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Publications in Renal Failure in Science Citation Index Expanded (SCI-EXPANDED) between 1992 and 2021 were analyzed. Six publication indicators: total, independent, collaborative, first author, corresponding author, and single author publications as well as their related citation indicators, were used to compare performances of countries, institutes, and authors. Comparison of the highly cited papers and journal's impact factor (IF) contributors was discussed. In addition, the main research topics in the journal were presented. Results show that China published the most total articles and reviews, as well as the first-author papers and corresponding-author papers in the journal. The Chang Gung Memorial Hospital in Taiwan ranked the top in five publication indicators: total, single-institution, inter-institutionally collaborative, first author, and corresponding-author papers. A low percentage of productive authors emerged as a journal IF contributor. Similarly, only a limited relationship between highly cited papers and IF contributing papers was found. Publications related to hemodialysis, chronic kidney disease, and acute kidney injury were the most popular topic, while meta-analysis was new focus in the last decade in the journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a multi-sited physical and virtual ethnography of Chinese migrant women's entrepreneurship in Taiwan, this paper illuminates the role of digital migrant entrepreneurship in the making of globalisation. In the digital age of gendered migrant entrepreneurship, it challenges the long-lasting dichotomy between 'bottom-up' and 'top-down' globalisation and contributes to the theoretical debate about migrant transnational entrepreneurship, elucidating how capitalism and globalisation can take multiple forms. Drawing on Chinese women's migratory biographies and the commercial geographies of the objects they trade between China and Taiwan, it shows how our global economic system is simultaneously forged by supply-chain capitalism and migrants' digitalised petit capitalistic practices. Chinese migrant workers firstly manufacture goods whilst working for multinational companies in China, then, after marriage-migration, they commercialise the products in Taiwan via WeChat. Findings illustrate the link between ICTs, migrant entrepreneurship, gendered social networks, and border transgressions in shaping a mutable globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the February 2000 white paper by the People's Republic of China about the relations of Mainland China and Taiwan. China's basis and prerequisite for achieving peaceful reunification; Questions involving the One China Principle in cross-strait relations; Adherence to the One China principle in the international community. INSET: PRC White Paper....

The article discusses about various issues related to the U.S. security policy on China. This discussion shows that, from China's perspective, the key to improving the U.S.-China relations is not stressing common interests in reality, but stressing China's long-term goodwill. The most important issue in the U.S.-China security relations is Taiwan issue. When dealing with Taiwan issue, China should also take into account how to influence the U.S. concerns about gains. The U.S., therefore, might adopt a more co-operative policy on China.

Evaluates the various factors that influence the relationship between mainland China and Taiwan. Details on international factors; Factors originating in mainland China; Factors arising from developments within Taiwan.

Examines issues surrounding the national unity and territorial integrity of Taiwan. Significance of national reunification of China and Taiwan; Discussion on the civil war started by the Kuomintang; Position of the Chinese government regarding the settlement of the Taiwan question.

Travel booking engines can produce, resist, and destabilise popular and state-directed geopolitical representations of a world neatly divided into national and international space. Although they present as strictly functional technical platforms, booking engines obscure and omit what is contingent and contested in the production of a destination as a bordered national territory. Due to their embedding in the webs of political representation, these systems and their backers can become targets for economic boycotts, political threats, hacks, or other interventions when territorial designations are contested. Such interventions manifest as political performances aimed at multiple audiences, including tourists and travellers, as well as the businesses and political entities that facilitate or inhibit their circulation, with spillover effects into other domains of geopolitical representation. To empirically illustrate this argument, the paper analyzes the People's Republic of China's mostly successful efforts to coerce the international travel industry to relist destinations within Taiwan as belonging to China. By extending the notion of border performativity into the 'code/spaces' that span the online and offline worlds, it concludes that booking engines, like other forms of infrastructure that serve travellers and tourists, can produce popular geopolitical effects that exceed their own technical systems. Peering through these ruptures reveals the uneasy and unstable assemblages of travel infrastructure and territorial representation that regulate global mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a tendency in the study of modern Chinese history to seek uniqueness in the history of modern China while attempting to identify differences from some presumed universality. However, modern Chinese history research that emphasizes uniqueness is likely to be used to create a negative image of China in the minds of the Japanese general public, given that China has become a major power and Sino-Japan relations have become unstable in the 21st century. As China is becoming a major power and an increasing global presence, the Japanese view that China is becoming distanced from universals and is instead becoming something entirely different from the "norm" is likely to amplify misunderstanding and prejudice regarding China. Therefore, we have to consider how to study the history of modern China. I believe it is only natural to study it based on the political problem that was the constant theme throughout the history of modern China. It is the history of constitutional government and revolution. From these two keywords, this paper reconsiders the universality and uniqueness of modern Chinese history, and also presents a new perspective on the relationship between China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) (Taiwan) have taken divergent paths in the area of human rights. Since the two leaders Xi Jinping and Tsai Ing-wen came to power, the differences in the area of human rights have further increased. The paper analyses and compares their external human rights strategies based on realist assumptions and the soft and hard power resources of the PRC and the ROC. The PRC's objectives are to deflect international criticism of its human rights situation and to weaken the global human rights system and its underlying human rights norms. Taiwan's objective is to use its record as a human rights leader in Asia to expand its limited international space and to strengthen its ties with other consolidated democracies and the global civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper describes the growing human rights gap between China on one side and the US and Taiwan on the other side and analyses its impact on cross-strait relations. Since Xi Jinping's ascent to power in the People's Republic of China in 2012/2013 and the elections of Donald Trump in the US and Tsai Ing-wen in Taiwan in 2016, the relationship between China and the other two countries has worsened. The US and Taiwan have a similar view on human rights in the PRC. The increasing repression and authoritarianism of the PRC leads to a human rights gap in the Taiwan Strait that increases the divide and the tensions between both sides. The failure of the PRC to address in its proposal for a peaceful unification the concerns of the Taiwanese for their democracy and human rights pushes Taiwan further away. The similar assessment of the PRC's authoritarian threat by the US and Taiwan strengthens the bond between both, based on the shared values of democracy and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an excerpt from China's national defense white paper published on July 28, 1998, which deals with China's strait relations with Taiwan.

The objectives of this paper are to elucidate Taiwan's successful COVID-19 measures as well as the conditions surrounding the deterioration of Cross-Strait relations and to identify future prospects. The author has demonstrated the success of Taiwan's Novel Coronavirus countermeasures and shown that China's increasingly hardline policies toward the rest of the world and Taiwan in particular have contributed to unstable Cross-Strait relations. First, Taiwan's successful anti-epidemic policies have done much to boost Taiwanese self-esteem. Second, within Taiwan, the majority view identified China as the source of the trouble, not the DPP. Third, with US–China relations deteriorating even further as a result of the Novel Coronavirus pandemic, the US began to actively "showcase" Taiwan's success. Fourth, China's Taiwan policy is expected to remain deadlocked for the time being. US–China relations are increasingly worsening, Taiwanese public opinion is trending toward increasing distance from China, and all that remains of China's Taiwan policy is "placing hope on the mainland itself." Thus, the Cross-Strait relationship is expected to continue deteriorating well into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses a competitive airline hub-and-spoke network design problem in a duopolistic market with sequential airline entry. Two airlines, a leader and a follower, enter the market sequentially to make decisions about their own flight networks. Each must consider their opponent's reactions and respond to each other's decisions in making their own, leading to interactive competition between them. A bi-level model is proposed to formulate the behaviors and decisions of the two airlines. In addition, an interactive solution procedure based on a genetic algorithm (GA) is developed to repeatedly solve the upper and lower level models. Finally, we generate a numerical example based on the regional air market in Taiwan and China. The results provide useful insights and highlight the importance of considering interactive competition for airlines when designing their flight networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English has increasingly become an essential second language as well as a language for international communication. However, there is little research that examines the dimensions of mobile learning for both researchers and instructional designers and focuses on effective uses of the latest mobile learning technologies for education. There have been no reviews of research on mobile English learning. This paper aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the research on Mobile English Language Learning (MELL) material to initiate an evidence-based discussion on the usage of mobile learning in English language education. Findings from existing literature show that studying and reviewing mobile learning leads to a deeper understanding of its effect and possibilities with respect to learning the English language. Additionally, findings also indicate that when it comes to English language skills, vocabulary is the most-used skill, and the most common problem that studies mention is that of motivation. Further studies need to investigate other terms and keywords that reflect on the use of mobile learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 1990s, academia has paid increasing attention to cultural rights and cultural citizenship. This paper reviews existing literature on the construction of cultural rights and cultural citizenship and argues that cultural citizenship expands the concept of ‘citizenship’, promotes citizens’ consciousness, and confirms the content of ‘cultural rights’. The concept of cultural citizenship provides a new perspective from which to examine the challenges of cultural inequality, taste differences, symbolic struggle in cultural participation, and consumption. Based on western theories, this paper discusses the development of cultural citizenship and cultural rights in cultural policy in Taiwan and China, and it finds the tension between control and autonomy and between the government and the civil society in the practice of cultural citizenship. In Taiwan, most cultural policies are developed and implemented by the government, and those affected by them often do not have the necessary critical awareness to judge or examine them. In China, the protection of cultural rights provides a new type of control rather than autonomy from the Chinese Government. In both Taiwan and China, it is important to empower civil society to balance the governments’ control over the practice of cultural citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines two Taiwan projects: the National Palace Museum (1965) in Taipei (NPM) and the NPM Southern Branch (NPMSB) in Chiayi (2003). The NPMSB targeted the liberalisation of the NPM from the stained political connotation of Chinese nationalism and constructs anew Taiwan's autonomous national identity. This paper argues that the construction of NPM/NPMSB in Taiwan is a cultural and colonial traumatism of national identity, and a struggle between official Chinese nationalism and rising prior Taiwanese subjectivity in a postcolonial context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports have shown that Taiwan and China are attractive targets for cybercriminals. The special political situation between the two countries has encouraged numerous cyber-attacks across the Taiwan Strait. Establishing an efficient investigation and prosecution system is important to deter criminals from further exacerbating this unsatisfactory situation. This paper discusses issues of cybercrime investigation and prosecution across the Taiwan Strait. Based on interview data collected in 2008 and 2009, in both China and Taiwan, this paper concludes that the current manpower dedicated to cybercrime investigation is insufficient. In addition, there is insufficient incentive to attract investigators to devote their time to cybercrime investigation, and prosecutors and judges' knowledge of cybercrime and information security is lacking. Informal relations, such as Guan-xi and Mo-chi, may help in mutual cooperation between crime investigation agencies. However, these rely heavily on the political situation existing at any one time, and can only be effective when relations between Taiwan and China are not tense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a case study of Taiwan, this paper seeks to address recent debates surrounding the transformation of developmental states in East Asia. Whilst a number of authors have cited the Taiwanese state as being both cautious and resilient in the midst of global restructuring, this paper seeks to critically engage with such arguments by highlighting the dynamic and mutually constitutive relations between the forms of social relations that underpin late development and the wider geopolitical system in which such development occurs. Specifically, Taiwanese industrialisation can be viewed as an outcome of the US intervention in the Chinese civil war and subsequent exclusion of China from the regional political economy in the period between the Korean and Vietnam Wars. The Kuomintang (KMT)'s retreat to Taiwan established the basis for the autonomous developmental state, and the US underpinned this state through military protection, aid and access to its own domestic market. However, the relative decline of US hegemony and the readmission of China into the international system have posed significant challenges to Taiwan's developmental state. The US sought to redress its trade imbalance with East Asia by placing pressure on Taiwan to liberalise its political economy. Furthermore, the very process of development itself served to undermine the autonomy of the state as it came under pressure from new social forces. Taiwan has more recently been faced with a dilemma of closer integration with the mainland or the maintenance of its de facto economic and political independence at the risk of becoming isolated from the global trading system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper evaluates the Tibet question through the looking glass of Taiwan, by considering four dimensions of comparative dynamics between the two cases of Taiwan and the Tibetan government-in-exile (TGIE) in relation to China: territorial, economic, ethnic and cultural. Of the four, the paper argues, Taiwan has high convergence with China in the economic, ethnic and cultural dimensions, and managed divergence in the territorial dimension. The TGIE, on the other hand, has high divergence with China in all four dimensions: territorial dispute, economic incongruence, ethnic estrangement, and cultural gulf. Further, the TGIE is ideologically and sentimentally charged by this divergence and thrives by exploiting it. It therefore should have few incentives to see the lessons of Taiwan applied in resolving the Tibet question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does it mean to say a state is angry? To answer this question, this paper theorizes a diplomacy of anger. Specifically, the diplomacy of anger involves a vehement and overt state-level display of anger in response to a perceived violation. Although the diplomacy of anger threatens precipitous escalation in the face of further violations, it can be ameliorated by conciliatory gestures and will subside over time absent new provocations. What is more, the diplomacy of anger can also exercise a reciprocal influence on the emotional dispositions of those that practice it. The diplomacy of anger thereby contributes to constructing particular issues as sensitive and volatile, and thus outside the realm of standard bargaining interactions. To examine the analytical purchase of this approach vis-à-vis standard accounts of coercive diplomacy, this paper looks in-depth at the 1995–96 Taiwan Straits crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper draws on in-depth interviews undertaken eight years apart to provide a reflection upon the nature of transnational relationships and settlement over time. It follows the lives of five immigrant families between 1999 and 2007, and focuses in particular on the accounts provided by the women. These individuals migrated to Canada from Hong Kong or Taiwan during the 1990s, and then 'stuck it out', when most of their friends, in contrast, had returned home. The paper uncovers changes in their familial and personal circumstances as a consequence of migration to Canada and their subsequent experiences of transnationalism, and provides insights into the longevity and durability of transnational relationships. It contributes to debates around the persistence of transnationalism over time and the relationship between transnationalism and integration for migrants, whilst also making a methodological point about the need for more longitudinal qualitative accounts of immigrants' lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the diverse approaches of EU members' integration with the EU through modelling, and assesses the applicability of each model to Taiwan-China relations. Building upon two variables: 'the association with national identity and reorientation or not', and 'being the leading or founding member or not' four EU members' integrative models stand out. The German model is proved to be the most integrationist, followed by the Finnish and the French models. The UK model appears to be the least committed. Due to sovereignty controversies, the visionary German and French models are not applicable to Taiwan-China integrations and the prospects are for the pragmatic Finnish model at best, and the UK model at worst. These modelling outcomes can then explain why the growing economic integration between the two sides has not produced spillover effects into the political arena. This paper therefore argues that it would be in China's interest to make Taiwan an equal leading player in Taiwan-China integrations, and to transform its 'one-China policy' from the current political and sovereignty contents to a cultural and value-laden concept. Among the theories being examined, (neo)realist-constructivism demonstrates more applicability than two mainstream integration theories - neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the evolutionary framework of inductive screening, this paper seeks to examine the drivers of technological catch-up in the integrated circuits (ICs) industry in Taiwan and China. The paper shows that IC manufacturing began with multinationals relocating export-oriented assembly operations in the 1960s in Taiwan and in the 1980s in China, but serious technological catch-up took place when, with the assistance of the government, local firms began to participate in wafer fabrication and designing activities. While foreign ownership and export markets were critical in initiating connections in the global IC value chain, the paper argues that the role of the government through funding, research and development laboratories and development of human capital were critical in local firms' technological catch-up process in both the countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explore the foreign influences on Taiwan's economic transformation over the past 40 years. While exports have always been important in sustaining Taiwan's economic growth, the driving force behind exports has changed from inward investment to outward investment. The analysis carried out is from an international political economy perspective and takes a historical overview. It argues that the US, Japan and China pursued economic policies based on their own economic interests. These foreign governments' economic policies together with their entrepreneurs' business interests are the more important variables for shaping Taiwan's economic structure. During the 1960s, without the US's financial guarantees for American MNCs and security guarantees for the island, the KMT's foreign investment promotion policy would not have been as successful as it was when Taiwan faced a military threat from China. The US and Japanese economic policies changed, and since the 1970s competition between their businesses in the world market has integrated Taiwan into a regional production network. Subsequent to the Sino-US rapprochement, the US gradually opened up its market towards China. With America's rising trade barriers against Taiwanese-made products, Taiwanese entrepreneurs found profits by investing in China. Even though the Taiwanese Government tried hard to pull back the mounting outward investment in China, it was unable to achieve it. In contrast to the traditional point of view, this paper offers insights into the economic interaction between first the US and Japan and later between the US and China that resulted in Taiwan's economic transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the concept of 'soft power', popularized by the work of Joseph Nye, has gained currency in both China and Taiwan. This paper explores how the Chinese and Taiwanese understand soft power and its sources, and how their understanding differs from Nye's formulation. It discusses why this foreign concept has become so salient in the Chinese and the Taiwanese discourse. It also examines the impact of this concept on the external policies of China and Taiwan. The paper concludes by pointing out the limitations of the concept of soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study pioneered an innovative project regarding the use of ICT for creating learning resources and opportunities for faculty members and adult learners on both sides of the Taiwan Straits - Taiwan and mainland China - that would not have been possible during the past five decades. This paper is based on a one-year in-depth study of an ICT initiative project in two established universities in Taiwan and China. This paper documents how the faculty members made this initiative a reality through collective efforts on designing, producing and delivering the digital learning materials by overcoming difficulties and challenges resulting from both distance and longtime political separation. The findings indicate that most of the learners gave positive responses to whether course content was current and of value and were satisfied with the instructors. This project develops a new and profound co-operative model and introduces a new business marketing opportunity for universities for the commercialisation of knowledge that critically meets the demands of working people in the high-tech arena and is driven by corporate need and the self-interest of learners in the Chinese and Taiwanese community. Some issues related to e-learning are identified and several suggestions are made in the conclusion for further reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central question of this paper is whether China can go beyond simple technological transfer and toward innovation in this age of globalization. By adopting an institutionalist perspective, this paper argues that China has developed a dualist model during its economic transitional period in which the foreign sector has been isolated from domestic firms, while the domestic industrial sectors have also failed to develop organic linkages among themselves to facilitate technological learning and generate innovation. This paper discusses four major institutional arrangements that deeply influence China's technological development – the institutional logic of economic reform, the state's industrial policy, the financial system and the industrial structure. It suggests that, owing to these institutional elements, China has neither developed economies of scale, as compared with the South Korean case, nor has it built up a network-type of economy similar to its Taiwanese counterpart in order to generate the mechanisms needed for technological innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalisation is a central concept in this paper but it is important to note that 'globalisation' is a highly contested term. Strong globalisation theory argues that the global economy is dominated by uncontrollable global forces in which nation states are structurally constrained and therefore the capacity of modern states eventually declines. Unlike strong globalists, other scholars believe even though there may be similar trends and patterns in public policy and public management domain along the line of privatisation, marketisation, commodification and corporatisation, different governments may use the similar strategies to serve their own political purposes. Hence, modern states may tactically make use of the globalisation discourse to justify their own political agendas or legitimise their inaction. The present paper sets out in this wider context to reflect upon globalisation effects on national policy, with particular reference to how the selected East Asian societies such as the four Tigers, Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea as well as mainland China have transformed their higher education systems. More specifically, this paper discusses the theme of 'similar trends, diverse agendas' by examining how the selected East Asian governments have reformed their higher education systems to cope with the growing impact of the global tide of marketisation and decentralisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a comparative study of extra-musical learning in the music classes of the schools of Hong Kong and Taiwan, where education is geared towards democracy and citizenship at a time of unstable national identity for both communities. Taiwan has been undergoing a process of indigenisation since 1945, whilst Hong Kong's sovereignty was returned to the People's Republic of China after 1 July 1997. This paper argues that the transmission of extra-musical learning is essentially a response to the particular needs of these two Chinese historical-social contexts, which require their music curricula to be securely grounded in the ideology of a culturally based education for 'citizenship'. Despite different approaches to western-based musical knowledge in schools, Hong Kong and Taiwan attempt to promote a sense of national identity and an essentially Confucian set of moral values as a central goal of school music education. The promotion of ethno-cultural nationalism in Taiwan's music education is regarded as a democratic goal for the Taiwanese state, though in practice, the educational systems of both Taiwan and Hong Kong are coloured by the global context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent increasing socioeconomic and political interactions between mainland China and Taiwan have resulted in a significant number of marriages between the two societies. Why do people cross the Strait to look for a marriage partner? What are the socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of such marriages? And what impact do these marriages have on society as well as on the individuals involved? These are the issues we explore in this paper. Analyzing a survey on cross-Strait marriages conducted by the authors, this paper concludes that inter-regime marriages between these two societies predominately involve older Taiwanese males and younger mainland females. The general pattern in these marriages represents an exchange between the intrinsic attributes (age, appearance) of the mainland women and the extrinsic attributes (financial status) of the Taiwanese men. In addition, inter-regime marriages provide a means for mainland women to attain geographic and eventually social mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This survey reviews the growing role and presence of China in the Island Pacific. As the late Professor Ron Crocombe remarked, in the Pacific a major transition is under way from a range of European to Asian influences. Many Western observers have viewed this rise of Asian, and specifically Chinese, influence with alarm, but Crocombe saw it as offering Pacific Islanders new opportunities. This paper first analyses the diversity that can be masked by terms such as ‘China’ and ‘the Pacific’. Then it surveys recent literature on China in the Pacific and scholarship concerned with longer Chinese histories in the region that most recent commentators ignore and which question a number of their assertions. Finally, it suggests possible future directions for historical research on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Through two concrete urban renewal cases in Asia, this paper develops a schema of “social engineers-smugglers-experts-critical experts” to differentiate the roles of system-maintaining and system-transforming intellectuals in the production of space. While pro-establishment “social engineers” and “experts” use their “epistemic authority” to produce top-down renewal plans to promote exchange values, “critical experts” outside the government and “smugglers” within the bureaucracy play significant roles in “de-coding” the use values of people's lived spaces. The cases highlight the important roles of system-transforming intellectuals in re-problematizing urban renewal issues and experimenting with alternative policies and plans to restructure space that sustains community building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The civil war in mainland China during 1945–1949 resulted in an enormous influx of immigrants to Taiwan, the majority of whom were single male soldiers in their twenties or thirties. In addition, a military marriage ban prevented most of the immigrant soldiers from getting married until 1959. These two factors have profound, but distinct, influences on the effective prime-age sex ratio in the marriage market in post-war Taiwan. Unfortunately, the official population data in Taiwan excluded the military and thus did not reveal the true male population until the late 1960s. This paper proposes a method to impute the effective prime-age sex ratio. The imputation result shows that the effective prime-age sex ratio first rose in the 1950s, peaked in the 1960s, and then declined in the 1970s. At its peak, as many as 120 men were competing for only 100 women in the marriage market. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although the essence of China's Taiwan policy has not changed from the era of Jiang Zemin to the present, the era of Hu Jintao, Jiang's and Hu's attitudes are different. Jiang was impatient with the delay in the unification of China and Taiwan, talking about timetables for unification; however, Hu has so far been patient, saying that he is not afraid of delaying unification. The purpose of this paper is to explain why their attitudes are different. I argue that two factors combine to result in Jiang's impatience and Hu's patience: conflicting ‘perceptions of Taiwan's domestic politics and Taiwan's China policy’ and differing ‘perceptions of the US behavior and attitude regarding Taiwan’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper uses a global computable general equilibrium model, global trade analysis project and a value-to-volume conversion to arrive at quantitative estimates of the new seaborne cargo volumes resulting from a free trade agreement between Taiwan and China, namely, the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA). The approach is designed to model asymmetric impacts of tariff removal and economy-wide interactions caused by the ECFA arriving at estimation in cargo value flows. Then a scientific approach is developed to convert the estimated cargo value flows into volume flows. The analysis concludes that in terms of total trade value, the ECFA liberalisation would induce a trade creation effect across the Strait of more than US$ 30 billions. There is an increase of US$ 26.04 billions in exports to China, which is much higher than imports from China (US$ 4.67 billions). Regarding the converted trade volume, the exports of uncontainerisable and containerisable cargo to China increase by 0.37 and 5.12 million tons (0.43 million TEUs), respectively. The increases in imports from China are relatively minor at 0.19 and 0.75 million tons (0.06 million TEUs) of uncontainerisable and containerisable cargo. Policy implications and suggestions for shipping and port industry are provided accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Facing the ever-growing interdependence across the Taiwan Strait, Mainland China's strategy towards Taiwan is undergoing a profound change, that is, transcending the staunch realpolitik mentality and turning to an institutional arrangement in policy making. Especially since President Hu Jintao took up his position, the Mainland has endeavored to improve cross-Strait relations through the institutionalization of a series of sensitive issues, such as the proposals and signatures of some long-term accords aiming to advocate economic cooperation, promote social exchanges, weaken political opposition and foster mutual trust. By taking the Mainland's national development strategy shift, Taiwan's domestic reality and 'institution deficit' in cross-Strait relations into consideration, this paper analyzes the reasons, efforts and features of the Mainland's recent institutional-orientated policy transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Chinese cultural tradition, numbers may be seen as meaningful, creative, even poetic things, and they figure prominently in accounts of the self. Rather than 'reducing people to numbers', quantification is used - by at least some people some of the time - as a mode of differentiating themselves from others, a means of narrating unique life experiences. This paper explores the role of numbers in accounts of the self, drawing primarily on a case study of one woman from rural Taiwan. It is suggested that a natural historical framework can help illuminate numbers and number systems as Chinese technologies of the imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Macromitrium cavaleriei Cardot & Thér. in Thér. is a little known Chinese moss of the family Orthotrichaceae. The species, which, forms dense mats with creeping stems, varies much in its branch leaf shape and in the laminal cell papillosity of the branch and perichaetial leaves. In the present paper, Macromitrium cavaleriei is re-evaluated taxonomically, including the new synonymizations of M. gebaueri Broth., M. sinense E. B. Bartram, M. syntrichophyllum Thér. & P. de la Varde, and M. syntrichophyllum var. longisetum Thér. & Reimers from China. The synonymizations extend the distribution of M. cavaleriei from Guizhou to 15 provinces and one municipality, mainly in the area to the South of the Yangtze River, Southwest China, and Taiwan. Additionally, M. cavaleriei is reported as new to the moss flora of Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on Robert Mundell's proposal for an Asian multi-currency monetary union, this paper provides a framework to analyze whether a prospective Chinese currency union can be sustained after suffering from various shocks. An important assumption is that China and Taiwan can coordinate their economic policies without losing their independent national currencies. A dynamic game approach simulates possible outcomes if a China-Taiwan cooperative mechanism were to be implemented. The results show that the China-Taiwan coalition can be feasible under the shock of currency appreciation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the work of the Taiwanese troupe Performance Workshop (Biaoyan gongzuofang) under director and playwright Stan Lai, specifically Peach Blossom Land, Strange Tales from Taiwan, and I Me He Him. These plays address the disjunction of space and time through a particular device, namely splitting the stage between 'here' and 'there', 'now' and 'then'. Characters and their alter-egos share the same stage, a situation that results in awkward and fragmented dialogs. The cohabitation of incompatible temporal dimensions gives rise to many comical situations, foregrounds the futility of the characters' search for stable identities, and demonstrates the existence of irreconcilable though mutually resonant temporal planes. The double play often becomes a metaphor for the mirroring existence on the two sides of the Taiwan Straits, as well as for the role of theater itself in teasing out and negotiating between these ambiguous similarities. Lai's plays give the lie to neat distinctions between local Taiwanese and pan-Chinese identities, and stress the heightened sense of dislocation in a globalizing society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that a project to re-member China lies embedded in The Monster that Is History as Wang examines the monstrous violence which ravages modern China through the lenses of fiction. Through the alchemy of what the author calls 'diasporic ambivalence', it finally assumes the form of huawen wenxue, or Sinophone literature. As the project inevitably encounters resistance from the Taiwanese nativist, it falls into an aporia/differend between Sinophone and Taiwanese literature as struggling means to constitute a community formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth of Taiwan's manufacturing investments in China has bred an emerging cross-border industrial park development. This paper investigates the processes involved by exploring the interactive relations between the nation-states and actors concerned. In the context of the cross-border political tensions between Taiwan and China, the roles played by the two states are extensively examined. A case study of Kunshan Science Park in Suzhou is also discussed in detail. It is concluded that the industrial park development across Taiwan Strait is socially constructed through the interactions of vertical and horizontal governance within interfirm, intrafirm and extrafirm networks, upon which the states and related political economies across the Strait have imposed particular influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigating how the PRC responds to democratization in Taiwan and Hong Kong, this paper argues that the Chinese Communist leadership has mainly developed three strategies in managing the complicated crises, including Beijing's own legitimacy crisis and the integration crisis of the Chinese nation, caused by the rise of offshore Chinese democracies. These strategies are: identity politics, sovereignty politics, and economic penetration. With 'identity politics', Beijing identifies 'identification with the Communist leadership' as the sole Chinese national identification, and utilizes the nationalistic passions of mainland and even overseas Chinese people against democrats in Taiwan and Hong Kong, by labeling the latter as 'separatists' or 'national traitors'. Further, Beijing defines 'sovereignty' in a way in which the 'central' government monopolizes all possessions of the nation, and excludes 'people's sovereignty' from the politics of national reunification or the 'one country, two systems' model actualization. While appealing to both 'soft power' based in 'patriotic nationalism' and 'hard power' embedded in national sovereignty, however, the Chinese regime also mobilizes business resources and opportunities provided by China's growing economic power and China's dominance in Greater Chian economic integration for its political purposes of curbing offshore Chinese democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a comparative study of the law of assembly between the People's Republic of China (PRC) vs. the Republic of China (ROC). The comparison is achieved by looking at how these two Chinese societies structure police powers during assembly, procession, and demonstration -- textually and contextually. Particularly, it investigates how the forces of history, constitution, and politics converge to define and shape the Law of Assembly. This comparative project is conducted to understand the relative development of police powers in the two Chinese societies, which once were linked by history and culture and are now divided by geography and ideology. In a still larger context, this research employs comparative policing to expose and explicate how the police in two closed societies, the ROC (Confucianist) and the PRC (Socialist), come to terms with social protests and political challenges, and suggests how to balance the forces of reform and control with the use of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The search for status, or more correctly, the desire to maintain status, lies at the heart of the Republic of China on Taiwan's (ROC) foreign policy. This is particularly so vis-à-vis its official state-to-state relations. In this regard, the ROC has been constrained by a conscious policy by the People's Republic of China (PRC) to try and marginalize Taiwan on the international stage. Due to objective realities, Taiwan has had to become satisfied with maintaining official state relations with small states only. All, with the exception of the Vatican, are in the developing world, with a number in Africa. This paper examines Taiwanese foreign policy and its diplomatic initiatives, with particular reference to its use of 'dollar diplomacy' in its activities in Africa. The constraints and limitations of such policies are drawn out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-Strait relations between Taiwan and mainland China are of great importance to the development of China and peace in East Asia. However, this subject has not been sufficiently dealt with in a theoretical manner. This paper takes stock of the analytical approaches in the field in an effort to present to the academic world the existing intellectual instruments that interested researchers can take advantage of in cross-Strait studies. Nine approaches are identified. They are: the divided-nation model, integration theory, the power asymmetry model, the vote-maximizing model, the developmental state paradigm, strategic triangle theory, systems theory, political psychology theory, and the cognitive approach. The intellectual roots of these approaches are traced and their applicability to cross-Strait relations examined. Their strengths and weaknesses are also compared. Finally, a synthetic analytical framework is proposed. It is believed that a literature review of this kind is a prerequisite to a theoretical understanding of the cross-Strait relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the text of a policy paper presented by Taiwan's Mainland Affairs Council Chairman Chang King-yuh at the National Unification Council meeting on July 22, 1998, which deals with the cross-strait relations between China and Taiwan.