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Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 29 June 2014, the ISIS/ISIL or Daesh announced the change of its name to just "Islamic State" (IS), proclaimed itself a "Caliphate" and named its leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as "Caliph Ibrahim". About a year later, this article intends to evaluate the trajectory and reach of this territorial jihadist entity. It starts by contextualizing the self-proclamation in terms of ideology and objectives and then it describes how the IS has sought to consolidate itself as a de facto "State" and the tragic effects of its policy of terror. The last part examines the international expansion of the IS, analysing its reach in attracting "foreign fighters", the new wilayats created outside Syria and Iraq, the newly affiliated local groups, and the activities of the IS in cyberspace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon reaching 100 years of activity, the Communist Party of China (CPC) highlights and projects a unique model of political and social development. Taking as methodological inspiration the proposal of Samuel P. Huntington for the study of the political phenomenon, regarding the adaptability of the seat of power, this work focus on some of the variables that justify the perpetuity of the CPC. Culture and ideology drive an unparalleled evolutionary process in conventional systemic frameworks, legitimized by an outfit with intrinsic Chinese characteristics. China's apparent exceptionalism, based on a strong nationalist vision, is conveyed through a transformational "new era." Western academic currents denote difficulty in framing this phenomenon with global implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dividend policy is one of the most important financial decisions managers encounter. This study contributes to empirical studies examining the relationship between cash dividends and earnings growth of companies listed on the Tehran Stock Exchange during the period 2007- 2020. As a result, 131 companies have been examined with the multiple regression estimation model. The findings show a significant relationship between cash dividends per share and future earnings growth. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship interaction term between the dividend payout ratio and the investment growth assumption. This relationship is also observed for return on equity and dividend payout ratio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia has been credibly accused of trying to weaken Western liberal democracies with use of digital means. Cybersecurity experts, intelligence agencies, investigative journalists, and government services, have detailed the Kremlin's actions in illegally accessing digital infrastructures, disseminating stolen contents online, and influencing political debate on digital platforms to create dissention and polarization. These initiatives are included in a wider strategy of altering the balance of power in the international order via what are known as ‘active measures’. Two of the most consequential recent application of this kind of measures took place in 2016, in the United States Presidential Elections and in the Brexit Referendum. Reports made public with the assessments of errors committed by the United States and the United Kingdom governments show there was an insufficient protection of those two crucial public consultation processes. The mistakes made by these countries in protecting democracy from hostile agents with a high level of digital proficiency, should be a point of interest, and urgency, for the European Union. It is to be expected that this kind of influence operation will continue, and become more sophisticated, as they can target elections in Member States of the Union, but also for the European Parliament. The early detection, applying of countermeasures, and the sharing of information with the voters of this kind of attacks by foreign agencies is an important defense mechanism that needs to be strengthen and expanded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of revelations made by ex-NSA employee Edward Snowden about violation of privacy of individuals by states in the name of surveillance, right to privacy became one of the highly debated rights. There is no doubt that the state must secure privacy of its citizens, but it also has a responsibility towards safety of the citizens. There exist different views related to privacy and surveillance. One view is that the state has no right to look into the private affairs of an individual while the other view is that there is no harm in putting someone suspicious under the surveillance as it is the duty of the State to prevent any untoward act in the society. Considering the contrasting views about privacy and surveillance, this article explores the position existing in the United Kingdom and aims to answer several questions pertaining to the Privacy v. Surveillance debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to highlight the major historical and geopolitical characteristics of Central Asia, a region that led authors like Brzezinski to state that "whoever controls that space, will rule the planet", linking, on the other hand, the durability of American hegemony to Washington policy in the region. Why is Central Asia important in the international system? The central argument is that this is a region of major importance in the current economic arena as a result of its history, geography and strategic position as a link between East and West, a space of competition and reinforcement of the great powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to describe certain elements that we consider constituent of the Ministry of Foreign Relations of Brazil - Itamaraty - as "empty signifier." The tradition of continuity in foreign policy is the result of the combination of these elements, which, in the end, creates a distinctive institutional identity. Among them, we will describe the different values, principles and constants, the importance of strategic thinking and administrative evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author states that any form of international justice always represents a means of limiting national sovereignty. In the case of International Criminal Law, this limiting is even more evident by compromising elements essential to the classical paradigm of International Law, as for example the punishing monopoly of States or the concept of a quasi-absolute State sovereignty. International criminal tools, crimes, sentences, jurisdictions, are all able to be, at least partially, a legal alternative to the issues of peace-keeping and national security, exclusively political and diplomatic. This alternative inevitable leads to tensions with a power structure that has not been altered since 1945. However, for this legal criminal alternative to be put in place, a long period of maturation will be required based on irrefutable technical and legal credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resistance can take many forms. In Palestine, to exist is to resist. For the last fifty-four years Palestinians have found many inventive and innovative ways to resist the Israeli occupation, and one of those ways, but certainly not the only, is art. Palestinian art and the Israeli occupation walk hand in hand insomuch that and the historical and political encounters of the conflict have influenced the Palestinian cultural scene and vice versa. This article aims to explore how art, in its various forms, is part of the arsenal of everyday resistance techniques employed by the Palestinian. It addresses not only how art has challenged the outcomes of the conflict, but also how the conflict has impacted the Palestinian artistic scene. To this end, it explores the case of contemporary Palestinian graffiti as a relevant tool of resistance that provides an insight into the nature of Palestinian resistance but also into the evolution of the conflict itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information on the International Seminar on Climate change and its social and environmental repercussions held in Palácio dos Congressos in São Tomé and Príncipe from August 20-23, 2012 is presented. Topics include the principles of Partnerships for Development (PD), climate change, and international cooperation. The seminar featured 30 experts from various fields including anthropology, environmental engineering, and economy.

The first International Conference of OBSERVARE, the International Relations Research Unit of Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa (UAL) was its greatest public scientific event to date. It was held on 16-18 November 2011 at the University headquarters and at the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation. The Conference was an important occasion for the confluence of Portuguese and foreign experts in International Relations, and focused on the topic “International Trends and Portugal's position. In addition to researchers from OBSERVARE and lecturers from UAL, the event was attended by several researchers from other universities, particularly those with which a partnership was agreed to that effect: The Carolina Foundation in Madrid, NOREF from Oslo, NICPRI from the University of Minho, IPRI from Universidade Nova de Lisboa (New University of Lisbon), Instituto de Estudos Superiores Militares (Institute for Higher Military Studies), Instituto de Defesa Nacional (National Defence Institute), Instituto de Estudos Estratégicos Internacionais (Institute of International Strategic Studies), Rede Portuguesa de Estudos de Segurança (Portuguese Network for Security Studies), and Observatório Género e Violência Armada (Gender and Armed Violence Observatory) of CES, of the University of Coimbra. As Conference Coordinator, I made the opening and closing speeches. Both are recorded here, notwithstanding the fact that the complete texts can be accessed at [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Carl Schmitt (1888-1885) is one of the great absentees from the university in Portugal. We can even say that Portugal is one of the most arid landscapes existing in European lands regarding Schmittian studies (although a reference is due, among others, to Professor Alexandre Franco de Sá, the main disseminator and translator of his work in our country). Author of a multifaceted oeuvre, he influenced several disciplines - constitutional and international law, political science, history of ideas, political philosophy, and political theology - as well as international relations and its history, geopolitics and polemology. Breaking paradigms, he left us a "heterodox" work (Odisseos and Petito, 2007: 11), where his intuition about the concept of the political stands out naturally; but he was also a man who lived in a dangerous moment, in an almost permanent state of exception, who suffered temptations and disillusions, who was judged by the authorities and, more severely, by the people. Especially by his peers. Momentary adhesion to the Third Reich was at the basis of his demonization and exclusion from the university (Balakrishnan, 2006: 27), he who was a Catholic conservative and one of the central figures of the "Conservative Revolution" movement (Mohler, 1993: 661) and even, during the Weimar Republic, tried to prevent Hitler from coming to power. In this article we will focus on Carl Schmitt's contribution to international relations. But why talk about him now? Because we cannot fail to highlight - whether we agree with him or not - his concept of the political; because we believe that some of his theorizations -- the case of the partisan or the great space - are important for the understanding of the moment we live in, namely regarding the changing international system, helping us to understand the emergence of the new civilization states and the concept of illiberal democracy; finally, because works such as "The Nomos of the Earth" should be part of the canon of mandatory readings of the discipline of International Relations. His trajectory is well known, especially in its more controversial aspects. By way of introduction, we will make a quick tour through his life, framing his personal evolution in the great trends of the century. Then, we will try to analyze some central aspects of his work, which constitute relevant contributions to the study of international relations. We will analyze the timeliness of his thought, seeking to prove - this is our ambition - that he is a "modern" and important author for understanding current events, and that he should be an obligatory reference in the discipline of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to understand how the relationship between China and Russia, the two most influential members in the creation and action of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, influenced the organization's culture. Through constructivist research, the main inter-subjectively shared elements in the referred relationship are identified. It is argued that they were incorporated into the culture of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, especially in terms of formal rules and norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beginning of the twenty-first century is characterised by the emergence of a new political landscape significantly influenced by globalisation. The rising interconnectivity that results from this phenomenon implies the need to redefine the concepts of international politics, strategies, threats, and security. In parallel, new technologies have enabled transnational threats to develop and come up as a primary concern for the great powers and global governance. Based on the analysis of previous works and relevant studies on the field (Brown, 2017; Bannelier-Christakis, 2016; Jones, Pascual, & Stedman, 2009; Garcia, 2006), this essay explores the emergence of transnational terrorism and the expansion of religious extremism as major threats for states and individuals nowadays. While searching to answer the question of how to address terrorism and violent extremism, this article analyses diverse positions, measures, and consequences that have originated in a context of global insecurity. The increasing interdependency between internal and external security has called states to develop new strategies to maintain stability and order. The article emphasises the need to build partnerships and enhance collaboration at all levels to meet the challenges posed by transnational terrorism. In this context of growing insecurity, nations are urged to cooperate with different actors to protect their sovereignty and strengthen human security. Is the contemporary political landscape characterised by insecurity and disorder? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NATO is going through a time of high complexity, resulting largely from the deep internal divisions that limit its ability to deal with the various strategic challenges. Based on the recently published document "NATO 2030: United for a new era", which analyses the strategic environment and recommends a set of lines of action for the organization over the next ten years, this article argues that most of the proposed measures to strengthen the Alliance's political cohesion can only be successfully implemented if two essential measures are taken: rapprochement with Turkey and strengthening cooperation with the EU. The survival of NATO is also dependent on the identification of a common threat, fundamental to this type of community, a condition that currently does not exist, especially in relation to the two identified systemic adversaries: Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 21st century, the links between South America and the Asian region have been more constant, and these links have had different interpretations according to their consequences in the domestic South American economies, as well as their relation with the current integration processes in the region and the different economic insertion strategies. It is observed that there are differences in the way in which the South American countries insert in Asia, so the aim of this work is to analyze the characteristics of the foreign policy and the strategies of foreign insertion of Argentina and Chile towards China, South East Asia and India, highlighting the articulation between the economic and productive structures, the international insertion models and some economic implications. The case studies selected represent two different development models that have chosen dissimilar foreign insertion strategies, with the consequence of diverse relationships with the Asian region. The research was carried out through a qualitative methodology and a South American theoretical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The stalemate and crisis UNASUR finds itself have generated a great diversity of interpretations about their causes and consequences. In this context, the situation of the South American Defence Council (CDS) deserves particular attention, due to its relevance in the construction of greater autonomy for South America vis-a-vis global hegemonic processes and players. This article aims to open some lines of reflection on the causes of the weak impact and stagnation of the aforementioned Council. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The operational conceptualization of National Security is often identified as being diffuse and increasingly comprehensive, especially since it is currently related to the geopolitical context and the actors in reference. The conceptual analysis that we present here has as main objective to approach the concept of National Security, making a correlation with the growth of maritime terrorism in the African continent in general, having as a particular focus its incidence in its regions, framed by the debates of international relations. The central hypothesis of the work is that the approach to the phenomenon of maritime terrorism on the African continent should be treated at the level of a joint security regime between Africans States. In this perspective, in parallel to the conceptual framework, the central role of states in addressing the role of States in territorial security in the face of the growth of terrorist threats on the continent and the identification of the main challenges facing national security in this region of the globe, where the joint security approach among states proved to be fundamental, in order to counter the upward trend of transnational terrorism movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the significant impact of the media in transitional justice processes, this relationship remains underexplored. The role of the media in building narratives of conflict and past human rights violations was traditionally framed within the dichotomy of promoting peace vs inflicting war. Yet, these roles, as well as the media systems themselves, need to be placed within more complex frameworks. This article analyses some of the key themes that connect transitional justice (the right to truth, justice, reparations and guarantees of non-repetition) and the media. The primary conclusion is that we need to go beyond the role of the media as an observer, and frame it as a possible agent of the overall process of conflict transformation and transitional justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the consequences of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, particularly the political effects of its decision. In the first place, it addresses the holding of the referendum, and the decision to withdraw, as a paradigmatic example of the so-called "new politics" that has given special prominence to the so-called populist forces in Western societies. Then, the peculiar negotiation between the UK and the EU to establish a withdrawal agreement is examined. Next, the different forms of commercial ties that the EU currently maintains with third States are identified as a reference to the agreement that may be established with the United Kingdom. Finally, the viability of the Global Britain project as a future strategy to regain a position of international influence is evaluated. The conclusion reached is the paradox that Brexit represents, as the United Kingdom has launched a traumatic, uncertain and divisive process to achieve an international, political and commercial position, which in objective terms will be indisputably worse than the one it left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European security is transnational in nature due to the interdependencies of globalized societies. This gives rise to the need for cooperation and the sharing of security intelligence between Member States. This article presents a critical review of the functioning of the intelligence community in the European Union (EU), making a historical review that allows us to understand whether or not transnational cooperation has been moving towards greater integration. In addition to mapping the organisms that are part of this community, the article relies on a theoretical framework of policy analysis to structure the challenges of intelligence sharing on the European level. It is argued that the EU's capacity to produce its own security intelligence is very low, depending on the sharing of intelligence by the national agencies. Additionally, it is said that the sharing of police intelligence is much more structured than the sharing of security intelligence. Finally, it is concluded that the European intelligence community welcomes different intelligence cultures within it and focuses its activities on diffuse cooperation that faces the limits of national sovereignty, interoperability deficits, and difficulties in establishing institutional relationships of trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism, violent attacks and political Islam have affected the North Caucasus since the disintegration of the Soviet Union. If in the past the Caucasus Emirate was the leading terrorist organisation in the region since 2014 the Islamic State gained popularity and established the Vilayat Kavkaz (Caucasus Province) as part of the Caliphate exploiting the local critical socioeconomic condition and promoting the jihadist propaganda in the Russian language (i.e. the magazine 'Istok') also thanks to the considerable presence of North Caucasian foreign fighters among the ranks of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. Although currently the international coalition forces mainly defeated the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, this organisation still jeopardises the North Caucasus often identified as the most volatile and impoverished area of the Russian Federation characterised by ethnic conflicts, the rise of Salafism, stagnation, and corruption. This study aims at stressing that the Russian government has elaborated a strategy mostly based on special military operations and massive investments in tourism and logistics which can exacerbate more the precarious status quo of the region favouring the dissemination of jihadist propaganda because it does not consider the historical, sociocultural, ethnic, and religious background. The region is not exempt to jihadist propaganda and terrorism and, if the Russian government cannot financially and economically support the regional leaders or will not change its approach, terrorism and political Islam could critically influence the North Caucasus posing a dangerous menace to the stability and security of the Russian Federation and entire Eurasia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concepts of maritime safety and maritime security were based, originally, on different aims, objectives, and perspectives. However, currently, most of the international maritime safety conventions have started to cover both aspects. In the analysis of most incidents and accidents at sea, it is quite difficult to delimit safety and security matters and, normally, after a breakdown, it is useless to do it since the planning and response to risks are usually given in an integrated manner. On the other hand, we are witnessing a progressive extension of the concept of maritime safety to include protection (or security) matters simultaneously with the emergence of a new type of threats that are always present from the moment computers are connected to networks anywhere the world: cyber threats! With ships equipped with new advanced technologies, protection against cyber-attacks is more important than ever. These technological advances have become an easy and high-priority target for cyber criminals. With this behaviour, they can pursue their purpose of attacking ships' systems and, from them, different systems ashore. The digitization of the maritime industry took place very quickly. However, it has become essential for seafarers not only to understand and adopt these new technologies, but also to take a cautious attitude towards certain events that can follow in the wrong direction in a short period of time. A new stage of maritime readiness is envisaged, which needs a robust and well-defined "code" that broadens and concretizes a "new" concept of maritime safety in the broad sense that reinforces international maritime conventions and their application. The responsibilities of the "Flag States" and "Port States", under the terms of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and international maritime conventions as laid down in the different Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) at world level and in the documents of the IMO and other international organizations (such as the European Union), should be updated and start to consider, also, maritime security matters. In addition, it is essential to support close cooperation in the fields of maritime safety and maritime security with a view to drawing up a new and robust "Maritime Code". This will be the guideline pursued, with the intention, at this moment, to "shake and roll" this matter towards a new regulatory stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the light of the transformation undergone in the last decade by the Portuguese economy, the internationalization of Portuguese companies through exports had a considerable growth, reducing the importance of domestic demand as the main variable in the contribution to GDP, this work addresses the role of SMEs in this process, analyzing the case of their internationalization to the Latin American space. The study is based on an empirical analysis of data resulting from a survey conducted in 2014, period where the transformation became clear, through the responses of 50 internationalized Portuguese SMEs to Latin America, which have been validated. Also, and with a focus on this research, the process was correlated with the relevant theories of internationalization, paving the way for more in-depth and methodologically based studies on this relationship with significant potential, but still little analyzed in the context of the Portuguese economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rights of migrants represent a challenge for States, because their guarantee evidences the permanent tension between the sovereignty of the States and the protection of human rights in the international context. This article will analyse if it is really possible to affirm the existence of a true evolutionary development of the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in a contentious and consultative way and which, therefore, may contribute to the improvement of the rights of migrants in the IACHR. To this end, the text will address the following parts: I) Regulatory framework oriented to the sovereignty of States; II) The progressive contentious jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court III) The advisory opinions: integrating elements of rights and; IV) Conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Three Seas Initiative (I3M) is an ambitious geopolitical project comprising twelve EU Member States located between the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea and the Adriatic Sea: from North to South, a wide range encompassing Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Austria, Romania, Bulgaria, Slovenia and Croatia. It is a region with more than 25% of the EU's territory and about 22% of its population, but with a much lower economic representation. I3M aims to promote the development of central European infrastructures with a view to bringing this region closer to the economic development levels of other European countries. The I3M aimed for development of large projects of regional infrastructure in three major fields: energy, transport (road and rail) and the digital field (communications). The geopolitical importance of this project is immediately evident from the fact that many of these countries are landlocked states with no access to the sea. These infrastructures will now give them access to three seas and thus contribute to greater independence and room for maneuver in their policies. This region, situated in the center of the European continent, one of the main energy markets of the future, is also the scene of a very strong trade struggle between Russia, with its natural gas supplies, and the US, with its growing production of shale gas. The projects launched by I3M are therefore of greater economic and geopolitical importance, although they still have to ensure appropriate funding. Although the Three Seas Fund (TSF) was created), with a duration of 30 years and which aims to secure a financing of 100 billion euros (from an initial investment of the Member States in the amount of 5 billion euros), The truth is that much will depend on the support given by the EU and the countries interested in these projects, such as the US and China (link to the silk route). Some European countries have seen the birth of this Initiative with some suspicion, such as Germany, which has increasingly been focusing on Nordstream II, and Russia, which accuse their promoters of representing US interests on the European continent. Regardless of the controversies raised, I3M seems to be a form of regional cooperation that makes perfect sense and fully integrates into the spirit of European integration, seeking for its peoples the same development as the other Member States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years since Kazakhstan gained independence there have been cardinal changes in the country's economy associated with the inflow of foreign investments. These changes require the implementation of foreign experience in regulating economic relations and in particularly foreign contractual institutions. The International Financial Center "Astana" has started functioning in Kazakhstan since 2018. The acts of the International Financial Center are based on the principles and norms of law of England and Wales. In this regard, a largescale reform of the private law of the Republic of Kazakhstan was launched, aimed at identifying a number of civil-law ideas and designs that can be measured out in the Kazakh legislation from English law. The authors of this research are direct participants of the reform. This study is aimed at highlighting one of the issues considered within the framework of the reform of private law: strengthening the role of the principle of freedom of contract and the principle of good faith in the contract law of the Republic of Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The armed conflict that has erupted in Ukraine in 2014 has been affecting the way the states involved interact and how they seek to implement certain narratives in a new regional political context. While Russia has taken a more assertive stance in its neighbourhood through a narrative that seeks to contradict Western values promoted by the European Union (EU), the latter has shown some difficulty in presenting a coherent narrative in the face of developments over the past five years. In this sense, this article proposes to analyse the EU-Russia interaction, using as a case study the incident involving the crash of the Malaysia Airlines civil aircraft MH17. The analytical perspective combines elements of Role Theory - which here focuses on the interaction of states on the basis of certain expectations regarding their internal (national) and external (regional/international) roles - and Strategic Narratives. The differences between issue narratives (including regarding the Bellingcat Investigation Team narrative), system narratives and identity narratives are explored. The argument presented here is that the externalization of the EU issue narrative has emerged in two distinct ways - one more moderate in its official stance as an institution; another more assertive from the point of view of the work done by the East Stratcom Task Force (EATF). This ends up creating some dissonance in the way the European Union designs its narrative, and misalignment with the EU's narrative identity as a role state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict prevention has become an important doctrine within conflict management policies in international and regional organizations, especially since the end of the Cold War. There has been an evolution in the last three decades in the context of peace and security that has made conflict prevention gains relevance. In the current context, with the arrival of António Guterres to the Secretary General of the United Nations (UN), conflict prevention doctrine could be encouraged, since he has pointed out that it should be the priority of the organization. Conflict prevention offers several advantages to face crisis contexts, since it works on avoiding violence situations escalating towards armed conflicts and helping to control the spread of security threats. By using preventive measures, the structural causes of conflicts can be dealt with in the most durable and efficient manner since the final goal of preventive actions is to transform actually or potentially violent conflict into non-violent processes of social and political change. While conflict prevention has gained greater importance, another trend has been promoted; security regionalization. Since the mid-nineties, there has been a transition in international peacekeeping missions, aimed to warrant peace and security all over the world that has focused on regional actors. This practice has been particularly welcomed in Africa. Both trends -conflict prevention and security regionalization-will be the object of study in this article, using as a practical scenario the region of West Africa. It is a geographic area where a series of cross-border threats are concentrated, hence becoming a zone of international concern. Moreover, the experience on conflict prevention of the regional organization, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is interesting. Indeed, ECOWAS has carried out a significant activity regarding preventive diplomacy and mediation in conflicts. Thus, the objectives of this research are: (1) to study the evolution of conflict prevention doctrine; (2) to assess the link between conflict prevention policies and security regionalization; and (3) to use the case of ECOWAS as an illustration, since the organization is at the forefront of conflict prevention iniciatives in the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work investigates the relationship between the political and institutional environment and the development of entrepreneurship in Mozambique. Taking a literature review approach and using collected empirical data from interviewing 10 individuals playing different roles with impact on county's entrepreneurial landscape, results support existing theory and suggest that this African country still has a long way to go in what relates governmental action to entrepreneurial development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a phenomenon recognised, monitored and researched by broad sectors of the scientific community, being one of the great challenges of the 21st century. Within this vast and transdisciplinary theme, this work discusses how the least developed countries (LDCs) can position themselves in front of the hegemonic discourse spread by the countries of the core in climate negotiations, especially in relation to the mitigation of greenhouse gases. The inductive method was adopted from a case study and information was collected from primary and secondary sources. Based on the understanding of historical emissions, climate justice and global carbon budget, it is debated here whether LDCs should actually consent to everyone's responsibilities even if they differ, since they have urgent needs to improve their development indexes, especially in terms of GDP and IDH. It is argued that the LDCs - whose historical contribution of emissions is around 0.4% of the total - should claim an increase in the share of the global carbon budget for economic and social development purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The era of scientific and technological development has witnessed an extensive use of Internet and electronic devices in various aspects of life. This widespread use has increased security risks, privacy and cyberattacks that threaten both individuals and States. This kind of crime is difficult to prevent as a result of the constant digital technological advances and globalization. There is a growing concern among States and government agencies that such intrusions could critically affect the security and the economics of any State. Combating this kind of crime requires international cooperation. Therefore, many States have called for the need to define cybercrime and to hold conventions to adopt effective legal framework to combat and restrict the progress of cybercrime worldwide. This study concluded that cooperative mechanisms are needed to coordinate and unify joint efforts and to modernize means of combating cybercrime using the latest techniques. In addition, it is necessary to upgrade existing mechanisms and develop other methods to achieve various aspects of cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to explore the role Russian and Ukrainian conventional media played as agenda-setters and producers of subjective framings within the context of the Crimean crisis, exploring at the same time the relationship between state and media and the impact of media representations on national public opinions. The analysis shows that agenda-setting and framing at the level of states' policies have a fundamental role in decision-shaping and perception-building, highlighting that the manipulation of information through narrativeconstruction is a powerful tool at the service of politics. This study contributes to validate the idea that media can be perceived as key influencers of the public agenda as they emerge as the most relevant agents in mediatising politics, becoming hence a functional gatekeeper that might either facilitate the official discourse or instead obstruct it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact factor (IF) is perceived by all researchers and scientists as the main criterion in their publication strategies, in order to respond to the demands of the academic reward system that defines career progression and the allocation of funds for research. Through a review of published literature we aim to explore different limits and ranges associated with impact factor, according to academia. We also try to understand in which way the state of the art is evolving, as well as the features that point to ambiguous criteria inherent to the construct on which impact factor was established as the legitimising criteria of scientific knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article aims to unveil the importance of the indigenous animist religious system within Guinea Bissau political culture. By analysing the contrast between the inherent legitimation of State authority and local-traditional ones it is discerned the type of political culture shared by Guinean people. Taking into account the exacerbation of public responsiveness to symbols manipulation when levels of human security are felt lower by individuals, I discuss the importance of religious symbolic capital inherent in Guinea Bissau national leaders' politics, pinpointing the case of José Bernardino "Nino" Vieira. These practices enable State authorities to legitimize their authority, to overcome the ethnical heterogeneity impasse and to compensate for loose relationships between the government and the citizens. Finally, I discuss the manipulation of the religious dimension for political ends as a milestone of the process of africanization of power, due to religious and political syncretism typical of traditional African political systems, on the one hand. On the other hand, I question how myths worshipping the national leaders might foster the breakthrough of an authoritarian political regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moksha Patam is a game associated with traditional Hindu philosophy that was later marketed in England as "Ladders and Snakes". The evolution of Brazil in the last twenty years, especially its trajectory as an "emerging power", can be analysed taking into consideration this ancient Indian game. Indeed, during the first decade of the 21st century, Brazil enjoyed a great political and economic bonanza. In its actions, both nationally and internationally, only the "ladders" seemed to prevail, which drove domestic economic growth, increased the social welfare of the lower and middle classes and promoted the country's international emergence. However, in the beginning of the second decade of the new century, and in the wake of the 2008 crisis, the international game as a whole began to suffer complications. This systemic variable quickly combined with growing internal problems that dragged Brazil towards multiple "snakes" that plunged the country into economic recession, the reprimarization of the economy and corruption. In this context, it is then necessary to pose the question: what are the ladders that the Brazilian government succeeded to climb and stay in that position? What factors can explain the recent and increasingly frequent snakes Brazil is entrapped in? From a theoretical point of view, the discussion presented here is framed, in a broad sense, in the debates related to the rise and fall of powers in the international structure. To what extent do the internal and external factors that explain the future of a given State condition its position in the global framework? Taking into account the case of Brazil: what are the consequences - both regarding its achievements and its recent troubles - for its international path? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]