illustrated the localization of global norms, we still lack a systematic understanding of why certain localized norms emerge and how we can explain agency in the face of pressures for policy convergence. I offer an analysis of the spread of the financial inclusion agenda to highlight the role that ambiguity in global financial norms and the structural dependence on capital play in explaining the emergence of specific localized norms. Using case studies of central bank promotion of financial inclusion in Kenya and Nigeria, I argue that the ambiguity of the concept of financial inclusion made it compatible with the pre-existing beliefs of local central bankers and helped them to navigate their socio-political environments to implement their preferred vision of financial inclusion. The cases also show that while ambiguity enhances agency, the structural dependence on capital constrains it. More broadly, the study highlights the constructive role ambiguity may play in the spread of financial norms and the agency developing countries may exercise in their engagement with global norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent spate of violence mostly in north-central and southern Nigeria, typically credited to conflicts between herders and farmers, and the reactions, narratives, and representations that have attended them, calls for an examination of core security questions: who or what is to be secured, from what threat and by what means. In fact, it could be further contextualized as: how is the conflict between farmers and herders constructed, framed, and represented as (in)security within the Nigerian context? Several existing works have approached the evolving conflict between pastoralists and farmers in Nigeria from a range of perspectives, mostly accounting for the reasons or causal factors driving such conflicts. This commonly includes references to ecological factors as responsible for the uncontrolled north-south migration of herdsmen which encourages the struggle for – and access to – land and its resources between herders and farmers. At the same time, some studies point to the rise of herdsmen militancy and in doing so draw inconclusive links to other security issues in Nigeria such as terrorism and secessionist movements. However, there have been significant efforts by state officials and interest groups to describe the conflict, either as producing insecurity or to refute such claims of insecurity. This study employs critical constructivism as advanced by Jutta Weldes to examine how the conflict is framed and represented as insecurity. It finds that the discourses produced by the federal and state governments as well as interest groups, constructs it in specific ways by linking specific factors to offer possible explanations of the conflict. As such, the discourses that frame the herder-farmer conflict in Nigeria are: securitization, fulanisation, and sedentarisation. This study presents an important contribution to understanding the framing, constructions, and representations of the herder-farmer conflict in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gambling is common in Nigeria and over the years has gained wide acceptability among the populace. Improved technology and legalization of gambling have led to increased gambling opportunities among young people. The aim of this study is to determine the attitude towards and perception of gambling among a sample of secondary school students in South East Nigeria. A total of 507 male students from three male-only urban Secondary Schools in Owerri, Imo State participated in the study. Multistage sampling technique was used in sample selection. Data was collected using a self-administered socio-demographic questionnaire and the 9 Item Attitude Towards Gambling Scale. Results showed an overall negative perception of gambling. Majority of the respondents (82.8%) perceived gambling as a risky activity while few (27.3%) perceived it as a good way of earning an income quickly. More than half of the respondents (52.7%) believed that gambling yields a high return. There was a significant association between parental gambling and positive attitude towards gambling (X = 6.27, p = 0.04). Thus, preventive strategies targeted towards changing gambling attitudes in parents may serve a dual role of changing attitudes and perception of gambling in their offspring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the news framing of the Chibok schoolgirls' abduction of 2014 in the Nigerian press. Eighty-one news stories were extracted from the websites of two Nigerian newspapers, Vanguard and Daily Trust, to analyse the news frames and sources used in reporting the abduction. The study shows that the Chibok abduction was framed as mass abduction, as terrorism and Islamic militancy, and as government inaction, and that the analysed newspapers used these frames in ways that suggested ethnic solidarity. Government sources were the dominant source group in the analysed newspapers and alternative sources such as family members of abducted schoolgirls or experts were excluded from the narrative. The study argues that the coverage of the attack in the Nigerian media had elements of ethnic bias that could potentially increase fear of the "other" and, thus, further polarise the country along ethnic and religious lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior to the 2015 Nigerian general elections, there were concerns that the fierce political contest would lead to electoral violence in the country. However, the elections were conducted peacefully, with fewer disputes and election-related deaths than previous elections. This study accounts for the fall in the level of electoral violence in Nigeria and discusses the lessons that Nigeria’s experience presents. It argues that the avoidance of destructive electoral disputes in Nigeria was the result of preventive action taken by the country’s electoral commission, civil society groups, and development partners. The specific preventive actions taken include innovations in election administration aimed at enhancing electoral transparency and credibility, election security measures such as early warning and peace messaging, and preventive diplomacy urging the main candidates and the political elite to embrace peace. The key lesson that can be drawn from Nigeria’s experience is that a well thought out conflict prevention strategy should be an integral part of electoral governance, especially in countries with a high risk of electoral violence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article focuses on the dynamics of the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa, arguably the two most prominent states on the African continent. Each of the two states continues to make attempts at extending its hegemony beyond its respective sub-region to emerge as Africa’s foremost state. These efforts are not pursued in isolation, but affect their bilateral relations and are tied to the guiding principles of the national interest. Through data gathered from secondary sources, we analyse the trajectory of the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa, from the intensely politically contentious to the strongest of warm relations. In the final analysis, the article concludes that collaboration and competition are critical variables in the conduct of inter-state relations. Nigeria and South Africa have an historic opportunity to collaborate in the current period, in order to promote the general interest of the African continent in the international system. Will their respective pursuit of their own national interests encourage, or derail, this role? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]