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Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study of international affairs has found itself increasingly intermingled with local contexts. This condition has led us to a more decentralised approach toward international relations, where more attention is given to the role of subnational units such as city and province. Numerous studies with systemic-level analyses have been dedicated to examining globalisation as a structure and its impact on the emergence of subnational governments in foreign activities, which can also be understood as paradiplomacy. However, there has been limited state-level analysis of how paradiplomacy relates to the evolving state role in the contemporary era. This paper attempts to fill the gap by drawing the experience of Indonesia, a unitary state and an emerging democracy, in reshaping its institutional structures to pave ways for its local governments in conducting paradiplomacy. This exploratory study uses library study to primarily explore official documents on Indonesian regional autonomy, mainly related to international cooperation. This paper asserts that the rise of paradiplomacy in Indonesia is driven by the domestication of global issues, decentralisation of power, and fragmentation of the formerly powerful central agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The decreasing importance of the state as a prominent actor in international politics has opened a debate about the rising importance of transnational relations. The research focuses on other actors, including epistemic communities. The paper traces previous research using the concept of epistemic communities and their influence in international politics and responds to its limitations. It uses the social constructivist approach for the elaboration of criteria of the professionalization process needed for recognition of epistemic communities. The paper also elaborates the concept of their influence in international regulation, including defining conditions of demand for epistemic communities' activities. The conditions include the introduction of complex problems with an element of uncertainty, acquisition of direct or indirect access to the political decision-making process in the arenas of international politics, and the ability of these arenas to execute international regulation. The paper also explains and elaborates the diffusion process of shared beliefs created by epistemic communities. The ability to diffuse shared beliefs supports modes of persuasion including statistical indicators, focusing events and narratives. Shared beliefs transfer via a process of institutional learning. Successful transfer means that shared beliefs become part of a political agenda. Utilization of the shared beliefs for creation, execution and enforcement of political decisions manifests the influence of epistemic communities in international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the shift from the "Asia-Pacific" to the "Indo-Pacific" as a geopolitical concept, particularly in the policies of the United States and Australia. The focus is on countering China's influence in the region through a more confrontational approach. However, there is growing debate and skepticism about the effectiveness and consequences of this shift. The article emphasizes the potential risks of threat inflation, exacerbation of great power rivalries, and regional security dilemmas. It also references books by Kishore Mahbubani that explore global power dynamics and the role of Asia in the 21st century. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sushila Aggarwal v State (NCT of Delhi) forms an important part of the law on anticipatory Bail in India. Prior to Sushila Aggarwal judgment, the law on anticipatory bail in India was ambiguous due to the varying interpretations of section 438 of the Criminal Procedure Code 1973 (anticipatory bail) by the Supreme Court. It was only in the year 2020 that the law on the matter was settled by the Supreme Court in its Sushila Aggarwal judgment. With this paper, the authors aim to trace the evolution of the law on anticipatory bail in India. It focusses on the landmark judgments of the Supreme Court and meanders its way through conflicting opinions of the Court. The paper concludes by welcoming the Sushila Aggarwal judgment for settling the long ambiguous law on anticipatory bail in India. However, it also highlights the concerns that Constitution Bench failed to appreciate, which if addressed would have made the law free of the loopholes presently plaguing the law on anticipatory bail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyse the tensions between the promotion of human rights for the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and the security of the country against the risk of civil war. Under the theoretical framework of ethnopolitical conflicts, and the methodology of the four-factors model, we develop a risk assessment for a civil conflict in Bangladesh based upon behaviouristic observables. The assessment suggests that some human rights would, if promoted, increase the factors of risk for civil war in the host country. In particular, solving the problem of statelessness of the refugees through their political integration in the host country is linked to an increase in the risk of civil conflict. The promotion of other rights, such as access to health and the right to repatriation, seems to decrease the level of risk of conflict. This lets us formulate the desirable chracteristics of a policy for integration that does not worsen the political instability of the country. The implications of this study in light of the illegal acquisition of Bangladeshi passports by some Rohingya refugees are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2015, the so-called "migrant crisis" became a major international issue that has since affected the immigration policies and national asylum systems of dozens of countries all over the world. Against the background of a global economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and renewed mass migration movements in Central America and across the Mediterranean Sea, better understanding the impact of the 2015-2016 mass migration movements on various countries' migration policies and legislation might prove useful to better anticipate policy and legislative changes in the near future. First, this paper uses global descriptive statistics and trends in legal reform and deportation policies towards asylum seekers and refugees to highlight a specific pattern that has been observed among energy exporting rentier states: between 2015-2017, most hydrocarbons-exporting rentier states, while remaining open to economically vital inflows of temporary migrant workers, adapted their legislation to make it particularly restrictive towards asylum seekers. More precisely, we found a perfect correlation (100%) between being a high-income hydrocarbon-exporting rentier state and having restrictive legislation and/or strong deportation policies towards asylum seekers and undocumented migrants as of late 2017. This observation cannot satisfactorily be correlated with all countries that have high standards of living. Only a minority (30%) of high-income but non-rentier states classified as having similarly restrictive legislative regimes for asylum seekers and refugees. The rentier states in the Arabian Gulf and Central Asian regions, which confirmed these global observations, were more deeply analyzed and showed that, in rupture with their past tradition of hosting significant refugee populations, a form of new - and more restrictive - rentier state migration model has been emerging following the dramatic increase in refugee flows since 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the different terms used in public diplomacy and the symbiotic relations that connect the European Union and China through culture, mobility, cultural diplomacy and soft power. The first part of the article reviews the main treaties and agreements signed between the two continents in the cultural field and explain mobility as a driver to enhance relations among countries. The main objective and central axis of the article is to examine the roles played by the cultural and creative industries in the field of international relations and diplomacy between the European Union, Spain and China through a case study: an analysis of Chinese artists in the Spanish residencies. The methodologies used are qualitative and quantitative analysis through in depth interviews with Chinese artists, a survey to artistic residencies and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) mapping. The last part of the paper offers some reflections and conclusions about the correlation between, and relevance of the cultural and creative industries for cultural diplomacy or mobility between countries, soft power and the image of a country abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy resources since the industrial revolution have been paramount for both developing and developed countries. Therefore, the urgent need for and control over energy resources in order to have an advantage against rivalries have become a significant part of national security. From the late 18th century to early 20th century, coal and gasoline were major energy resources to make machines operational but they have been gradually replaced by the fossil fuels, oil and gas. While transformation is happening, dependency on energy resources in the fields ranging from housewarming to jet fuels dramatically increased. Having adequate energy resources, in this sense, provides industrially and economically strategic advantages for a country, so military or political struggles over energy resources have been a salient issue in international relations. This paper seeks to examine the struggle over energy resources under the light of Alsace-Lorraine case and to compare the results with the Cyprus case. In doing so, securitization studies facilitate theoretical ground on how energy resources are securitized, which leads to a country to take extreme cautions, including armed conflict and on how energy resources are de-securitized, which leads to changes in foreign policies from conflict to cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current scientific evidence shows that human activities are causing interference at different levels in the global climate and availability of natural resources, and many authors already relate water scarcity to the increased risk of violent conflict, particularly in rural societies on the African continent. Climate disruptions caused by climate change are reflected on a regional and local scale, and the greatest impacts are already being felt in the poorest areas of the planet. Nigeria, Africa's most populous country, has been facing environmental problems in its territory that can be associated with climate change, such as rising temperatures, reduced rainfall and advancing desertification. Considering that all these phenomena have been worsening since the early twentieth century in Nigeria and, due to the escalating of violent conflicts since the beginning of the current century, the objective of this paper is to analyse how climate change can interfere in the conflict between herdsmen and farmers, as well as the possible impact of seasonal variation in rainfall on the dynamics of these communal conflicts. The study focused on literature review and the case study took place in four Nigerian states (Plateau, Benue, Taraba and Nasarawa) for the period 2010-2017, focusing on the communal conflict involving the Fulani ethnic group. The approach adopted was the inductive method in which the behaviour of rainfall in the study area was compared with the number of deaths resulting from the conflict, in addition to using geo-processing software to understand the spatial and temporal distribution of casualties. The theoretical framework used was that proposed by Thomas Homer-Dixon (1994) and the information was collected from primary sources, with consultation of qualitative and quantitative data, and from secondary sources through book reviews, publications and papers in scientific journals. While it is not yet possible to establish a direct and linear relationship between climate change and violent conflict, the revised literature indicates that competition for water and other natural resources in certain parts of Nigeria is increasing, and that the violent conflicts between Fulani herdsmen and farmers are increasing due to the dispute over access to water sources and grazing lands. Data analysis shows that in the study area there are 46.4% more deaths in the dry season (November to April) than in the rainy season (May to October). While there are still not enough elements to conclude that climate change is the primary cause of the conflict, the analysis reinforces the need, in certain contexts, particularly in developing countries with populations highly dependent on the primary sector of the economy, for the impacts of climate change to be seriously considered as a risk to human security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present paper analyzes, from the perspective of desecuritization theory, the manner in which Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) changed the policy of the Mexican government for tackling drug trafficking in the country from a military to a social approach. The aim is to establish whether this strategy has been successful in comparison with the open war waged against the drug cartels over the twelve years preceding the AMLO administration. Given that this desecuritization strategy resulted from political decision-making rather than social pressure, the analysis presented here focuses on the President’s position and the actions he has taken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Science diplomacy is a field born of the interaction between science and diplomacy. It arises in a context of extension of multilateralism to new actors, including scientists, higher education institutions, laboratories, companies, and cities. The Resolution of the Councils of Ministers No. 78/2016 is the legal matrix of Portuguese science diplomacy, presenting it as one of several pillars for the internationalization of science and technology in the country. Among various actors identified by this resolution, the "Networks constituted by Portuguese Professionals, Researchers and Graduate Students working abroad" have a high potential, especially considering the synergies they can create with embassies, through science advisors, higher education institutions and Portuguese cities. After a contextualization of science diplomacy as a discipline and European and national practice, this paper contributes to this debate through an exploratory reflection on the role of those networks in the operationalization of Portuguese science diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper aims to reconstruct the evolution of this dynamic by tracing the interpretations and reinterpretations of the norm done by Brazilian state actors through the process of localization of the norm in the domestic discourse on climate change in Brazil from 2005 to 2010. The theoretical perspective is based on the literature about norms internalization that attempts to specify the conditions under which international norms find salience in particular domestic contexts. Two main interpretations coexist within the Brazilian political arena in the period within the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol until the signature of the Paris agreement that influenced the climate politics in Brazil in that period. The first stand around the norm was a traditional interpretation of the principle defending a position of historical responsibilities that implies that Brazil did not have to take greenhouse gas reduction measures. The second position is a more progressive interpretation of the norm that argues that Brazil, as an emergent country, can and must adopt emissions reductions. The tie between both positions allows us to understand the alleged ups and downs in climate policy in the time frame studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of a political union, as well as an economic union of Europe, beyond free circulation of persons, goods and services, has always been included in the ideals of the building of Europe. However, its de jure formalization only occurs on November 1, 1993, when the Treaty of Maastricht is in force and a new political and strategic actor is in place: the European Union (EU). Since then, literature has "defined" the European Union in order to clearly establish what this UPO - Unidentified Political Object (an expression by Jacques Delors in the 1990s) - is or what it can be. One of the ideas which has been a focus of discussion is that of "legislative actor" (Manners, 2001; 2002), which claims that the European Union has progressed towards normativity, both internally as well as externally, to its close neighbors and its relations with the rest of the world. This paper aims to contribute to the discussion on Europe's quality or condition to impose rules. We will begin by systematizing a series of achievements which, according to Manners, lead to the triangle democracy, Human Rights and good governance in the signing of the Treaty of Lisbon on December 13, 2007 and its entering in full force on December 1, 2009. However, this paper does not disregard the fact that the concept "legislative actor" has been (re)worked and perfected by its author and other scholars due to criticism and empirical studies and has thus been altered, enhanced and argued against. Therefore, some concepts will be studied whose arguments will allow us to question the internal and external dimension of the actor European Union. We will also explore the symbolic power of the Union in the development of tools and capacity to be acknowledged as an actor able to face current threats and challenges but whose profile may not be different from other actors in international relations. Finally, we will discuss the impact of the EU having been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2012 on the (re)defining of rules, values and principles and on the present financial crisis in the future of the "economic giant but a political dwarf". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world economy is more complex than it has ever been. This paper looks at some frameworks used for description, analysis, and prediction in the three areas of economic growth, equality, and development, while also highlighting some important past and current trends. The selection of frameworks and trends represents clearly a necessarily brief and subjective choice of the author on the basis of his perception of their “usefulness” for purposes of public and private decision-making. The paper starts by discussing how economic growth is impacting the classification of the economies of the world. It then looks at how countries' economies can be viewed in terms of ease of doing business, of adaptability to openness and change, and of types of capitalism adopted. In the second section, issues of economic inequality within and between the countries of the world and their citizens are examined. In the third section, the paper looks at development. It starts by briefly discussing the merits of going beyond GDP and of looking at the Human Development Index (HDI) in order to try to measure other forms of progress, such as in health and education. The paper then traces the evolution of development economics and the advice given to policy makers in developing countries, and also examines the role of institutions in development and the controversies surrounding foreign aid. It concludes by looking briefly at additional dimensions of human development such as empowerment and sustainability. The picture that emerges is one of a world in which decision-makers have to make use in a combined way of a plurality of disciplines to understand the realities confronting them and to design and implement good policies. In so doing, they have to confront the challenges of appropriate sequencing, must very often choose second-best options, and have to make clever use of the lessons learned from countries with very different geographical, political, economic, social, legal, technological, and cultural environments and constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the nature and features of the Knowledge Regions and their emergence in the international system as strategic players in the process of glocalization, strongly anchored in the creation of dense knowledge networks and the development of an active paradiplomacy which enables the regions to project externally their specific interests and to reinforce their influence in the process of multilevel governance functioning as strategic brokers between the global and the local. In this context the paper discusses the implications of the paradiplomacy of sub-national governments to the foreign policies of central governments and argues that not only paradiplomacy does not present a risk to the coherence of foreign policy but constitutes a major factor for the consolidation of the soft power of states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on universal criminal jurisdiction in western European countries. Although the International Criminal Court has facilitated some compliance with the Statute of Rome 1998, some European countries have been criticised for placing restrictive conditions on the exercise of this jurisdiction. However, with the Syrian Conflict and the emergence of terrorist groups, universal jurisdiction has again been proposed to prosecute war crimes and crimes against humanity by perpetrators who have sought asylum in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper intends to make a synthetic update of the "being" of strategy, evoking strategic studies, namely in the aspects concerning the object of strategy and the relationship between strategy and politics. This update is done by confronting it with a recent manifesto, by Isabelle Duyvestein and James Worral, important for its repercussions on the science of international relations, which suffers from many weaknesses and no less aporias. It is important, therefore, to deconstruct some of its assumptions, which have also been those uncritically accepted when International Relations touches on the problematic inherent to strategic studies or focuses on war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the evolution of contemporary international politics, ideological turns are important factors that affect the resetting of governments' external agendas and of intra-regional and extraregional ties. All of them are affected by the worldviews of political leaders who occupy a prominent place in governments and by the types of leadership that presidents choose to have in the exercise of their functions. This prompts us to analyse and reflect on the forms of international insertion South American countries in the regional, continental and global scene based on the perceptions of these leaders. The challenge is to analyse the pre-existing and emerging perceptions between Argentina and Brazil in the period 2003-2019 and how they shaped the regional integration processes. At the same time, this paper examines their trends based on the operational milieu, that is, according to the international and regional context and the evaluation of integrationist alternatives. The hypothesis is that the changes that took place in the operational milieu were a determining factor in the setting of the psychological milieu; and that the resetting of the agenda regarding regional integration shows both a change in perceptions and an effort to adapt to external and internal political turns. Thus, among the various existing perceptions, we highlight as the most relevant three ideal models/types that move towards two extremes to achieve a third that synthesizes them: the strategic alliance; nationalist-military thought (or traditional suspicion); and Mutually Assured Trust (MAT). The creation of concepts such as the MAT implies advancing in a relational model that removes uncertainty from the bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the behaviourist "non-normative" Peace Research (PR) tradition with two objectives. One objective is to locate this field in relation to closely related fields of research. PR specificity is: the dependent variable of peace and conflict when compared with Political Science and International Relations; the normative concern with the causes of war when compared with Strategic Studies; and the rejection of the "practicality" of research and a restraint on normativity when compared with Peace Studies (defined as peace research, peace teaching and peace action) and Conflict Resolution. Also, PR is considered here as one of the sub-fields of International Security Studies. The second objective of the paper is to present the history of PR. Since its creation in the 1950s, with a focus on inter-state conflict as an alternative to Strategic Studies, PR had two defining periods: one in the late 1960s labelled as the "socialist revolution", with the conceptualisation of peace as more than the absence of war (positive peace) and a challenge for normativity in research; and a second period in the 1980s that brought the broadening of the referent object to intra-state conflict and liberal peace, and the emergence of other social sciences dedicated to the study of issues in, or close to, PR, broadly defined as security with some of them adopting a normative stance in research. The epistemological community of PR kept its behaviourist approach in spite of these two normative challenges, and its distinctiveness and unity is much due to its method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lack of a de facto military component is rather significant in normative and operational terms within the UN system. The differences among the permanent members of the Security Council, which exist since its beginning, have stopped provisions from being enforced which were included in the United Nations Charter, as well as the design of credible and effective alternatives. Considering that what is at stake are coercive military measures decided by the Security Council under Chapter VII, this becomes a decisive issue, as these measures were decided ultima ratio to maintain or restore international peace and security. Without an operational Military Staff Committee, without armed forces and without power of authority in the enforcement process, the Council is limited to approving decisions and held hostage to the options of Member-States, namely its permanent members. To ignore the urgency of a reform implies perpetuating a double paradox: on the one hand, the Security Council is required to take increasingly wider responsibility, laid down in article 24 and, in this context, in art. 42, and this body still lacks adequate military instruments; on the other hand, by correlating the reinforcement of efficiency, legitimacy and enforcement of Council decisions exclusively with the reform of its composition and work methodology, we are neglecting the fact that this change requires a reform of military instruments and of its authority within the scope of the body's multidimensional reform process. This paper begins by analyzing the enforcement mechanism established in the Charter and then addresses the issue underlying the delegation of implementing coercive military measures. Finally, the paper discusses the reform proposals, their guidelines and puts forward possible solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The creation of SADCC has generated a debate over the real origins of the southern African model of regionalism. This paper develops the idea that the origins of SADC are both internal and external. Thus, southern African regionalism is understood as a constructivist articulation of internal and external inputs, which determined the creation of SADCC and its transformation into SADC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes a historical analysis of entrepreneurship in Angola, starting from the historical evolution of the entrepreneurship concept to focus on the evolution of this phenomenon in Angola, over four different historical periods. Resorting to bibliographic sources of reference authors and their extensive analysis, it was possible to obtain a historical perspective of entrepreneurship in Angola. The paper critically examines its evolution in the country and provides a reflection on possible future development scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to present some partial results of research about asymmetry in international relations, focusing on the EU's Common Position on Cuba and its consequences for the links between both players. The paper examines the EU's loss of the channels of influence, the persistent fractures and competition between the European supranational strategy and the national diplomacies of the Member States, and the underestimation of the contextual and relational factors that acted in favour of Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some aspects of Axel Honneth's normative theory, focusing on his theory of recognition, that can contribute to the renewal of human rights. To this end, it will start by making a few philosophical considerations about the justification and content of human rights, exploring the dialectic on the unity and diversity of human rights, in order to liaise the struggle for human rights and the struggle for recognition. It intends to move human rights away from the current inherent to Kantian philosophical thought, weakened by the decentralization of the European culture and conducted by 20th century postmodern reflections and by the critique of its categorical imperative as a pure duty of submission. It also examines the way to open space for a renewal of the discourse so as to enable it to confront delimited cultural and historical challenges. Other critical perspectives are included in this theoretical association, whether regarding the anti-utilitarian aspect, or the aspect of the gift paradigm, in order to contribute to the ethical renewal of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global security assemblages' concept, in a decade of its existence, has been a useful tool to explain a lot of atypical security collaboration between private and public entities. It has greatly improved understanding of collaboration between public and private security forces, which, until then, mostly ha0s been seen through the civil-military paradigm. Through the expansion of scenarios where private security forces have been observed (to include environments not considered either at war or in peace, but somewhere in between) global security assemblages demonstrated, on numerous occasions, examples that cooperation between private and public forces may contribute to the improvement of the global security environment. Hence, how far can we stretch this concept? Private entities operate at numerous places and contexts and the concept may be a limited tool to understand their input in achieving a more stable environment. It has been set to apply in peaceful settings, but would it be possible to extend its application in unstable environments, within unpredictable security settings? This paper looks at how the concept has been used and applied so far, the scope where it can and has been applied, and draw the limitations to its use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The involvement of the United Nations in East Timor can be divided into four periods, including the anti-colonial period (1955-1974), the reaction period (1975-1982), the attenuation period (1983-1998) and the commitment period (from 1999). It is about this last period that this paper will focus by analysing the decisive steps of the UN, as a multilateral organization with a security mandate, in resolving the Timorese conflict and peacebuilding in that territory. This analysis will be guided by the proposals of the document "An Agenda for Peace" presented in 1992 by Boutros Boutros-Ghali, then Secretary-General of the United Nations, and the expectations he created in the field of peace operations. We are particularly interested in looking at the design of post-conflict peacebuilding missions and assessing the extent to which the (expected) capital gains from these operations compared to conventional peacekeeping missions would come to fruition or not. Thus, it is important to examine how the main missions were carried out, with special focus on the different actors, as well as to make a critical balance with some historical distance. In this context, it seems to us that the case of East Timor will be a good example to understand the need for a new approach to peacebuilding, as advocated in this Report, but which at a distance of more than 25 years becomes even more evident. The perception of peace as a continuous process that involves a whole sustainability network, and that depends above all on fostering and developing competences for peace (involving multiple and distinct actors facing constant coordination and negotiation challenges), therefore allows demanding greater commitment on the part of the Security Council, but also on that of the General Assembly in carrying out this difficult task in the context of the new world (dis) order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to analyse the recent evolution of Spain's Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America and the internationalization patterns of Spanish companies in these countries. To this end, statistics on investment flows have been studied and the main work of the authors in the business field have been reviewed. As a result, investment interest in Latin America has not decreased despite the crisis that began in 2008, due to its dynamism, the growth of its middle classes and the need to improve basic infrastructure. The interest in Latin America for the opportunities these countries offer to address third markets and improve competitive capacity is also noteworthy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The construction of EU security actorness has been accompanied by a narrative on security nexuses (internal-external, security-development, civilian-military, public-private) associated with the so-called 'comprehensive approach'. The end of the Cold War enabled the explicitness of EU security actorness. The post 9/11 facilitated the reinforcement of previous trends (transnational threats, externalisation of 'internal security', interpillarisation) and the introduction of innovative tendencies (comprehensive approach, internalization of the Common Security and Defence Policy, interconnection of security nexuses). This paper focuses on the internal-external security nexus declared by the EU in the post-Cold War, and reflects about the rationale and effects of the European narrative and practices on the configuration of a post-Westphalian security actor. Based on the analysis of three expressions of the nexus, it is argued that the latter reflects a securitising move of the European actor explained by the convergence of opportunity (redefinition of security, prioritization of transnational threats in a globalized world, soft power enhancement in the post-Cold War), capacity (legal, organic and operational in the field of security, after the entry into force of the Treaty on European Union), and (ambition to have a) presence. The holistic approach underlying the logic of the nexuses is the result of a co-constitutive adequacy: appropriation of policies and instruments of a multifunctional actor for security purposes (security of the EU and of European citizens); securitization of issues in order to promote the policies and the actor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the 21st century, the emergence of various institutionalization processes of new informal institutional spaces (such as BRICS, IBSA, BASIC or P5+1) has been observed internationally, but little has been studied in depth. Accordingly, this paper seeks to rethink, through a theoretical approach standing between Political Science and International Relations, the theoretical concepts of neo-institutionalism in order to make a new critical theoretical-analytical contribution that accounts for the particular characteristics of such phenomena. We believe that it is of interest for the study of international institutions to expand the current field of analysis in order to explain how the emergence of these new institutions occurred and how they interact with already established formal institutions. This article examines two traditional forms of neo-institutionalism (rational choice neoinstitutionalism and historical neo-institutionalism), making explicit what the starting points of each are and what elements each can contribute to the study. At the end of the work, a dialogue is held between the perspectives that allow us to establish a theoretical analytical criterion to study these new phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse the work that the Amazon Cooperation Treaty (TCA), later converted at the beginning of the 21st century into the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (ACTO) with permanent secretariat in Brasilia, has conducted in favour of the debate on the sustainability of the Amazon. Although the work of this organization has usually been studied under a realist approach, focusing mainly on the action of its Member States, it is argued that the Complex Interdependence, a theory developed by Nye and Keohane, can expand the knowledge of the work of the Treaty in favour of the debate on the sustainability of the Amazon region [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The universalistic dimension of the International Criminal Court's (ICC) nature and function is clear. Yet, this dimension must be thoroughly defined. We must ask 'what universalism'? A rational approach to international social relations is different from an ethical one. While the rational approach may lead to universalization of localized specific moral models (e.g. the liberal Western model) promoting its hegemony, the ethical approach promotes diversity through considering non-reducible differences and common human phenomena in which only a minimal common ethics is universal. This paper argues that the answer to this structural question is crucial to understand if the ICC is essentially a hegemonic tool to expand the predominant Western liberal model or rather a mechanism to fight impunity acknowledging diversity and rooted on an ethical concern. We contend that the ICC is immersed in troubled waters where it is not always possible to separate a universalizing Western liberal approach from an ethical universal approach. Nevertheless, we conclude that the Court, even if partially and at times serves as tool for hegemony, is essentially defined by the universalization of the fight against impunity through reference to a minimal common ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy plays a crucial role in the survival of the current civilizational model and the dispute regarding its control present a constant challenge to State security. Portugal is highly dependent on other countries in terms of energy supply. Moreover, Algeria was the sixth biggest Oil exporting country in 2011 and is the second biggest exporter of Natural Gas to Portugal. Considering this and the effects of the Arab Spring in northern Africa, the situation requires assessment so as to determine strategies to reduce the risk for Portugal. This paper is divided into 4 parts: introduction and 3 chapters. After making evident the relevance of the discussed theme, we present the concepts of security and energy safety and analyze the current situation in Portugal and in Algeria. In the final chapter, we propose a strategy for Portugal to contribute to the stabilization of Algeria and face the situation of Algerian supply of Oil and Natural Gas being reduced/interrupted; we suggest three Strategic Actions to strengthen the energy safety in Portugal regarding importation of hydrocarbons from Algeria within the context of the Arab Spring. So that Portugal can maintain energy safety regarding Algerian hydrocarbon supply, a critical approach should be used to influence Algeria towards progress, greater democracy and stability and a neo-realistic approach based on a more diverse hydrocarbon supply source, enhancement of renewable endogenous resources, maintenance and development of strategic reserves and planning alternatives of energy supply. Thus, three Strategic Actions (LAE) are identified: LAE 1 - Support the Algerian development and improve the Portuguese trade balance; LAE 2 - Invest in endogenous resources for energy production; LAE 3 -- Widen the options for importing Natural Gas. The best option for the Portuguese situation is an integrated approach by means of adopting policies that allow for the three LAES simultaneously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]