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The existence of differences in geopolitical preferences between the titular nationalities and ethnic minorities has been thoroughly documented for the Association Agreement countries and other post-Soviet states. This paper goes beyond simply identifying the existence of this "ethnic gap" in geopolitical preferences, by also testing some of the common theories that try to explain it. To do so, I use different regression analyses based on survey data from Georgia (2015–2021). The results of a first multivariate analysis that aims to explain the ethnic gap show that the linguistic differences between the titular nationalities and the ethnic groups explain a higher percentage of the gap in support for the EU than differences related to ideology, values, and information. Furthermore, a second analysis that divides the sample into different ethnic groups reveals that certain variables influence the geopolitical preferences of members of the titular nationalities and members of each of the studied ethnic minorities in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empowerment projects and research have focused on marginalised women, but often with less attention to the intersectional and relational conditions affecting their marginalisation. Ethnic minority women in Vietnam have multiple marginalising conditions, and they are targeted by government programmes to increase their participation in labour markets, their income, and their empowerment. Yet what the empowerment process looks like and achieves for these women is an important area for further study. This paper draws on a mixed-methods longitudinal study of an economic empowerment and livelihoods project that involved Hmong and Dao households in Vietnam. The quantitative data showed differences in women's and men's empowerment as measured on the A-WEAI, and among the different ethnic groups. Given these differences, we explored how power relations in the household and in the community affected Hmong and Dao women's empowerment differently. We used a relational capabilitiarian approach to analyse the relations between men and women as well as the community structures that affected empowerment and wellbeing. The analysis shows that women's and men's sharing of information, resources and workload are critical for improving women's livelihoods and wellbeing, but these processes look different for Hmong and Dao women, and they are affected by different social structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines factors influencing agricultural land-use efficiency among 35 ethnic minority groups in Vietnam during the 2010–2018 period. A hybrid approach comprising the Difference-in-Difference model with Propensity Score Matching (DID_PSM) is adopted to examine the effect of different land sizes, land elevations, and land tenure on land-use efficiency. The results show that: (1) land size and agricultural production form an 'U-shaped' relationship; (2) farming on high land decreases efficiency by around 7.7%–8.0%; (3) farmers purchasing or hiring land in long-term are 7.3%–8.2% more efficient. The paper also discusses typical land characteristics of mountainous areas including steep and fragmentation related to the three comparing factors. From these results, implications are made for Vietnamese authorities about 'land accumulation' policies and other 'farming on elevation' techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Where are you from?" For Palestinian citizens of Israel travelling abroad, this simple question is anything but trivial. It raises dilemmas of identity and stigma and evokes emotions of embarrassment, guilt and pride. Drawing on in-depth interviews, the paper examines the repertoires of self-presentation of Palestinian Israelis during travel abroad. Their answer to the question changed depending on the country they were visiting. In Turkey, respondents presented themselves as Palestinian; in Arab countries, they were "Arabs of '48." In those Middle Eastern destinations, Palestinian Israelis concealed their Israeli citizenship to avoid stigma and risk. In Europe, by contrast, respondents typically presented themselves as Israeli citizens – a self-presentation also shielded them from stigmas against Arabs. The paper examines the splintered and strategic self-presentation of Palestinian Israelis in the previously-unexplored domain of international travel. Our findings show that during international travel, a minority ethnic background may actually be advantageous at times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is centred on exploring how young people from Sikh and Hindu backgrounds, who are British born and living in the London area understand Britishness. By utilising transcripted interviews from eighty respondents, this research uncovers and presents the core perceptions and understandings that these young people have about British national identity and the ways in which it is accommodated (or not) alongside other important sources of belonging in their lives. This paper presents the diverse ways in which these young people understand Britishness. In particular, 'thick' and 'thin' conceptualisations of Britishness and the role of family structures in shaping belonging are examined. It is suggested that any discussion of how ethnic minorities relate to national identity requires a better understanding of the diverse ways in which this form of identity is understood and accommodated. This, in turn, will encourage a more inclusive and productive debate on the role of national identity in multi-cultural Britain. This is particularly salient in a post-Brexit Britain where the themes of nationality and belonging have been brought into the socio-political fore once more, and newer immigrants are facing the challenges of feeling included and becoming British. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racism and racial discrimination heavily impact on health and mental health of ethnic minorities. In this conceptual paper and narrative review, we aim to report on relevant evidence from the international literature describing the prevalence and the qualitative aspects of mental illness due to racism and ethnic- discrimination in different settings and populations. Some variables related to racism, such as cultural, institutional, interpersonal factors, as well as the concepts of perceived and internalised racism will be described and discussed. These are relevant characteristics in the explanatory model of the relationship between racism and mental health. Epidemiological data on the prevalence of depressive and psychotic symptoms as well as substance abuse/misuse among ethnic minorities in large catchment areas, such as United States and United Kingdom, will be represented. We conclude that anti-racism policies are essential in order to address racism and racial discrimination around the world. Pluralistic societies should be promoted in order to understand mental illnesses among ethnic and cultural minorities. Also, anti-racism programs should be delivered in the educational and health-care settings and their impact evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines nine secondary school teachers' narratives and perspectives about the determinants of their ethnic minority students' sense of belonging in Hong Kong. The thematic analysis of their in-depth interviews reveals three sets of determinants of belonging, including demographic, personal, and intercultural factors. The study findings underscore the importance of students' socialisation contexts and the critical role of the Chinese language curriculum and the social reception towards non-European immigrants in Hong Kong. The paper discusses the potential avenues of educational policy and practice interventions for developing a stronger sense of belonging among young people with immigrant and ethnic minority backgrounds in the multicultural societies of settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern societies are confronted with a plethora of issues that have far-reaching socio-political ramifications. The negative effects of diversity are primarily the result of state policies. Where societies were not homogenous, attempts were made to bring desperate populations together to advance official nationalist projects. Pakistan, being dominantly a Muslim state, has religio-cultural and ethnic diversity where minority groups have raised their voices against the unjust state's policies. This study examines how these issues evolved over the course of Pakistan's history. The paper attempts to answer the question 'why has Pakistan's plurality become unmanageable?' The results demonstrate that a high degree of centralization of authority, the adoption of Urdu as a national language, a sense of domination of the central institutions by the Punjabis, underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in state institutions, and controlled society has aggravated the position of diverse groups in Pakistan, with colossal consequences to national economy and social harmony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalisation of politics generally decreased the voter participation at municipal elections by lowering their salience, but the variation in nationalisation has been underestimated. Leveraging variation in two dimensions of localisation of municipal political competition – ethnic minority concentration and number of non-partisan local lists – this paper tests whether increased stakes and salience at 'localised' municipal elections increase electoral participation in respective municipalities. Based on the data from Croatian local elections (2001–2017), non-partisan lists drive voter participation, particularly in smaller municipalities. The effect of ethnic minority concentration depends on the minority status of the ethnic group within a municipality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, the New Zealand (NZ) Parliament voted to decriminalise abortion. Although NZ's abortion law formally opposes sex selective abortions, there is considerable complexity in the gender politics of 'choice' and 'agency' in multi-ethnic societies, and interpretations of reproductive rights for ethnic minority women and for the girl child, respectively. This paper explores these complexities through the perspectives of reproductive and maternity care practitioners who are situated at the interface of legal systems, health service provision, and delivery of culturally sensitive care. Thirteen practitioners were interviewed as part of this study. The analysis highlights strains in framings of 'reproductive choice' (underpinned by western liberal notions of rights) and 'gender equality' (abortion rights that acknowledge the complexity of cultural son-preference) for ethnic minority women. These tensions are played out in three aspects of the post-reform landscape: (a) everyday practice and accountability; (b) consumerism and choice; (c) custodianship and gender rights. The findings point to the limitations in operationalising choices for ethnic women in health systems wherein trust deficit prevails, and cultural dynamics render complex responses to abortion. They also highlight reconfigurations of client-expert relationships that may have implications for practitioners' abilities to advocate for ethnic women's rights against cultural influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While migration has made cities more super-diverse than ever, artists with migrant backgrounds are underrepresented in the creative and cultural industries. Although existing literature pays attention to minorities' unequal labour market access, the question of how the careers and working conditions of artists with a migrant background play out in local cultural labour markets remains underexplored. Based on the case of the performing arts sector in Brussels, I outline the factors that explain the gap in cultural labour market representation between ethnic minorities and the white majority population. I contend that minority artists have more difficulties in entering the cultural labour market than native artists because they face structural and personal hurdles throughout their careers. Furthermore, I show that minority artists develop various strategies to overcome these barriers. This paper uncovers the mechanisms that contribute to the emergence and persistence of this "creative mismatch" in local cultural labour markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This issue of the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies focuses on the role of the media in an increasingly multicultural Europe. It investigates the significance of a diversity of media through an analysis of a diversity of cultures and cultural practices. It links often-small-scale specific empirical studies of particular media or minorities with big questions that go to the heart of current intellectual debates on the present and future character of fluid societies and conflicting identities. In so doing it takes media seriously. Without presuming their centrality, contributors nevertheless take as their starting-point the reasonableness of inquiring into the ways in which engagement with media—with print, broadcast, internet media—may be seen as key resources in the struggles for visibility, presence, community, influence and symbolic power which many, if not all, minority groups seek. This introductory paper identifies key questions and issues for debate, and presents an integrated summary of the papers that follow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates ethnic minority concentration within social housing and the potentials of a strong social housing sector through an analysis of the housing careers of Somalis and Turks in Copenhagen. In a Danish context, the two ethnic groups differ greatly with respect to migration history, socio-economic resources and family characteristics as well as distribution between tenures. It is therefore interesting to study whether these differences lead to differences in housing market choices and constraints. The majority of the interviewed Somalis and Turks made their housing careers within the social housing sector, which to the interviewees offered good housing options and possibilities for shaping their own housing careers. The majority of the Somalis perceived paying interest as being incompatible with Islam. Renting thus allowed them to adhere to their religious beliefs. The advantages of the social housing sector limited the pull of owner-occupied housing. The paper thus questions the use of the home-ownership gap as an indication of a lack of ethnic minority integration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Mexican Americans (MA) are more likely to have cognitive impairment and dementia (CID), be diagnosed at an earlier age and live with CID longer, compared to non-Hispanic Whites (NHW). While studies have examined unmet needs of individuals with CID and their caregivers, few have focused on MA populations in the U.S. This paper examines the needs of community-residing individuals with CID and their caregivers in Nueces County, Texas, a county with one of the largest MA populations in the U.S., while exploring ethnic differences in needs identified. Using concept mapping, a mixed-method approach, qualitative input on perceived needs by informal caregivers and health professionals was collected. Participants then sorted and rated perceived needs. Using this information, multidimensional scaling and cluster analyses were conducted to map the relationship between perceived needs and determine their importance and priority. Five clusters were derived for caregivers and four for the health professionals. Themes across both caregivers and health professionals highlighted the need for specialized and team-based medical care, caregiver support and training, along with socio-economic and physical needs that help with day-to-day care of individuals with CID. Among caregivers, MA rated financial resources as more important and of higher priority compared to NHW. The health professionals' perspectives were aligned with those of all caregivers. By understanding the needs of caregivers and individuals with CID, we can help families deal with this disease and let caregivers thrive. This is especially important for minority populations like MAs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2019, a Singapore government linked E-payment advertisement featured a Singaporean-Chinese celebrity depicting various ethnicities including wearing brownface to portray an Indian man. In response, Singaporean-Indian siblings Preeti and Subhas Nair produced a rap video containing expletives lampooning the advertisement for its racism. Singapore adopts a stringent policy towards public discussions of racial inequality and racism as they are seen to threaten its racial harmony. Authorities acted swiftly and banned the video. However, the perceived anonymity of online forums have made them a quasi-public sphere for race issues to be "freely" aired. This paper examines the reactions to the two incidents in order to conceive the nature of public discourse on racism in Singapore. We argue that policing of discourses about racial inequality inadvertently normalizes racism. When confronted with allegations of racism, online threads reveal a denial of hurt, defensiveness and micro-aggressions, exposing feelings of victimisation and racial equivalence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on coexistence and urban diversity (notably in the United Kingdom, Australia, Malaysia and Singapore) has demonstrated the ways individuals of diverse backgrounds routinely manage differences and interact meaningfully in multicultural societies, drawing on shared cultural knowledge and habits. This paper argues for a deeper exploration of societies where intercultural know-how is more limited and the capacity to negotiate difference has not been inculcated. This description fits several Southeast Asian societies wherein the politics of majority-minority is a dominant feature. This article investigates the possibilities of familiarity and friendship in a multiethnic town in southern Laos where the predominant ideology towards cultural diversity has been one of assimilation. In doing so, the paper reveals ways of creating a sense of belonging and community other than the practices of cultural accommodation. These processes draw on competences and dispositions which individuals have acquired through their mobility, producing a sense of togetherness, albeit contingent and fragmented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decades, the propagation of Mandarin has been carried out across the People's Republic of China as de facto language assimilation. It has achieved great success in that over 80 percent of the population can speak Mandarin, but it has also had devastating effects on minority language learning, maintenance, and use. Meanwhile, the Chinese government continues to strongly promote Mandarin nationwide. This paper applies summative content analysis to examine the reasons the government provides for promoting Mandarin in its official policies, government reports, and news. Our findings show that in official documents, the value of promoting Mandarin typically prevails over the importance of protecting minority languages. Additionally, the government tends to equate minority assimilation with progress and advancement. In this context, we argue that to enhance conditions of minorities in society, the government should work to ensure that mastering Mandarin is a free choice of minorities, and regard Mandarin and minority languages and their speakers as of equal status and value in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human development is about the freedom to realize the full potential of every human life, not just for a few, not for the most, but of all lives in every corner of the world—now and in the future. Human development is for everyone and that universalism is at the core of the human development concept and framework. The paper argues that universalism as a principle is one thing, translating it into practice is another. That is where practical universalism comes in, the first steps of which are identifying the groups, which have been left behind in the human development journey and analyzing the barriers to universalism. The paper emphasizes that mapping of those left out is necessary and so is the identification of barriers, but not enough. Some fundamental issues of the human development framework—both in terms of notions as well as measurements—need to be addressed to move towards universal human development. Furthermore, universal human development would also require policy actions at the national level and reforms of global institutions. The paper concludes with the fundamental point that ensuring human development for everyone would require reaching those first who are farthest behind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent humanitarian Rohingya crisis has once again put Myanmar onto the centre stage of global media attention. The aim of this paper is to look into the ethnic minority question in contemporary Myanmar. The paper has a special focus on the Muslim Rohingya community. The paper argues that problematic race relations in Myanmar today should not be viewed in isolation but should be seen as a part of a historical continuum. The British colonial policies of divide and rule, political leaders and their obsession with Buddhism in the post-independence period and xenophobic tendencies during the long years of the military junta have all collectively contributed to the very complex situation in which the country finds itself today when it comes to race relations. Meaningful democracy and economic development have been advocated as the way forward especially for the more peripheral parts of the country where there is a strong ethnic minority presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study investigates health care practitioners’ approaches to early childhood obesity in Denmark and their view on their own ability to initiate processes of change in affected families, and it asks the overall question of whether perceived barriers become real through practitioners’ reluctance to intervene in families labelled as ´problematic’. The paper identifies three approaches in the practitioners’ narratives: the socially oriented, the individually oriented, and the mixed. The individually oriented approach was based on a logic resembling individualistic explanatory models of behaviour change, and was related to a positive perspective on their own ability to move families towards healthier habits by health care practitioners. The socially oriented approach borrowed elements from a sociological perspective, which seemed to lead to resigned pessimism in the face of the complexity of the problem of childhood overweight and a reluctance to address early childhood overweight in some families. In practitioners of all three types, widespread cultural essentialism was found. Non-western, ethnic minority background was seen as determining family habits and making preventive action especially difficult. Based on this, the current paper discusses whether individual actions and choices are being ascribed too much explanatory power, and the health system's biased perceptions too little. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the local responses to mass schooling in the rural areas of Romanian Bessarabia and Soviet Transnistria (1918–1940). Both Romania and the USSR aimed at deeply transforming the local populations. Romania implemented schooling to assimilate ethnic minorities within the model of a nationalizing state, while the USSR adopted an inconsistent nationalizing policy, determinedly imposing compulsory education for all children. The resistance to schooling among ethnic minorities was less intense in Transnistria than in Bessarabia. In both cases, the state authorities abandoned, in the late 1930s, the schooling in minority languages for the benefit of the titular nationalities. Trial registration: Netherlands National Trial Register identifier: ntr-. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Greek-born population in Australia increased from 15,000 in 1930 to well over 300,000 by 1970. Over the next fifty years, first-generation Greek migrants successfully sustain an identity that promotes difference within Australia while maintaining strong connections to their "homeland". Their Australian-born children, while identifying as Greek-Australian, have integrated successfully into Australian society. There is evidence to suggest that children of second-generation Australian-born Greek migrants or the third generation continue to identify as Greek rather than Australian. Of interest to this paper is an examination of why third-generation Australia's of Greek heritage adopt a Greek identity and what aspects of Greekness they value. It appears that the third generation's steadfast identification as Greek is marked by a desire to distance oneself from assumed Australian traits that they find unappealing and that are contrary to their perception of being Greek. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of post-monastic careers and experiences of ordained men in Theravada Buddhist societies are few and far between. This paper explores this topics focusing on the case of Tai Lue former monks(khanan)in Sipsong Panna, in southwest China. During the post-1980 reform period, and contradicting stereotypes concerning economic performance on the part of ethnic minorities, Lue former monks have made use of the skills acquired during monkhood in order to engage with the contemporary economy in urban contexts. While many of them succeed in becoming mediators between the tradition symbolised by the temple and new economic forms, this paper argues that the participation in profit-oriented business of men whose behaviour is expected to be determined by selflessness and sacrifice for the community, provokes contradiction and tension among members of the group. This is seen in a recent economic venture set into motion by a group of youngkhananwho attempt to take advantage of nascent Buddhist economic networks in Sipsong Panna. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

ABSTRACT: This paper argues that, despite over 15 years of reports on ethnic minorities and the environment, the environmental movement, recreational countryside access and heritage, rural racism and the shortcomings of the planning system, ethnic minorities in Britain are routinely short-changed by a systematic indifference to their environmental and planning needs. The paper focuses on two aspects of this indifference. First, it describes the tension between environmentalists' historical pursuit of environmental quality at the expense of what is argued as the equally necessary pursuit of human equality and argues, amongst other things, that this indifference to ‘difference’ is a factor in the whiteness of the movement. Second, it offers observations on ethnic minority communities' own responses to sustainable development, including the results of round table discussions with a diverse range of ethnic minority interests. It shows that ethnic minorities are engaging with sustainable development (mostly outside the environmental movement), although they do not name it as such. In conclusion, it suggests a more proactive role in local sustainable development for local government within an emergent environmental justice debate and within the context of Local Agenda 21 (LA21), the implications of the Local Government Act 2000, and the government's recent focus on social exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the experiences and views of 16-year-old high school students are explored regarding their perceived agency in school related contexts in an ethnically and culturally segregated post-soviet school system in Estonia. Eight focus group interviews were conducted in spring 2021 with 37 students in schools with Estonian and Russian as the language of instruction (henceforth EIL schools and RIL schools). The study suggests that students in schools with a different instructional language experience agency in different ways, which reflect differences in their cultural, relational and economic resources. The forms of agency identified in this study manifested through the following themes: choosing responsibly; developing assertiveness; emancipation from teachers and parents; courage to express a different opinion; resistance to perceived injustice and freedom to make mistakes. In some of the most restrictive environments of RIL schools, a resistance or subversion dimension of agency was developed by students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I present a case of visual repatriation amongst the Orochen ethnic minority in Northeast China. I describe what happens when a photo collection - the Ethel John Lindgren Collection at the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology at the University of Cambridge - is returned to a host community who are an officially-recognised ethnic minority in China and, as a result, are subject to particular policies, discourses, and funding strategies associated with cultural heritage (wenhua yichan). My main argument is that visual repatriation always has an "after-life" - or "after-lives" - and that there is a never case of pure visual or photoreturn. Instead, as I will show in the case of the Orochen, it is always mediated through an existing context of social relations, including particular hierarchies of authority and expertise, and refracted through culturally-specific notions of tradition, modernity, and value. While my ethnographic focus is on China and one specific ethnic minority, I suggest this has implications for other cases of visual repatriation and photo-return, particularly in minority, subaltern, and postcolonial contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over centuries, ethnic minority communities in the north of Vietnam have developed complex farming systems well-adapted to their environments. Much of this is based on indigenous knowledge concerned with adapting to locally-available resources and more recently enhancing resiliency to climatic risk. This article draws from data gathered with mixed qualitative methods in ten villages in rural Bac Kan Province in the north of the country. It documents specific examples in the production of banana and medicinal plants; maize and red peanut; taro, pachyrhizus, and maize; and green bean as systems that incorporate native crops in ways that provide resistance to drought, improve water-use efficiency, benefit the soil, minimize agrochemical use, preserve culinary traditions, support gender equality, and increase the incomes of farm families living near the poverty line. Overall, this study illustrates unique ways that indigenous knowledge and agroecological farming practices can increase social, economic, and environmental resiliency, mitigate risk, and strengthen livelihoods in marginalized communities. As communities across the Global South seek answers to ever-increasing challenges brought by changes in climate, this paper argues that policymakers should revisit, support, and promote the indigenous knowledge already present in these communities to advance more sustainable futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the community-level drivers of ethnic minorities' experiences of harassment in Britain, particularly the role of community ethnic structure (ethnic composition, ethnic segregation and ethnic-change), socio-economic disadvantage, and residential stability. Drawing on an ethnic minority-booster sample of a large-scale UK panel dataset, we address several potential shortcomings with prior analyses to make novel contributions, including taking a multilevel approach, using self-reported harassment data and not police statistics, testing across multiple geographic-scales, and measuring both actual harassment experiences and fear of future harassment. Key findings suggest minorities in areas with a higher share of Whites report a higher likelihood of harassment and that living in more residentially segregated areas increases minorities' likelihoods of harassment. We also find strong evidence that socio-economic disadvantage and residential instability foster harassment. We find that these same community-level drivers are also significant for minorities' fear of harassment; in part, because experiences of harassment affect the victim's fear of future harassment, but also because harassment experiences spill over to impact fear among a victim's close social contacts. These findings have important implications for the theorising of harassment and support the inclusion of community-level measures in national policy to reduce harassment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the potential impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on people's perceptions of cohesion in their local communities; particularly for vulnerable groups/communities, such as ethnic minorities or those living in highly deprived neighbourhoods. To this end, we examine both trends over time in overall levels of cohesion as well as patterns of positive and negative changes experienced by individuals using nationally representative data from Understanding Society Study. We test whether rates of positive-/negative-change in cohesion over the pandemic-period differed across socio-demographic groups and neighbourhood characteristics. These trends are then compared to patterns of positive-/negative-change over time experienced in earlier periods to test whether the pandemic was uniquely harmful. We show that the overall levels of social cohesion are lower in June 2020 compared to all of the examined pre-pandemic periods. The decline of perceived-cohesion is particularly high in the most deprived communities, among certain ethnic minority groups and among the lower-skilled. Our findings suggest that the pandemic put higher strain on social-resources among vulnerable groups and communities, who also experienced more negative changes in other areas of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from Understanding Society, this paper provides a comprehensive account of the associations between ethnic and racial harassment (ERH), mental health and ethnic attachment for ethnic minorities living in England. We find an association between ERH and poor mental health measured using GHQ for ethnic minorities, even after controlling for a rich array of individual and area level characteristics. We find that ethnic attachment, measured as ethnic identity and co-ethnic friendship ties, moderates this association but solely for UK born ethnic minorities. In contrast to previous research, we further find that living in areas of high co-ethnic concentration appears to exacerbate the association between ERH and mental ill-health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue challenges the concept of fluidity and flexibility of identities by demonstrating that ‘new’ European identity is not easily adopted and that the co-existence of ethnic and national identities is an ongoing process of negotiation. The theoretical approach assuming multiple identities can be confirmed for ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe who were often thought to be focused on ethnic identities. This issue provides empirical quantitative and qualitative evidence for showing that ethnic minorities typically relate to their ethnic identity and to the national identity of their residence country simultaneously. The individual papers reveal that the development and maintenance of ethnic, national and European identities are often linked to the socio-economic situation and possible benefits. Also, social and cultural practices such as language and media consumption are crucial for the construction of identities. Furthermore, articles in the special issue highlight that national and European politics, above all minority rights and integration policies, may contribute to ethnic and European identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Socialist egalitarianism and empowerment represent two different routes for realising equality of group differentiation. The former is pursued through top-down enactment by state apparatuses, while the latter closely relates to autonomous social movements, such as those occurring in liberal democratic societies. Using the experience of minority women in China, the paper examines socialist equalisation through state education through the lens of empowerment. Higher education is drawing special attention because it is regarded as a strong path for addressing inequality based on gender and ethnicity, as well as promoting individual empowerment. The data were collected through interviews at three Chinese universities. Based on deconstructions of these two concepts, the paper suggests a complicated interweaving of socialist egalitarianism and empowerment. The experiences of minority university females are embedded in a matrix of empowerment, which is mediated by three patriarchal relationships (shaped by the state, the majority and males) in a socialist regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present volume contains an introduction and six papers written by a total of eight authors who presented papers at a session of the annual meetings of the American Anthropological Association sponsored by the Council on Anthropology and Education held at San Jose, California in November 2006. The session was entitled 'Mother tongue education for speakers of ethnic minority languages.' In their papers, the authors put forward the analysis of their research and experience in presenting case studies of mother-tongue education in eight countries on four continents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has instigated language policies in education ostensibly designed to foster trilingualism in ethnic minority groups. The policies, which, as this paper shows, vary from region to region, encompass the minority group's home language, Chinese, and English. Based on data arising from interviews, documentary analysis and secondary sources, this paper examines the tensions behind these trilingual education policies by comparing the implementation of policies for three minority groups: the Zhuang, the Uyghur and the Yi people. It identifies some of the facilitators and barriers that affect the achievement of trilingualism, and finds that ethnic minority languages are at a disadvantage compared with Chinese and English. The paper concludes by making some suggestions for enhancing the effectiveness of the trilingualism policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how teachers' beliefs and practices create spaces for the contestation and innovation of bilingual intercultural education (BIE) policy, a policy of indigenous culture and language revitalization in Peru. Based on ethnographic research, there are two central arguments developed throughout this paper. First, the author argues that unaddressed issues in the definition of BIE policy, namely its top-down design and vague treatment of the intercultural element, contribute to its problematic implementation. Under BIE the school has likely remained a space of exclusion of indigenous languages and cultures. Second, using empirically documented teacher data, the author argues that teachers are central to reproducing inequalities and contesting social structures through the implementation of policy. This paper aims to challenge common assumptions about the limited (passive) role of teachers as policy actors. Although bilingual teachers continue to contest and transform BIE policy in rural schools, their actions have remained unnoticed; thus opportunities for ground-up innovation to reach and transform the official discourse have been missed. This paper places at the center of language and policy research and, in particular, of bilingual education, the urgency to understand local practitioners - beyond the school setting - at the policy level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise across Europe of political parties espousing an ethnic conception of the nation, explicitly opposed to immigrants and minorities, has brought into stark relief the politics of identity. Exploiting multiple identity questions in a large, nationally representative UK survey, this paper investigates the drivers of ethnic and political identity and the extent to which they are similar. It does so for both the ethnic majority and ethnic minorities. Locating our analysis within social identity theory, we consider the role of observed characteristics, including party affiliation, the experience of harassment, and political context in shaping ethnic and political identities. We also show that there are unobserved factors jointly implicated in individuals' political and ethnic identities, which we interpret as providing suggestive evidence of more general political mobilisation of ethnicity. Although individual characteristics have largely expected associations with identity, we find that the local share of UKIP/BNP voters heightens ethnic but not political identity among both majority and minority populations. By contrast, harassment and discrimination shapes minorities' political but not ethnic identity. Contrary to expectations, both political and ethnic identities are stronger among second-generation compared to immigrant minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to examine whether the degree of residential segregation affects formal and informal employment of the Roma ethnic minority in Serbia. I exploit the within district variation in the percentage of Roma to identify the effect of residential segregation on labor market outcomes. The results show that Roma in more segregated census tracts are more likely to hold an informal job than Roma in less segregated census tracts. There is suggestive evidence that the positive effect of segregation is driven by the information spillovers between Roma. I do not find an effect of residential segregation on employment in the formal sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: As part of a large mixed-method study aimed at capturing understandings of dignity, and care expectations of community dwelling older women from Black and minority ethnic (BME) backgrounds living in Wales, the aim of this paper is to compare service providers' perceptions of their care and support provided to older people in general, and to older women from BME backgrounds in particular, with a focus on two dignity indicators: care and support needs, and effective communication. Design: A survey design was used. Results: A total of 124 responses from service providers in Wales were received. Perceived inequalities in care and support were found. Although most respondents reported that care and support provision was generally acceptable, more respondents believed that compared to older people in general, older women from BME backgrounds were seldom or never offered opportunities and support to express their needs, were involved in their own care, were provided appropriate information, had their key needs especially less visible needs (psychological and religious needs) been taken into account, or were communicated with effectively (all p < 0.05). In some cases, respondents tended to report more positively in areas related to their own practice. Conclusion: We suggest that learning from the views and perceptions of service providers, as well as older people and their families, remains key to developing services for the UK's increasingly diverse and ageing population. A better understanding of how inequalities may occur, their impact on older people and their families, and how they may be minimised can inform the development of high quality care for older people regardless of their ethnic and cultural backgrounds in Wales, other parts of the UK and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrants and ethnic minorities in the UK are found to be disadvantaged in their access to work and earnings, but little is known about the characteristics of the jobs they occupy. This paper studies whether migrants and UK-born ethnic minorities attain similar jobs compared to their white British peers by clustering 17 indicators of job quality – covering intrinsic quality, work-life balance, monetary rewards, and employment conditions – into 5 latent classes. We find that non-white migrants are clustered in the worst jobs, while white migrants do relatively well. UK-born ethnic minorities are indeed less likely to work on the best jobs, but the type of disadvantage differs strongly between ethnic groups. Local deprivation drives some of the worse job quality of UK-born minorities while selection into lower-quality occupations and sectors drives much of the disadvantage of migrants. Co-ethnic support and particularly an economically stronger co-ethnic community in the locality can help shield ethnic minorities from the worst jobs, while ethnic niches in the occupation are associated with low-quality work. Finally, working in migrant-heavy occupations is associated with somewhat lower job quality; primarily affecting other migrants in a possible race to the bottom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Looking at the current state of the literature, political scientists and sociologists have neglected the political relevance of ethnic and migrant minorities' popular cultural and artistic productions to concentrate on more conventional forms of political participation. In the first section of this paper, we provide a theoretical framework to this special issue by examining the links between music and politics. We underline several elements related to music which potentially have political significance. We discuss how music can provide/ascribe identities and a sense of place. In the second part of the paper, we attempt to explain why ethnic minorities choose music as a means of political expression. To this end, we present and subsequently critique a typology of political action in popular music developed by the American political scientist Mark Mattern. The paper concludes by stressing the urgent need to develop research on the topic and how this special issue makes its own contribution to this agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the relationship between the ethnic concentration of a neighbourhood and multiple integration outcomes of ethnic minority groups in Dutch society. The data used are drawn from two large-scale surveys: the Survey Social Position and Use of Provisions by Ethnic Minorities (2002 and 2003), which provides information on the four largest immigrant groups (Turks, Moroccans, Surinamese and Antilleans) as well as five important refugee groups in the Netherlands, and the Attitudes towards Minorities Survey (2002), which contains extensive information on the indigenous majority. The paper examines whether ethnic concentration in neighbourhoods influences indicators of socio-cultural integration, i.e. inter-ethnic contacts, language proficiency and mutual stereotypical attitudes. The analyses show that social contacts between majority and minority groups are less frequent in ethnically concentrated neighbourhoods. However, a degree of mixing has a positive influence on the actual orientation of the indigenous Dutch towards ethnic minorities. The analyses also reveal that in neighbourhoods experiencing a sudden influx of non-Western citizens, inter-ethnic attitudes tend to be more negative. Social contacts play a mediating role in this relationship. These contacts are also important for a good command of the Dutch language among members of ethnic minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notions of social inclusion and the need to combat social exclusion have become popular areas of attention in academic and policy circles. The importance of small firms and entrepreneurship as a means to raising inclusion has been emphasized in these new agendas. A priori , there are a number of reasons why small businesses may be regarded as providing opportunities for social inclusion. However, in this paper we argue that the recent expectations of the role of small firms and entrepreneurship in combating social exclusion are over optimistic. Some of the assumptions on which these expectations are based are questioned. Instead, we suggest that attention should start by a clearer understanding of the concept of social exclusion. Individual economic strategies, in the form of small business activity, can make some contribution but because of the complex multidimensional nature of social exclusion, over-inflated claims should be avoided. When these claims are not achieved there may be a danger of a policy backlash against the promotion of business ownership and disaffection amongst those who fail to realize their goals. This paper draws on secondary evidence and concludes with implications for policy and suggestions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decade we have seen the emergence of new forms of ethnic minority political mobilization. In this paper we explore one aspect of this transformation, namely the emergence of organizations such as the National Civil Rights Movement (NCRM) and the National Assembly Against Racism (NAAR). We argue that such organizations are part of a transitional public sphere within ethnic minority politics that seeks to provide links between mainstream and alternative forms of minority political activism. Such organizations have grown partly as a result of the need to construct new channels of political involvement and engagement for minority communities. In this sense they represent a break from the dominant forms of ethnic minority politics and highlight the ways in which minority political networks have become interlinked with wider policy networks within national and local state institutions, the legal system and civil society more generally. They represent an arena of political participation that is likely to grow in importance in the coming period as ethnic minority communities exert pressure for greater influence within both national and local political institutions. Drawing on original research among a number of organizations, this paper provides an analysis of the evolution and likely impact of this sphere of minority political life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. This paper critically evaluates the evidence for two health-related stereotypes of the Irish, namely that behaviours such as smoking and heavy drinking explain their excess morbidity in Britain, and secondly that, in illness, this ethnic group behaves more stoically. Design. Data are reported on over 850 respondents from each of three cohorts (aged 18, 39 and 58 in 1990/91) of the West of Scotland 20-07 Study, in which a small but pervasive excess of morbidity has been observed in those of Catholic background (in this area associated with Irish descent). Logistic regression was used to investigate any differences in drinking, smoking and participation in sport between those of Catholic and non-Catholic heritage, whilst controlling for sex and social class. Where a difference was observed, we looked for an association between health-related behaviour and the Catholic morbidity excess for six measures of physical and mental health. Finally, illness behaviour at age 39 and 58 was investigated for those experiencing one of a number of common symptoms in the month prior to interview, by noting whether a general medical practitioner (GP) was consulted. Results. The only difference in health-related behaviour was in the eldest cohort, where an excess of smoking was observed for the Catholics. However, except for lung power, smoking was not able to explain very much, if any, of the Catholic morbidity disadvantage. For most of the symptoms studied, GP consultation rates were similar, although there was a tendency towards Catholic over-consulting. Conclusion. This paper finds minimal evidence in favour of either stereotype: behaviours such as smoking and excess drinking were not strongly associated with the poor morbidity status of the Irish in the population we have studied; neither have the Irish been found to be more stoic in illness. Therefore the stereotypes are not an adequate explanation, nor a necessary correlate, of the frequent finding of raised morbidity in communities of Irish Catholic origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents new insights into contemporary Chinese demography and family life based on survey and interview data from rural households in Yunnan Province, China's most ethnically and linguistically diverse region. Using both quantitative and qualitative data, we examine fertility trends, sex ratios, and son preferences in our study sample. We analyze differences between the majority Han and various ethnic minority groups that have been subject to less stringent family-planning policies. Our results show an overall fertility decline and a trend toward more balanced sex ratios, both of which are in line with national trends. We find evidence for son preference in the demographic data for both Han and minority households, despite widespread agreement in qualitative interviews rejecting the idea of son preference and emphasizing the value of both sons and daughters. We interpret these findings in light of several important changes in Chinese society, including legal and policy reforms governing marriage and inheritance, a nationwide "Care for Girls" social campaign, and shifting cultural norms about gender roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To provide policy implication for improving household welfare, one should understand which characteristics of households in a specific location they live, enable them to raise their welfare levels. This paper uses micro-econometric models for investigating the determinants of household welfare in the Central Highland, Vietnam using the recent data from the Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey in 2016. Despite the relative simplicity, rich information is obtained from its use on cross-sectional survey data. Both descriptive statistics and regression analysis were employed in the study. Ordinary Least Square (OLS) and a Logit estimators were used to examine factors affecting household income and poverty incidence, respectively. Results specific to the region include: a substantial contribution of nonfarm self-employment and education to household income and poverty eradication; wage employment is positively associated with poverty alleviation but not per capita income; and only some types of land were positively related to income and poverty reduction. The findings suggest that policies for poverty reduction should aim at improving the access of the poor to education and nonfarm employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects on the rapidly changing demography of Belfast and the (potential) role of ethnic minorities in facilitating the city's move to a more progressive and pluralistic society. Focusing specifically on two films about the migrant population—Lab Ky Mo'sOranges are Blue(2005) and Stephen Don'sFaraway(2013)—it assesses the extent to which increased cultural diversity and alternative identities are complicating the dominant image of Belfast as a paradigmatic ‘divided city’ (between Catholics and Protestants). The paper also explores the city's alarming problem with racism—the number of racially motivated attacks increased by 30% from 2013 to 2014—as well as ongoing sectarian tensions and the ways in which these severely hinder the ability of migrants to contribute to the reconstruction of the city in imaginative and enlightened ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A commentary on the Mental Health Research Goals paper, emphasising the importance of the involvement of young people at all stages of mental health research pertaining to their demographic. Examples are highlighted from the UKRI Emerging Minds Network's research challenge on the impact of racism on young people's mental health in the UK, which has implications for research on racism and youth mental health specifically but also mental health research generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political representation is crucial for the political stability of plural societies. It contributes to political stability by fostering feelings of inclusion and belonging among the minority or by affecting policy responsiveness. Previous research confounds these two types of representation by using descriptive representation as a proxy for policy responsiveness, although the relation between the two is not self-evident as minority representatives can easily be outvoted or marginalised, or represent other constituencies than their group. In this paper, I argue that the effect of representation must be disentangled by studying descriptive representation and policy responsiveness separately. The empirical analysis is based on a cross-sectional time-series design, analysing 90 ethnic minority groups in more than 40 electoral democracies worldwide. I find that descriptive representation has only an accommodative effect if it is sufficiently consequential, and that economic and cultural policies are differently linked to protest: economic rights have a curvilinear effect, whereas cultural rights are associated through a linear effect with protest. I explain this difference with a lack of economic means among economically marginalised groups, which might deter them from protesting. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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