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This article examines the use of photography in family immigration records of Chinese immigrating to the United States during Chinese exclusion. During the era of Chinese exclusion (1882–1943), Chinese individuals could only enter the United States as American citizens or family of American citizens. Therefore, the governmental record-keeping regarding Chinese families was both extensive and fundamental to managing Chinese immigration. As this article shows, photography was an integral part of recording Chinese family networks, both biological and what is now referred to as ‘paper families,’ individuals who fraudulently claimed biological kinship to American citizens for the purpose of immigration. I consider how photographs in the immigration records of related family members (sometimes revealed years later to be paper families) constitute a type of ‘family photography’ deeply connected to the regulation of Chinese immigration during the exclusion era. I argue that family was not only constituted through the biological but also through the continual navigation of bureaucratic practices of surveillance, testimony, and official family record-keeping. These ‘paper family photographs’ actively participated in the processes by which formations of family were continually made and remade, defined and redefined, both by those immigrating and those enforcing immigration law. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study focuses on the political advocacy of human service administrators following implementation of a highly restrictive state immigration law. It tests hypotheses to assess whether factors associated with the political advocacy of human service administrators generally are also associated with advocacy at a time of policy crisis. Findings suggest that few human service administrators engaged in immigration-related advocacy, and that those who did advocate were those most likely to perceive organizational benefit for doing so. The findings raise questions about the conditions under which human service administrators will advocate for social benefit in an organizational or individual role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that there are resources within theories of corrective justice to make the case against the deportation of immigrants, including those accused of committing criminal actions. More specifically, the argument defended here is that a nation acts impermissibly by deporting criminal immigrants who belong to countries that the nation itself wronged in a manner that contributed to create the migratory flow that led the immigrants in question there. In that case, admission and, equally important, permanent residence in the host nation must be understood as a form of compensation for past wrongs, the interruption of which represents a breach of its duties of rectification, and is therefore unjust. Put in slightly different terms, some migrants have a retributive right-claim against their host state (which they may or may not exercise) to be admitted into the host state and not be deported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the history of government-sponsored rural settlements in the province/state of São Paulo, Brazil, as a pendular movement, whose points of reversion depended on the interests of a landowning elite to obtain labour for newly expanding plantations from the 1820s to the 1920s. Faltering infrastructure and ill-defined property rights over public lands were persistent constraints to the development of such rural settlements. Part of this failure can be attributed to a lack of State capacity and part to the opposition of plantation owners to the settling of independent smallholdings. The paper complements this historical-institutional analysis with a quantitative description of such settlements in 1898–1920. These late government-sponsored rural settlements showed the potential to grow in demographic and economic terms and had an overall demographic and occupational composition well aligned with the goal of creating a family-based peasantry. However, there were enormous heterogeneities in ethno-linguistic composition, educational attainment, and economic prosperity between and within such rural settlements, which point to idiosyncratic features that should be taken into account in future research assessing the short- and long-run effects of immigration and settlement policies in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using springstone sculpture and woven paper photographs, the Zimbabwean-born artist Daniel Halter draws from African craft traditions to expose the precariousness of migrant experiences in South Africa. Halter, who lives in Cape Town, exposes the ironic tensions between hostility towards migrants and metaphors of inclusiveness in the post-apartheid nation. This essay reads metaphors of belonging, border crossing, and nationalism evoked by Halter’s materials and modes of production. Building from Ranjana Khanna’s work on demetaphorization – an undoing of discourses of community – and Edward Casey and Mary Watkin’s analysis of the border as always already undone by its lived functions, the essay argues Halter addresses the immigrant’s position uncovering the borderland as both a porous zone and a metaphor of exclusion. By weaving, Halter addresses this condition through an interdependency that, following Derrida’s work on hospitality, offers a framework to reconsider discourses of citizenship and nationalism in southern Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper is divided into three parts. First, we analyze data from the 2016-2020 American Community Survey conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau to assess the demographic structure of Florida families. We find differences between Florida and other parts of the United States. These differences are the result of trends and patterns in migration to, from and within the state. Second, we examine the role that disasters in general and hurricanes in particular play in the family life of Floridians. Third, we review the literature to assess how responses to the COVID-19 pandemic influenced family life and the migration of families into, out of, and within Florida. This paper highlights the dramatic changes that have occurred in family life in Florida. The implications of these trends are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This symposium brings into conversation normative political theory on migration and critical border/migration studies, with a particular focus on digital border control technology. Normative theorists have long been concerned with questions about the extent and nature of control over migration that the state should exercise, and the balance of rights and duties between states and migrants. To date, however, there has been little reflection among such theorists on digital border control technology. Critical border/migration studies scholars, on the other hand, have paid considerable attention to the rapid development of digital technology in the border control/mobility management space, and revealed a range of problems with the technology itself and the ways it is deployed. What has thus far been lacking, however, is sustained ethical reflection on what should be done about the use of this technology. The papers in this symposium thus seek to bring these two groups of scholars together and to prompt what we hope will be a sustained conversation on these rapidly evolving and deeply problematic practices. This introduction contextualises the issue at the heart of this symposium – the rapid expansion of digital border controls and the ethical challenges that these pose – and offers brief summaries of the contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines how senior figures in the UK Labour Party and wider labour movement discussed the topic of immigration in the immediate aftermath of the UK's vote to leave the European Union in 2016. Influenced by the Discourse Historical Approach, the paper is based on an analysis of 86 public interventions by Labour figures, over a 6-month period, delivered in speeches, articles and essays. The paper examines argumentative strategies adopted by Labour figures – including Members of Parliament, advisors and trade union leaders – who called for stronger immigration controls from an avowedly 'left-wing' perspective. Foregrounding their commitment to progressive politics, Labour politicians argued that restricting the number of migrants entering Britain was democratic, anti-racist and an expression of the Labour Party's commitment to the interests of working-class people. Nevertheless, it is the contention of this paper that the Labour Party's rhetoric tapped into right-wing populist discourses which constructed immigration as a threat to the racialised privileges of a 'white' working class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses whether the human capital levels embodied in immigrants can explain xenophobic trends for 126 regions in 14 EU-15 countries from 1998 to 2018. It tests if xenophobic regions may be rejecting immigrants because they are poor, a phenomenon recently defined as 'aporophobia'. The results indicate that larger inflows of low-educated immigrants working in low-skilled occupations are significantly correlated with a higher rejection of migrants, thus confirming the aporophobia hypothesis. The findings in this paper bring light to the discussion of a powerful concept which underpins the need for a more just society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper unpacks the ways in multiform colonialities of power, species of colonial power and genealogies of colonial power jostle for dominance at the contemporary UK asylum border. Grounded in the context of the Glasgow Bajuni campaign – an attempt to overturn minoritised Somali asylum seekers’ refused “Disputed Nationality” cases – it argues (1) that existing “coloniality of citizenship” literatures can be extended by considering the roles of different “species” of coloniality (such as Protectorate colonialism) in the development of citizenship/migrantising regimes, (2) that “relational entanglements” theorisations should be applied to critiques of bordering/citizenship processes and that (3) relational entanglements are highly contextually specific and full critiques of bordered injustice must incorporate these specificities in their analysis. Consideration of these critiques in combination, the paper argues, leads to precise identification of the multiple and intersecting injustices suffered by the Bajuni campaigners at the asylum border that would otherwise remain obscured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Visas play a crucial role in facilitating international travel and immigration in contemporary times, particularly in enabling global mobility for citizens from the Global South. However, visa law and policy, from the time of their inception, have contributed to systemic human rights violations and loss of applicants' dignity. Although the right to freedom of movement and human dignity are celebrated in multiple international covenants, material practices of visa law and policy impinge on these very rights and dignities; from the 1930s when visas were primarily used to limit the mobility of Jews, to contemporary times when the objects of visa law are primarily citizens from the Global South. This paper highlights the problem of the fossilization of such discriminatory practices embedded in visa law and policy by putting in conversation policy and legal research with close readings of two literary texts from Germany and Bolivia; Transit by Anna Seghers (1944) and American Visa by Juan de Recacoechea (1994). Although experiences of discrimination, violation, disrespect, and denial of rights are consistently and repeatedly experienced by visa applicants across time and space, as evident from the literary and non-literary examples discussed in this paper, only limited research exists on how visa law and policy impinge on human rights and dignity. This paper presents a critique of discriminatory practices that have become bureaucratized and normalized through visa law from the 1930s onwards. It identifies and problematizes ethical violations rising out of the practice of visa law and policy as they apply to citizens from the Global South. This work engages the evocative, empathetic, and representational capacity of literary texts to highlight existing issues related to the material practices of visa law and policy, which are categorized under four main types of violations: 1. pre-submission indignities 2. consular interactions and intimidations 3. indignities rising from the arbitrary collection of personal data and 4. the bureaucracy of documentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does democratisation affect the politics of migration? This paper analyses Tunisian immigration and emigration politics in the decade before and after the 2011 revolution, drawing on 57 interviews with Tunisian high-level civil servants, as well as representatives of civil society and international organisations. It shows that the democratisation of policy processes and the expansion of citizens' political freedoms did not result in pro-migrant rights reforms, but instead led to the continuation of restrictive migration policies inherited from Tunisia's authoritarian past. The paper explains this by dissecting the ambiguous effects of democratisation on political legitimisation, as well as on inter-institutional and transnational dynamics of migration policymaking. It demonstrates that despite the unprecedented dynamism of Tunisian civil society and efforts of various institutional actors to reform Tunisia's security-driven migration policy, there were both domestic and international forces that put brakes on migration reform. By focussing on the intricacies of Tunisian migration policymaking, this analysis allows to advance theory-building on the link between political regimes and migration politics, to revisit regime transformations from the inside and to overcome the still-dominant Eurocentrism in scholarly debates on North African migration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the case of hijras of Assam who are undocumented in the National Register of Citizens because of their fractured identity and adopted gender and face the risk of being declared illegal immigrants despite being citizens. The paper focuses on how transgender individuals are excluded from different aspects of citizenship as a consequence of document-focused procedures created and enforced by the state. The primary argument is that document-focused procedures of the modern state, rooted in heteronormative underpinnings, are exclusionary for transgender individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to migration studies, settler colonial studies and critical internationalization studies by mapping as connected two concurrent settler colonial preoccupations, reconciliation and internationalization. In Canada, as in other Western countries, international students are a crucial resource as they increasingly sustain post-secondary funding. At the same time, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2015) has charged the educational sector to put reconciliation and decolonization at the heart of their mandate. Drawing on interviews with racialized international students in Ontario, Canada, this paper examines how racialized international students may have complex relationships to coloniality and be complicit in legitimating settler colonialism. We argue that the processes of reconciliation and internationalization must be understood as deeply interconnected especially because the obfuscation of coloniality is a key technology of settler rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many developed countries around the world, the connection between immigration and crime has been a subject of discussion. The indigenous populations of the most advanced nations usually held the opinion that immigration fuels delinquency. Therefore, this paper provides an empirical connection between immigration and crime in the period 1988-2018 across 30 OECD countries. For empirical analysis, advanced panel econometric approaches are used which can address both heterogonous coefficients and cross-section dependency. The findings show that no statistical evidence exists to relate an increase in the number of immigrants to the rise of any kind of crime. If there is we found a significant negative association between immigrants and only one of the six kinds of crime studied. Moreover, an increase in foreign prisoners (FP) reduces all kinds of crimes. While an increase in the real gross domestic product (RGDP) only increases property crimes. The increase in M25–29 only increases serious assault (SA) out of six crime types analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper brings together the discussions on international resource trade and immigration. Following Wenar's analysis of the resource curse, the aim is to challenge the conventional view on immigration that asserts the right of states to have discretionary control over these policies. The paper shows that more liberal immigration is required as an additional remedial policy to persons harmed in unjust trade. The right to self-determination and territorial rights, which are used as the basis for the exclusion of immigrants, are in the context of this analysis constrained by both attentiveness to harm and the charge of inconsistency. Both rights, which are protected domestically, are violated by the unjust 'might makes right' trade rule in the international context, causing harm to people in resource exporting countries. This inconsistency presents a challenge to the moral plausibility of the conventional view in the context of the resource trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understandings of citizenship have increasingly come to include the recognition of family care and reproduction as practices of citizenship and a recognition that migrants who are not citizens nonetheless engage in many practices of citizenship within their host state and rely on their host state for the fulfilment of basic human rights. This paper conceptualizes this intersection of immigration and reproduction as precarious reproductive citizenship, arguing that gaps in entitlements for pregnant precarious status migrants constitute reproductive injustice and present an important challenge for how we understand citizenship and human rights. This conceptualization is illustrated through interviews with women concerning their experiences of pregnancy and new motherhood while having precarious immigration status living in Montreal, Canada. It highlights three employment-related policies: employment discrimination protections, maternity and parental leave, and childcare. In each case, immigration status (directly or indirectly) acts as a barrier to accessing protections and programs meant to support gender equity and overall family thriving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of the UK's racialized asylum system on mothers and their children. Asylum-seeking mothers in the UK are treated with hostility and suspicion and prohibited from basic socio-economic rights such as employment yet must also raise their children within this hostile environment. In this paper, based on a Thematic Narrative Analysis of interviews with refugee and asylum-seeking mothers in Wales, we argue that legalized hostility and exclusion are systemic coercive control. Using theories of social reproduction and coercive control, we explore the emotional and psychological impact of coercion on four women and show how this systemic coercive control leads to both the fracturing of families and the fracturing of motherhood. Through the analysis of asylum-seeking mothers' experiences, we show that the coercion exerted on the women has direct and indirect impacts on their children through deprivation, isolation and fractured relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research documents the gendered inequalities Latina immigrants confront as they negotiate the realities of life in the United States, a hostile national context for immigrants. In response to these dynamics, this paper examines how Latina immigrant mothers negotiate their intersectional identities as mothers and immigrants within the contexts of a gentrifying sanctuary city and its schools and an anti-immigrant federal environment. Drawing on three years of participant-observation and 87 interviews with 40 Latina immigrant women, I argue that these women use the school district's programmes as spaces to recognise and affirm their motherhood and immigranthood and mediate the impact of illegality through a process I conceptualise as intersectional recognition. The dynamics of intersectional recognition, and the gendered solidarity and advocacy it produces, are facilitated in part because the city situates itself as a welcoming place. Yet immigrant women abut the limits of this intersectional recognition and solidarity in the face of constrained socio-economic mobility, restrictive immigration policies and rising housing costs. This research sheds new light on how women navigate their intersectional identities as immigrants and mothers and the mechanisms that support and inhibit Latina immigrant women's inclusion in their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New Zealand experienced strong growth in immigration since the 1990s, until the COVID-19 pandemic triggered a two-year phase of near-zero migration. Growing concern about the impact of immigration on various social and economic outcomes has led to a review of the evidence and related policies. One area of concern is the extent to which immigration impacts on the distribution of income - given that inequality increased notably since the 1980s. In this paper we take into account that immigration is spatially selective and compare the contribution of migrant groups (including New Zealand born persons returning from abroad) to income inequality in metropolitan areas with that contribution in non-metropolitan urban areas. We use two different decomposition methods and compare results. We find with both methods that migrant groups made inequality-increasing contributions to overall income inequality. These contributions are larger in metropolitan areas than in other urban. However, changes in the skill distribution, including those brought about by immigration, have more important implications for the distribution of income. High-skilled groups (whether New Zealand born or foreign born) have made inequality-increasing contributions to the distribution of income, particularly in metropolitan areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic and social crisis faced by Venezuela since 2013 has led to a massive migration of its population to neighbouring countries, with Colombia being the nation that has been the most impacted. This paper estimates the impact of Venezuelan immigration on housing rents in Colombia's main cities. Using a repeated cross-section data of Colombian households between 2013 and 2019, along with an instrumental variables approach, this study finds that a 1% increase in the proportion of Venezuelan immigrants to residents in the main cities in Colombia raises housing rents, on average, by about 1.25%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to clarify the dynamic interplay between immigration and nationality legislation and policymaking in post-imperial and pre-Brexit Britain. In 1981 and 2002, the years on which this paper focuses, three pieces of legislation were enacted marking watershed moments for British policy regarding immigration and nationality. The British Nationality Act of 1981 established 'British citizenship' in the statute book. The Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act of 2002 claimed to introduce new meaning and value to the acquisition of British citizenship by introducing a citizenship test and pledge. Furthermore, the British Overseas Territories Act of 2002 expanded the geographic scope of British citizenship by, in theory, providing citizenship to all those eligible in the existing dependent territories. Debates on the meaning of Britishness and the political projects linking immigration and nationality legislation to it, continue today in government, academia, and the media, all of whom are competing to have a tangible impact on policy. This paper addresses two questions. First, how can we account for the protracted nature of the debate on Britishness, and government efforts to enact immigration and nationality legislation based upon it? Second, if the meaning of Britishness has evolved over time, how has it been shaped by the course of these ongoing political debates? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses discourses and policies of citizenship and immigration in Croatia, with a special focus on marketization and culturalisation of citizenship. Along with many other Central and Eastern European states, Croatia is commonly studied as a model case of ethnonationalism. This study seeks to warn that in an ethnocentric state, there can also be other important notions of deservingness that structure one's route to membership today, showing us that we need to move beyond an exclusive focus on ethnonationalism. The paper explores how socioeconomic status and (ethno)cultural origin impact the ability of non-ethnics to claim and receive citizenship rights. The research focuses on two cultural groups: traditional immigrant populations coming from post-Yugoslav states and the new immigrant groups coming from countries in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides an overview of the waves of immigrants that have shaped Miami since its founding, while focusing on the decisive effect that the Cuban exile community had in transforming Miami into an emerging global city. Through detailed and illustrative case studies, the paper highlights the stories and constructed physical environments of three Cuban exile families. The chosen examples are notable for their capacity to have withstood the test of time, creating a sense of community through the adaptation and transformation of architectural spaces in support of social customs and rituals characteristic of a displaced homeland. In the end, they are emblematic of a cross-cultural urbanism that overlays Cuban social customs atop existing American urban environments to create new spaces of meaning, memory and community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the political spectrum of different historical periods, welfare deterrence has shaped social security and immigration policy in both Australia and the United Kingdom. Deterrence discourages access to state welfare through the production and mobilization of negative affect to deter specific groups from claiming state support, and by crafting public affect (of fear and disgust) about these target populations in order to garner consent for punitive policies. In this paper, we argue that deterrence works as a human technology where the crafting of negative affect operates as a technology of statecraft. Through critical juxtaposition and multiple genealogies of deterrence, this paper meshes time and space, and colony/colonizer and metropole, to show the historical and contemporary connectivity of the affective nature of deterrence. We identify five main operations that produce the 'feel' of deterrence: stigmatization by design, destitution by design, deterrent architecture, the control of movement, and the centrality of labour; as well as tracing the political economy of deterrence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants, and particularly undocumented immigrants, are oftentimes seen as disrupting the nation state and destabilizing its boundaries. This paper develops the argument that immigrants can, under certain conditions, actively employ nationalist frames and language to support their rights claims. It presents a two-prong argument to explain for this outcome. First, immigrant rights advocates needed to select a 'master frame' that would will resonate with audiences in different regions of the country and counter the anti-immigrant discourses of their adversaries. These constraints favored the selection of a frame that was nationalist enough to make sense to middle-of-the-road Americans and liberal enough to provide 'deserving immigrants' a pathway to citizenship. Second, advocates needed to ensure that their frames were delivered with a degree of consistency in different localities across the country. This favored a robust and centralized discursive infrastructure that could exercise dominance over the production and diffusion of core messages. The paper uses a range of sources – including interviews with leaders of immigrant rights associations, organization documents, training materials – support the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the number of working-age migrants to Australia, their ageing parents may intend to move to Australia to join their adult children. The paper examines the determinants of later-life transnational migration for Chinese parents to live with their adult children who have already migrated to Australia. The later-life transnational migration decision is an interplay between the characteristics of Chinese parents and their adult children, and the nature of Australia's migration system. This paper is the first to investigate the transnational migration decisions of Chinese parents by examining how their adult children in Australia perceived a family reunion and intergenerational trade-off in Australia as a collective family decision. This exploratory study used a multinominal logit model to identify the factors of later-life transnational migration decisions with a sample of adult children living in Sydney, Australia. The results show that the adult children's perception of living with their parents in Australia and the mediating role of the mother, not the father, significantly affects the Chinese parents' transnational migration. The intergenerational transfer of wealth and household support is also crucial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon semi-structured interviews of Chinese entrepreneurs in Ikebukuro, Tokyo, this paper demonstrates the commonly marginal influence of kinship, townspeople attachment, and ethnic identity on Chinese entrepreneurs’ interpretive framework on their social networks and business activities. Instead, their narratives were dominated by individualistic reasoning based on rational judgments and pragmatic considerations. Meanwhile, Chinese entrepreneurs found ethnic market in Ikebukuro accessible and competitiveness and the policy support from the Japanese state friendly to business operations. However, they were not keen on interacting with local civic organizations and kept themselves aloof from local communities. These features could be concluded as networked individualism with superficial integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, feminist legal geographers have pressed for deeper engagement with the lived experience of law’s spatial logics including methodologies that extend beyond the study of legal discourse, practice, and enforcement to include ethnographic and other qualitative approaches that centre the experiences of those living with legal precarity. Building upon the work of feminist political geographers concerned with intimacy geopolitics, the concept of everyday geo-legalities emphasizes the ways that people interpret the spatiality of law, legal practice, and state policing and how it affects their lives, livelihoods and im/mobilities. This research reveals how undocumented im/migrants in a small, rural poultry town interpret and socially negotiate their racialized legal status in terms of im/mobility, heighted workplace pressure, increased job-related health risks, persistent fears of immigration raids, family separation and deportation, and prejudice and policing due to discourses of racialized criminalization. Social and familial relations, however, are central to the everyday negotiation of these dynamics, as community connections and care emerge from experiences of marginalization. This paper thus emphasizes how social relations are central to analysing the complexities and contradictions of everyday legal geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper utilizes Latinx Critical Theory, assets-based methodology, and a sociohistorical approach to investigate how college-going habitus is cultivated amongst Latinx immigrant families. I define a college-going habitus as an orientation toward the pursuit of higher education that can be constructed through a variety of histories and means. Leveraging data from 28 interviews with children of Latinx immigrants applying to college, I explore the role immigrant familial histories (immigrant legacies) play in college-going habitus construction and how they challenge traditiosnal notions of familial involvement. I argue that an attention to immigrant legacies demonstrates the lifelong cultivation of higher education aspirations amongst children of immigrants and shows that we must look beyond familial educational histories when understanding how students craft their college trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As both a marriage act and an immigration act, the Expatriation Act of 1907 restricted U.S. women's freedom of marriage by stating that marrying aliens would lead to loss of U.S. citizenship. To study the effects of the Expatriation Act, I conduct a statistical analysis using 1910 full-count U.S. census data. I find that the Expatriation Act of 1907 generated significantly negative effects on intermarriage between American women and foreign-born men, particularly noncitizens. In particular, I find that it was the citizenship, rather than men's non-U.S. origin, that accounted for the negative effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage. These results show a decline in male immigrants' marital assimilation, and potentially social and economic assimilation. As for the magnitude, the effects were large: the decline in intermarriage was at least 15 percent relative to the pre-Act intermarriage rate. Besides these main results, selective emigration to Canada and Europe driven by intermarriage cannot explain the main empirical results of the paper. The Expatriation Act of 1907 also had no significant effects on women's entry into the marriage market. Finally, the effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage were heterogeneous by family immigration background, but less so by geographic region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

News coverage around monuments and statues have served as spaces of resistance for marginalized communities. The Statute of Liberty protest of Patricia Okoumou challenged the U.S. immigration policies by connecting collective memory to media narratives. This paper argues that competing understandings of Okoumou's protests appeared in mainstream media and the social media platform, Twitter. In response, Okoumou would start her own website and blog in order to illuminate herself as a voice of authority. This paper builds on the reinforced understandings of the racialized protests and how Black women engage in these discussions on social media. In order to keep her message clear, Okoumou created a digital space to oppose the mainstream media message. Thus, this study adds to the centering of Black women's bodies as a form of discourse of experiences and self-definition because Okoumou declared her existence and rose to find her voice on her personal digital platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the second in a series of papers concerning forensic immigration social work. The first paper examined the broad issues and types of cases that require consultation by a forensic social worker in immigration cases. This paper will examine the pertinent legal standards that the forensic social worker must be aware of and the essential areas of inquiry in the evaluation of spousal abuse cases. The following two papers will examine the other two major types of cases referred from immigration lawyers: asylum and criminal and “hardship” immigration cases. The final paper in the series will examine the forensic social worker's presentation of the case as expert testimony in immigration court and highlight winning strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Objective: The prevailing scientific literature aggregates Asians living in America into one omnibus category and thus can problematically result in a subpar and at times inaccurate understanding of health, social and cultural factors necessary for competent and informed medical care. Method: A literature search was conducted by cultural experts familiar with Asian Indian culture with a focus on immigrants from this community living in the US. Database using search engines was sought in the following domains: immigration patterns, prevalence for key medical and neurological conditions commonly associated with cognitive dysfunction, psychiatric/psychological needs in the community, some preliminary neuropsychological testing considerations while working with this community, and treatment considerations that could affect adherence and efficacy of outcomes. Articles were selected from 2000 to the most recent date, with emphasis on compiling information from review papers and meta-analysis from the past decade. Conclusions: Asian Indians living in the US are distinct from the larger Asian American community. Immigration trends underscore that Asian Indians have a bimodal distribution of wealth. Regarding medical conditions, a key and highly concerning finding is the higher prevalence of cardiovascular risk factors, especially in young males. The lack of non-existent cognitive data in this community is glaring and should serve as an impetus for conducting high-priority research in this community. Preliminary neuropsychological testing considerations are discussed from a practical perspective with emphasis on multilingualism and region of origin. Finally, treatment considerations include understanding attitudes and beliefs regarding traditional medicine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we provide a new approach to defining and operationalizing integration as "making place." We distinguish between making place for – a process of accommodation – and making place with – a process of co-production. We emphasize the potential of making place with as an alternative to top-down definitions of integration, and show this in practice through our research with migrants and migrant-supporting organizations in the Republic of Ireland. We conclude that making place with offers new insights into integration as processual, relational and practice-based, thus enhancing our understanding of migration and migrant experiences across diverse socio-spatial contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effect does the influx of asylum seekers have on the electoral support of the far right? This paper answers this question by examining changes in support for far right parties in response to the British government's relocation of asylum seekers across the United Kingdom from 2000 to 2015. Relying primarily on a difference-in-differences (DD) empirical strategy, our main finding is that an increase in the number of asylum seekers dispersed to a local authority is associated with an increase in the vote share of parties of the far right. Further tests indicate that the effect is due both to the far right contesting more seats in those localities receiving asylum seekers and to higher levels of support it receives in those areas where it is present. We find the effect is non-linear, that it is mitigated by higher recipient area ethnic diversity, and that it is limited to the most extreme right-wing parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores public discourses of race and nation in Australia and Singapore, focusing on their historical and contemporary relationship with China and the Chinese. Both countries are governed by a multicultural ideology but are experiencing evolving tensions rooted in their (post)colonial and settler histories, dominated by respective Anglo-Australian and Singaporean-Chinese majorities. To illuminate these issues, we analyse public discourses by politicians and other opinion leaders, as reported in influential media. We discuss how the two nation-states accommodate their rapidly growing mainland Chinese minorities in the context of a rising China as a global power, and in conjunction with their cultural-spatial dislocations. We found a renewed Sinophobia in both countries, but with different historic and contemporary origins and manifestations: in Australia a historically grounded fear of the Chinese as "Yellow Peril"; in Singapore, a co-ethnic anxiety about the incoming mainland Chinese who are construed as "other" to the Singaporean-Chinese. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Domestic violence and abuse has been recognised as an international public health problem. However, the pervasiveness of the problem is unknown due in part to underreporting, especially among women from ethnic minority populations. In relation to this group, this review seeks to explore: (1) the barriers to disclosure; (2) the facilitators of help-seeking; and (3) self-perceived impacts of domestic violence. Design: We systematically identified published qualitative studies conducted among women from ethnic minority populations in the UK. Data analysis was completed using thematic analysis approach. Result: 562 papers were identified and eight papers from four studies conducted among women from ethnic minority populations in the UK met the inclusion criteria and were reviewed. Barriers to disclosure include: Immigration status, community influences, problems with language and interpretation, and unsupportive attitudes of staff within mainstream services. Facilitators of help-seeking were: escalation of abuse and safety of children. Self-perceived impact of abuse includes: shame, denial, loss of identity and lack of choice. Conclusion: There is an on-going need for staff from domestic violence services to be aware of the complexities within which women from ethnic minority populations experience domestic violence and abuse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of immigration proved to be a crucially important flashpoint for all three parties in the 2010 British General Election. In this paper, we focus on a citizen-centred perspective on the 2010 British General Election by analysing the views of the electorate on this pivotal issue in the as blogosphere. Using thematic and discursive analysis, we examine how voters articulate their opinions and concerns on immigration in the blogosphere and how these discursive practices can be studied to enrich political market research. The findings show that a complex issue such as immigration is a dynamic expression of, and between, multiple, competing, contradictory discourses, and interests. As such, the blogosphere provides an invaluable tool for in-depth political market research because it can contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the co-production and co-consumption of current affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A critical review of the state-of-the-art in migration studies. The paper centres on a contrast between established comparative scholarship – elaborating progressive models of immigration, integration and citizenship, that reflect the increasingly diverse, migrant-built societies of the North Atlantic West – and a new generation of work in the last decade, influenced by critical, anti-racist and decolonial theory, that rejects this 'Eurocentric' liberal democratic global order and self-image. Establishing a bridge between older neo-Weberian approaches to immigration and sovereign nation-state building and newer (or revived) Marxist-Foucauldian accounts, it accents the state-power building effects of bordering, managing and cultivating 'diverse' national populations, and its ongoing governmental categorisation of citizens and migrants, nationals and aliens, majorities and minorities, as a key feature of neoliberal 'racial capitalism'. The argument develops in relation to wanted and unwanted migration in advanced liberal democratic economies, "visible" forms of immigration versus 'middling' forms of everyday cross-border mobility, and the limits of humanitarian arguments for open borders and expansive asylum rights. The paper sketches an alternate politics to the self-legitimating 'political demography' of liberal democracy, relating the ongoing colonial power of ideas of immigration, integration and citizenship, to the reproduction of massive global inequalities between 'the West and the Rest'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extensive evidence exists on how characteristics and circumstances of children shape their lifepaths and outcomes, and on the scale of resulting need. However, little research exists assessing the numbers of children who may be at risk of harm or disadvantage due to their immigration status. In this paper, we sought to establish the degree to which it is possible to monitor the aggregate vulnerability to risk of children in the UK by virtue of immigration status. First, we developed an observable set of immigration risk and vulnerability factors through workshop consultations that were analysed to produce a core set of variables that might be measured to assess aggregate need by virtue of immigration status. Second, we assessed through an administrative data review what is known statistically about the numbers of children at risk by virtue of immigration status in the UK. This research indicates a considerable gap in statistical knowledge of the level of vulnerability of children in the UK by virtue of immigration status. The approach we have developed provides a framework for future statistical work that might address this gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of literature has found that sexual orientation and gender impact labor market outcomes, including earnings. This literature generally finds that gay and bisexual men earn less than heterosexual men. Despite being the highest earners among women, lesbians earn less than heterosexual men, and bisexual women earn the least. Far less research has explored intersectional disadvantages/advantages of being a lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) individual and belonging to other minority groups. Using data from the 2013 to 2018 US National Health Interview Survey, this paper explores whether being an LGB racial minority or LGB immigrant results in cumulative earning disadvantages/advantages. This study finds that regardless of race or immigrant status, gay men’s earnings did not statistically differ from white/US-born heterosexual men’s earnings. For white and US-born women, their earnings followed the same pattern, with lesbians earning the most, followed by heterosexual women, then bisexuals; however, for nonwhite women, bisexuals earned the most and lesbians earned the least. The results for immigrant sexual minorities were not statistically significant. These findings suggest that disadvantage/advantage is multilayered—sexual minorities who occupy multiple minority positions may experience different levels of disadvantage/advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Only five countries have extended universal voting rights to non-citizen residents for all political spheres (local, intermediate and national): Uruguay in 1934, New Zealand in 1975, Chile in 1980, Malawi in 1994, and Ecuador in 2008. These cases constitute a unique intercontinental medley and an opportunity to study the conditions behind such revolutionary change. Through a calibrated comparative strategy based on most similar system designs (inspired by Mill's method of difference) using QCA, this paper finds that the extension of national voting rights to non-citizen residents transpired in two distinct scenarios. The first setting (Chile, New Zealand, and Uruguay) took place within unitary states with already-existing local voting rights for non-citizen residents and settler trajectories, but that were not undergoing a liberalisation process. On the other hand, the second configuration (Ecuador and Malawi) developed within unitary states that recognised nationality by ius soli and were going through a process of liberalisation, but without previous local voting rights for non-citizen residents or a settler trajectory. To our best knowledge, this paper offers the first cross-national explanation that involves all cases that have broadened their respective political communities (demoi) to include national voting rights to all non-citizen residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I reflect on how cultural selfobject experiences shape one's sense of identity and how contemporary psychoanalysis has evolved in order to recognize the impact of extra psychic factors on emotional development. I use my personal experience as a Jewish, first-generation daughter of immigrants to focus on culture, fantasied whiteness, intergenerational transmission of the trauma of immigration, and the role of dissociation in formation of identity. I also elaborate on how an expanded psychoanalytic theory and practice that includes the socio-cultural as part of the relational field has helped me to understand how these experiences become internalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from an ethnography, this paper evaluates the motivations of Black American and Black immigrant parents when selecting high schools for their millennial teenage children in a segregated city and suburbs of New York. Black middle class parents encounter racial exclusion in the areas of work and residence. However, more research is needed to understand how they negotiate segregated schools. Analysis of interviews with 60 Black middle class parents suggests that choosing schools reveals parents' strategies of intergenerational mobility for their Black children. Urban parents believed that contact with a racially diverse student body was a key indicator of school quality. Black American suburban parents who chose their local school exhibited faith in the curricular diversity of public schools, while immigrant parents believed in the superiority of a private school education. This pattern exacerbated the economic vulnerability of immigrant families who pay high tuition costs in an already high tax suburbs. These findings demonstrate how racial inequity, class precarity, culture and space shape how Black families navigate the moving target of educating their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has investigated conditions which lead to minority members' wanting to maintain their culture of origin, and to them wanting to adopt the majority culture. Majority members' ideas for what minority members should do have also received attention. However, past research has developed a blindspot for some important questions: majority and minority members will also have preferences for whether they desire majority culture change, and members of both groups will have perceptions regarding the respective outgroup's preference. This paper will present a 2X2X2 framework yielding 8 different foci: 2 (focusing on the perspectives/wishes of the minority vs. majority) X 2 (acculturation preferences regarding oneself vs. the outgroup) X 2 (own preferences vs. perceptions of what the respective outgroup wants). This framework will be used to crystalize what is known and what is not yet explored, suggesting a research agenda for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of recent articles have invoked the republican ideal of non-domination to justify either open borders, and/or the reduction of states' discretionary powers to unilaterally determine immigration policy. In this paper, I show that such arguments are one-sided, as they fail to fully account for the deep ambiguity of the very ideal which they invoke. In fact, non-domination lends just as powerful support to maintaining state border controls as it does to dismantling them. There are only two exceptions to the rule. It is well established that promoting non-domination demands, one the one hand, that refugees be admitted, and second, that all migrants have a right to contest decisions concerning their own admission. But aside from these things, the policy implications of the ideal are unclear. In itself, therefore, it is insufficient to justify either open borders, or the reduction of states said discretionary powers. Such arguments will have to rely on other, additional moral criteria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This is the first of a two-part paper. The first paper will explore the forensic social worker in the role of expert examiner and witness for immigration lawyers and the immigration court. The second paper will explore the many issues that need to be examined during the biopsychosocial interview to ensure a complete assessment. This paper will consider the four types of cases referred to immigration experts in forensic social work: Spousal abuse cases, criminal immigration cases, hardship cases, and asylum cases. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper studies performance differences between immigrants working in the regular Canadian labour market and those in the ethnic enclave sector of the economy. First, by studying the effects of education and race on the weekly wage earnings, I find that the returns to education are greater and being a visible minority carries less of a wage penalty for immigrants working in the regular sector compared with those in the enclave sector. Moreover, taking the AMEs (Average Marginal Effects) studies, I document different effects of education and race on both earnings and job segment for these two types of immigrants and propose an explanation. After this, I compute task supply and wage gaps between different types of immigrants in three census years to show differences in assimilation by immigration cohort. Finally, I use regression models to study immigrants' task supply and weekly wages so that we can have a fuller view of the differences in performance between immigrants working in the regular and enclave sectors. I also use these models to analyse differences between immigrants and natives in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]