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Naturalization policies prescribe the conditions immigrants must fulfil to be legally recognized as national citizens in a receiving country. When changes in naturalization policies are publicly debated, divergent opinions on national boundary making reveal social representations of citizenship as spaces of political contention. This research offers a socio-dynamic analysis of citizenship representations in the context of a recent referendum on a simplified naturalization procedure for third-generation immigrants in Switzerland. Automatic lexicometric techniques enriched with reflexive thematic analysis were performed on a post-vote survey (VOTO, N = 998), to examine how voters grounded their voting decisions via different citizenship representations. The results showed that ascribed criteria based on natural birthrights and cultural assimilation were mobilized in favour of more permissive access to nationality. Conversely, allegedly achievable criteria based on citizenship deservingness were mobilized against. These findings provide new evidence about citizenship deservingness as a neoliberal strategy legitimizing exclusive national boundary making., (© 2022 The British Psychological Society.)

Many health care organizations made public commitments to become antiracist in the wake of George Floyd's murder. These actions raise questions about the appropriateness of health care's engagement in racial justice and social justice movements generally. We argue that health care organizations can be usefully thought of as having two roles: a functional role to care for the sick and a meta-role as an organizational citizen. Fulfilling the role of citizen may require participating in the pursuit of social justice, including efforts to achieve racial equity. The demands of these two roles will need to be balanced, but the role of organizational citizen has been largely ignored and merits serious attention., (© 2022 The Hastings Center.)

The article presents the author's perspective on how indigenous people of the Argentinean Chaco used fetishization of ID papers, which have been previously denied to them, to accept their past alienation from citizenship rights. The author examines the oddities of ID-paper fetishism in the Chaco through the concept of state fetishism. Moreover, he focuses on the historical as well as the present experiences of the Western Toba and the Wichi on ID-papers.

Focuses on options for reforming European governance. White Paper of the European Commission.

The article talks about the importance of people and modern citizenship in the functioning of democracy. Topics include politics and morality, political autonomy, risks in capitalistic economic system, feminism, racial discrimination, and minority protection. The concept of peopleness has been discussed.

The academic finance profession has the potential to be uniquely purposeful due to four characteristics – the freedom to take risks and work on what we're passionate about, the loyalty to our profession rather than just our institution, the collaborative nature of the creation and dissemination of knowledge, and the magnitude of our potential impact. However, what the profession currently values, and its current social norms, are significant barriers to the fulfilment of this potential. This article highlights the special features of our profession that we often take for granted and ignore, and proposes ideas to make it not only more impactful and relevant but also more collegial and fun. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A bibliography on the subject of philosophy is presented which include the book "Hermeneutics, Citizenship, and the Public Sphere," by Roberto Alejandro, "The Morality of Happiness," Julia Annas, "The Mask of Dionysos: A Commentary on Plato's Symposium," by Daniel E. Anderson.

This paper is an empirical study of what solidarity in a Western European healthcare system means today. Drawing upon empirical research on the 2015 refugee cohort's health needs and their health‐seeking behaviour, it unites claims from the literature on solidarity in the fields of migration and healthcare. I argue that the Austrian healthcare system not only is an example of 'civic solidarity' in the form of institutionalised obligations to citizens but that it also enacts political forms of solidarity and produces political inclusion for marginalised groups such as refugees. My findings show that being entitled to and accessing services in the healthcare system holds meaning beyond the provision of care: It enables to act autonomously, to build familiar relationships with Austrian institutions, inclusion via the personal electronic health card and to support others in the same solidaristic system. These insights can be used to raise awareness about the inclusional function of healthcare services among practitioners. They also show how solidarity‐based healthcare systems can be a motor for shaping positive relationships between immigrants and the host country, and point to additional modes of solidarity in the context of forced migration next to civil society and nonstate support structures. This paper builds upon ethnographic data that were collected between 2018 and 2020 in Vienna, Austria (observational notes before, during and after medical consultations with refugees; interviews with them; interviews with healthcare practitioners and other care providers). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lambeth Palace Library's primary function is to preserve the records of the Church of England, but there are ample opportunities for researchers to use these archives to better understand Britain's histories of citizenship, race relations, and migration in the twentieth century. Lambeth Palace Library (LPL) houses documents on projects on race relations undertaken by the British Council of Churches and the Church of England's Board of Social Responsibility's Race and Community Relations Committee, as well as Archbishop Michael Ramsey's correspondence from his tenure as Chair of the National Committee of Commonwealth Immigrants. These papers attest to the Church of England's significant role in urgent national debates on migrant rights and race equality, and the work of organisations representing the interests of Commonwealth migrants as they actively sought the support of church leaders in their campaigns. LPL collections reveal the important place British churches had in building networks, providing funding and supplying resources to support anti‐racist organisations, and the ways ideas of Britishness were contested in the 1960s and 1970s around the passage of the Commonwealth Immigrants Acts and Race Relations Acts. Papers in LPL collections can also be used to critically examine post‐imperial formations of Whiteness, xenophobia and the racialisation of British citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between property and citizenship by engaging in a genealogy of one property in Portland, Oregon, “Block 16”, which details how this property was first enacted and then maintained into the 21st century. The paper foregrounds how normative definitions of liberal subjectivity were applied to Indigenous peoples originally living on this land, as well as valuations of citizenship for marginalised renters and the residents of a homeless encampment “illegally” occupying this property, to justify the dispossession and displacement of the groups using this same plot of land over time. I argue that the spatial enactment and maintenance of private property is contingent upon producing political subjects demarcated as “improper”, deviants from the normative or ideal liberal subject and citizen. To highlight how property shapes propriety, the paper engages in landscape analysis to reveal how the social relations producing land as property rely upon representations of impropriety and moral deficit to maintain the ownership model of private property against the historical use values of the land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wind energy expansion across rural areas interacts with various interests at the local level, generating multiple reactions within communities. The Eólica del Sur wind farm implementation pathway in Mexico is a paragon of different positions vis‐à‐vis this industry after trying to install 132 wind turbines in other towns since 2006. This paper argues that there is a bias in studies of the politics of wind energy development in favour of oppositional voices, as opposed to groups that endorse wind energy expansion or that have stakes in the sector but neither support nor oppose wind projects per se. Based on fieldwork conducted over three years and semi‐structured interviews with Eólica del Sur stakeholders, the paper argues that different responses to wind energy are linked to contrasting ownership claims over land in the region and competing notions of the institutions that should legitimize these claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In lay and academic discourse, bureaucracy almost seems coterminous with the production and circulation of paper, writing, and type. Indeed, the flows of bureaucratic paperwork and documentation weigh heavy, but how are other media and material forms implicated in bureaucratic relationships and encounters? This Special Section considers the photographic portrait as an enduring bureaucratic technology across different histories and geographies. How are people's likenesses key media of social recognition and aspirational performances of citizenship? Given that making and circulating images is now widely accessible across the globe, how has photography become a significant means through which subjects struggle for recognition in the contemporary moment? Focusing on state borders and categories, we argue that bureaucracy's demand for identification documents has not only sustained photographic practices but also shaped the ways people in liminal positions advance claims of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special section explores multiple ways of thinking about citizenship as informed by higher education students' experiences. The papers collectively examine universities as a locus of citizenship production and consumption among students, but also highlight the role of young people in enacting alternative expressions of citizenship. All the papers locate experiences of higher education within their national contexts operating within broader geopolitical and geo‐economic practices, even as they take into consideration "postnational" forms of citizenship construct as well as a growing range of educational institutions and actors occupying subnational terrains that mediate citizenship values, ideals and norms. Drawing on these insights, we point towards three promising avenues for further research in the geographies of citizenship in higher education, while maintaining that this an area of studies that requires a plurality of perspectives. This special section explores multiple ways of thinking about citizenship as informed by higher education students' experiences. The papers collectively examine universities as a locus of citizenship production and consumption among students, but also highlight the role of young people in enacting alternative expressions of citizenship. We point towards three promising avenues for further research in the geographies of citizenship in higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that critical posthumanism is a crucial tool in nursing philosophy and scholarship. Posthumanism entails a reconsideration of what 'human' is and a rejection of the whole tradition founding Western life in the 2500 years of our civilization as narrated in founding texts and embodied in governments, economic formations and everyday life. Through an overview of historical periods, texts and philosophy movements, I problematize humanism, showing how it centres white, heterosexual, able‐bodied Man at the top of a hierarchy of beings, and runs counter to many current aspirations in nursing and other disciplines: decolonization, antiracism, anti‐sexism and Indigenous resurgence. In nursing, the term humanism is often used colloquially to mean kind and humane; yet philosophically, humanism denotes a Western philosophical tradition whose tenets underpin much of nursing scholarship. These underpinnings of Western humanism have increasingly become problematic, especially since the 1960s motivating nurse scholars to engage with antihumanist and, recently, posthumanist theory. However, even current antihumanist nursing arguments manifest deep embeddedness in humanistic methodologies. I show both the problematic underside of humanism and critical posthumanism's usefulness as a tool to fight injustice and examine the materiality of nursing practice. In doing so, I hope to persuade readers not to be afraid of understanding and employing this critical tool in nursing research and scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the UK, discussion of good citizenship during the COVID‐19 pandemic largely focused on compliance and non‐compliance with government rules. In this paper, we offer an alternative point of focus. Pandemic governance proceeded not only through rules/morality, but also through freedom/ethics. Good citizenship, therefore, involved practical reasoning in response to situations. We demonstrate this using diaries and other forms of writing collected by Mass Observation during the first six months of the pandemic. Responses to government rules and guidance varied by situation. Many people found governance through freedom/ethics confusing and burdensome. Faced with ethical dilemmas, they managed risks and responsibilities by deliberating, weighing justifications, and sometimes falling back on rules of thumb or heuristics. Discussion of good citizenship during future emergencies would benefit from a greater focus on situations, dilemmas, and justifications. Good citizenship during the COVID‐19 pandemic involved not only compliance with rules but also practical reasoning in response to situations. We demonstrate this using diaries and other forms of writing collected by Mass Observation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crises do not affect populations equally but expose and exacerbate long‐standing vulnerabilities and inequalities. Recovery language such as 'build back better', or 'bounce forward' has been criticised for neglecting underlying inequalities. This paper reports on the process and early outcomes of an inclusive Community Recovery Planning process for the Falkland Islands, in response to Covid‐19. The Falkland Islands is home to a complex community, with close ties and short power distances (due to its small size and remoteness), with differences institutionalised in citizenship statuses and entitlements, and shaped by geopolitical tensions. We aimed to use the 'pandemic as a portal', seeking out previously 'less heard' voices, to make visible previously hidden impacts, and initiate incremental systemic change to tackle them. Community Impact Assessments evidenced specific areas of vulnerability (e.g., housing and income insecurity) and inequalities, largely shaped by differing citizenship status. In tandem with other government currents, the Community Recovery Planning process has contributed to progressive policy changes in Equalities legislation and Income Support. We offer this paper as a demonstration of our methodology for inclusive recovery planning that could be adapted elsewhere. We argue that the inclusion of previously unheard voices contributed to incremental systemic change to reduce inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to ascertain the attitudes of teenagers (aged 13–16) from Belfast to the Brexit referendum through exploring their attitudes to the implications of Brexit for their future lives and how they explain why adults decided to vote leave. The paper illuminates how young people discussed the right to vote alongside responsibilities to non‐voters. In this way, teenagers demonstrated the often messy relationship that exists between citizenship rights and responsibilities and how this has differing generational implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The currently globalising society is characterised by a tension between increasingly intensive transnational mobility of people and continuous territorial regulation of these flows. This situation has led to the increasingly selective opening and closing of borders, providing territorial access to some while keeping out others. In this paper, I reflect on how such management of people's (in)ability to cross borders has become a geopolitical instrument. I particularly focus on how mobility inequalities are confirmed within the European Union (EU) to protect the geopolitical and political‐economic status quo of the EU itself, but also how this EU‐level process regarding people's (im)mobility fuelled internal discussions regarding the relation between nation‐state sovereignty and EU‐level decision‐making. I first reflect on the citizenship of people and the cultural political economy framework for explaining this (re‐)constructed selectivity of borders and border‐crossings. Subsequently, I apply these perspectives to the geopolitical construction of two types of border‐crossings in the EU, namely irregular(ised) migration and tourism, to reflect on how EU‐level and national actors selectively utilise structural‐institutional arrangements and semiotic strategies to position themselves within the European framework. By doing so, the paper illustrates the contradictions engrained in the neoliberal system along two lines: (1) generally, the continued territorial logic in the regulation of space in a world increasingly characterised by global economic and human flows, resulting in the blocking of the mobility of some while stimulating the mobility of others in what are supposedly "open" economies; (2) specifically, the explicit (cf. irregular migration) and implicit (cf. tourism) competition between places as to what is the "right," "legitimate," or "sovereign" spatial unit to regulate these flows, resulting in the mobilisation of competing political‐economic imaginaries to institutionalise one over the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that welfare state progress needs to be based upon support for "inclusive citizenship" – the right to care, work and earn. Comparative analyses of welfare have often focused on defamilization to capture these dimensions. But inclusive citizenship requires challenging gender roles in both work (public sphere) and care (private sphere), and thus the paper argues that the concept of degenderization is a more suitable analytical tool. This paper adds to our understanding by operationalizing the concept of degenderization to compare how (far) 22 European countries degenderize. Indeed, it goes further to examine not just how much welfare states degenderize but how – whether they focus on degendering both work and care, crucial for "inclusive citizenship". To examine how states degenderize, it uses a new way of classifying welfare states by examining policy packages using radar charts. It examines how much they degenderize against a yardstick, using the Surface Measure of Overall Performance approach. Seven welfare types were identified, but none fully supported inclusive citizenship. Indeed, the country clusters identified in this study differ from those found by previous studies, challenging commonly held views about which countries ought to be seen as key exemplars. This reflects the paper's distinctive focus on inclusive citizenship – capturing support for degendering care and work – and that it compares countries on the basis of their policy packages. It also examines how approach to and generosity of degenderization are related to gender equality outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational families have long used migration as a strategy for upward social mobility. However, migration projects are increasingly complex and often do not involve a single move from one country to another. Drawing on qualitative interviews, this paper explores how Latin American families negotiate different stages of their migration from Latin America to Spain to the UK. The paper demonstrates how families negotiate within the opportunity structures afforded to them to achieve physical and social mobility. These opportunities are structured by different legal regimes and the way that immigration, citizenship and labour market policies are implemented. The initial migration from Latin America to Spain had enabled Latin American families to gain economic stability and EU citizenship, but at the cost of a period of family separation. However, faced with the financial crisis, some families opted for onward migration to the UK, a process that resulted in families becoming "re‐transnationalised." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper leverages the repressive turn in U.S. migration policy to understand how a cross‐border perspective can illuminate the experiences of two different, but contemporaneous second‐generation populations: Those whose lives have unfurled in the United States, all the while growing up in internationalized families with ongoing homeland ties; and those whose childhoods began in the United States, but were disrupted as part of the 'Great Expulsion', and thus migrated to Mexico, albeit often with U.S. citizenship and almost always with cross‐border ties to family members still living in the United States. As the paper demonstrates, looking across borders highlights the importance of the territorial frontier and the continuing power of the national to undermine the forces that produce cross‐border connections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the field of youth citizenship has grown rapidly in the past 2 decades, it still remains a contested idea—not least because of the 'liminal' or in‐between status that young people occupy between childhood and adulthood. In this paper I propose a conceptual framing that sees youth citizenship at the intersection of youth becoming, being and doing. This framing recognises many of the tensions, complexities and ambiguities of being a young citizen, as well as the potential this holds for understanding the fullness and diversity of youth experiences of citizenship. The paper examines two emerging research streams where youth citizenship researchers illustrate the richness of this conceptual framing in the research fields of youth everyday lived citizenship and digital citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the spaces, materiality, and practices of (in)formal education and citizenship bound up in the educational cultures of the Council for the Preservation of Rural England (CPRE) in 1930s England. Founded in 1926, the CPRE aimed to preserve rural amenities through concerted action, by working through their constituent societies as a centre for furnishing or obtaining advice and information, and importantly, by educating public opinion. While much work has examined inter‐war preservationism and the CPRE's focus on planning legislation and design, less attention has been paid to the CPRE's cultures of education for children and young people. Drawing on archival research, this paper considers two educational topics, namely, nature study and school design, and makes three key contributions to the geographies of education. First, that the CPRE mobilised the notion of amenity to provide an experiential and intuitive education in preservationism: amenity was both education and educator. Second, that this education was linked to notions of (future) citizenship, hope, and (future) preservationism, becoming an education that would remain with the child throughout their life. Third, this article explores the CPRE's authority, revealing the ways in which it was often complex and precarious, as well as the ways in which the Council drew on other forms of authoritative identities, spaces, and structures. In so doing, this paper contributes to ongoing academic debates on the complex and fluid boundaries of (in)formal education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The outbreak of the SARS CoV2 virus, commonly referred to as the COVID‐19 pandemic, has impacted the social, economic, political, and cultural lives of citizens around the world. The sudden outbreak of the pandemic has exposed the legal preparedness, or lack thereof, of governments to reduce and contain its drastic impact. Strong legislative measures play a crucial role in any epidemic or pandemic situation. In this situation, the Indian Government has requested all state governments to invoke the Epidemic Disease Act (EDA) of 1897 to address the COVID‐19 emergency. The Central Government has also used the powers provided in the Disaster Management Act (DMA) of 2005. As the country is facing its first major health emergency since independence, the existing legislative measures to deal with a COVID‐19 like situation are lacking and require certain amendments to address such situations in the future. This paper aims to present the current constitutional and legislative response to health emergencies in India and attempts to identify gray areas in the statutory provisions. Based on the analysis, this paper suggests several recommendations for amending current legislation and suggests the promulgation of comprehensive public health law. This paper is largely based on primary sources such as the EDA and the DMA, regulations, guidelines, rules issued by the public authorities and court cases related to health and health emergencies along with secondary resources such as newspaper articles and published papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impacts of three cash transfer programs, one for orphans and vulnerable children (CT‐OVC), one for older persons (OPCT) and a universal social pension (Inua Jamii Senior Citizens' Scheme), for citizen‐state relations in areas of Kenya that experienced high levels of electoral violence in 2007. Drawing on 40 interviews with civil servants and community leaders and 16 focus group discussions with both beneficiaries and non‐beneficiaries of the cash transfer programs conducted across two sub‐counties in Nakuru, this paper argues that the central state, in the wake of post‐electoral violence, effectively mobilised state power to make and enforce geographic targeting decisions down to the village level in an effort to mitigate ethnic tensions and strengthen citizen‐state relations. The paper further argues that the success of such localised distribution in strengthening citizen‐state relations has been limited due to incomplete program coverage, limited information about targeting procedures, and citizens' prior experiences with the state which collectively undermine citizens' perceptions of inclusion and exclusion at the local level. These findings are brought into conversation with other research on cash transfers and citizenship across Kenya to parse out the ways in which the impacts of cash transfer programs for citizen‐state relations are mediated by state infrastructural power, citizens' prior experiences with the state, and key aspects of program design. The paper also examines the implications of these findings for other countries across Africa that have experienced generalised electoral violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the assumption that citizenship is property that would be more valuable if it were transferable, the paper explores the idea of commodification of citizenship. The paper provides arguments in favor of commodification and recommendations to how the market for citizenships should be designed. A market for citizenships could result in an improved matching between employer and employee when citizens swap citizenship with each other. Successful States could issue new citizenships and thus make it possible for a greater share of the world population to live and work within the countries with the best institutions. The combined effect would be a higher global productivity. Additionally, market prices on citizenships would provide information on institutional quality and thus provide politicians with information on voters' preferences as well as voters with information on the quality of the work of the government. The market value of a tradable citizenship is also found to be a candidate as tax base for a redistributive tax on a global level that could address some of the inherent inequality with birthright citizenships. Those potential benefits aside, several problems with a market for citizenship are also found and discussed, among those the age-dependent value of citizenships. Received: 14 June 2021 Revised: 31 March 2022 Accepted: 25 February 2023 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12347 This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. © 2023 The Author. Kyklos published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Kyklos. 2023;76:705--723. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/kykl 705 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self‐employment is an essential driver of economic growth and societal well‐being. While previous studies have examined various consequences of self‐employed activities, little attention has been paid to how self‐employment affects citizenship perceptions among urban migrant workers. This paper seeks to fill this gap by distinguishing between own‐account workers and employers with hired employees. Using data from the 2017 China Migrant Dynamic Survey, we find that migrants who are employers or work on their own account are more likely to perceive themselves as citizens of their city of residence than wage earners. The size of the effect is much larger for employers than for own‐account workers. We also find that self‐employment can be linked to migrants' perceptions of citizenship via three pathways—individual income, type of housing (owned or rented accommodation) and social security. Our results are robust to employing the conditional mixed process estimator and nonparametric matching method to address endogeneity concerns. Our findings highlight the importance of the role that migrant entrepreneurship plays in reforming the current urban household registration system in China. The paper also has implications for other countries worldwide to cope with the group of marginalized immigrants by emphasizing the form of entrepreneurship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contains a meta‐analytic review of 140 research articles and 320 effect sizes to explore how employees' perceptions of internal and external corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities influence an array of work outcomes at three levels (emotional, attitudinal, and behavioral). We aim to discover the underlying psychological and methodological factors affecting this linkage. This study reveals that CSR is more strongly connected with employees' psychological‐emotional reactions (i.e., organizational trust and pride) and work attitude (i.e., organizational commitment) rather than work behavior (i.e., organizational citizenship behavior). Although each type of CSR's association with four work outcomes is positive and significant, wide variance exists in effect sizes reported across studies, warranting a search for substantive moderators. Meta‐regression and subgroup analyses indicate the moderating effects of specific study‐level attributes viz. CSR typology, type of organizational commitment, source & type of organizational citizenship behavior, study design, and other contextual factors. It is found that the CSR‐to‐employee outcome relationship significantly contrasts across industries, regions, and cultures. This paper enriches the extant micro‐CSR literature by emphasizing that CSR can cultivate positive employee sentiments, work attitudes, and behaviors, provided CSR is embedded and integrated innately with sustainable human resource management and core business processes while rising above legal requirements and egocentric motives. Important implications for theorists and managers and potential avenues for future research are conferred in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last two decades, India's system of agricultural land management has been transitioning from paper to digital records. In effecting this shift, engineers and bureaucrats in the city of Bangalore, India's "Silicon Valley," have tacitly and invisibly shifted the responsibility for maintaining data from the state to individuals. Moreover, the new digital databases of land records have fragmented offices and dispersed data across new sites and actors. Under these transformed conditions, people can access services only through what I call citizen labor. That is, when digitization is applied to land and property—which are quintessential sites for the making and unmaking of citizenship—people are interpellated into laboring on their own data. This shows that the digitization of government extracts a form of labor, one whose benefits accrue to groups and organizations beyond the laboring individual. As a result, people have an increasingly degraded experience of substantive citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth participation has become an important element of environmental governance and is also a way that young people learn about the expectations of citizenship. In the global South, young people are confronted with multiple understandings of citizenship as international development organisations may introduce citizenship in a liberal, democratic framing which may differ from national citizenship norms. In Vietnam, state agencies have a history of supporting youth participation linked to nation building and community service. These activities create an imaginary which highlights citizenship as a status and the national scale as being central. More recently, liberalisation policies have opened the door for activities of international organisations which extend imaginaries of citizenship to the global scale and beyond status to a process centred on creating a sense of belonging. Other forms of participation are also flourishing, thanks to the increasing reach of social media. This paper explores how the diversity of this landscape creates liminal spaces of citizenship which young people navigate, working within and between different scales and imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents an analysis of the UK government discourse on citizenship during the first 9 months of the COVID‐19 pandemic (March–November 2020). We adopted a socio‐cultural approach to citizenship drawing on the scholarly tradition of ideological dilemmas and rhetorical psychology as well as interdisciplinary work on neoliberalism. In our analysis of over one hundred briefings and other material by the Prime Minister and members of the Cabinet, we identified five interrelated constructions of the 'good citizen': the confined, the heroic, the sacrificial, the unfree and the responsible citizen. The paper maps these constructions onto the ideological dilemmas of freedom/control, passive/active citizenship and individualism/collectivism. We show that, through the rhetorical use of notions of gratefulness for citizens' sacrifice and shared responsibility, the UK government's discourse appears to challenge the dominant model of the neoliberal citizen. However, it solidifies this very same model by responsibilizing individual citizens whilst abdicating itself from responsibility. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops infrastructural citizenship as an analytical framework that bridges geography's sub‐disciplinary silos. While urban geography promotes infrastructure as a core lens for understanding the city, recognising that political struggles are mediated through infrastructure, discourses of citizenship are rarely employed. Similarly, while political and development geography promote citizenship as vital in understanding socio‐political life, often framed by citizen‐led action to secure basic rights and services, critical debates on urban infrastructure are typically overlooked. Consequently, despite the growth in studies recognising the politicised nature of urban infrastructure and the centrality of citizenship to urban life, the multiple ways that citizenship and infrastructure relate in diverse urban settings has received limited critical attention. This paper demonstrates how urban dwellers' relationship to public infrastructure in the domestic spaces of the home and settlement, and the temporal scale of the everyday, offers a representation of broader political identities and perceptions, framed through the language of citizenship. In South Africa, despite 25 years of significant post‐apartheid public investment in housing and services, frustration at poor service delivery and beneficiary (mis)use of public infrastructure remains dominant. While citizens adapt and consume public infrastructure in ways deemed "illegal" and "uncivil" by the state, citizens view these actions as a legitimate form of "citizenship‐in‐action" in the context of rapid urbanisation and poverty, and are frustrated by perceptions of state neglect. Using the analytical framework of infrastructural citizenship, the paper reveals how this state–society disjuncture represents a citizenship mismatch that is embodied in infrastructure, rather than a material product of state disinterest or citizen destruction per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anyone trying to be a citizen has to pass through a set of practices trying to be a state. This paper investigates some of the ways testing practices calibrate citizens, and in doing so, perform "the state." The paper focuses on three forms of citizenship testing, which it considers exemplary forms of "state work," and which all, in various ways, concern "migration." First, the constitution of a "border crossing," which requires an identity test configured by deceptibility. Second, the Dutch asylum process, in which "being gay" can, in certain cases, be reason for being granted asylum, but where "being gay" is also the outcome of an examination organized by suspicion. And third, the Dutch measurement of immigrants' "integration," which is comprised of a testing process in which such factishes as "being a member of society" and "being modern" surface. Citizenship is analyzed in this paper as accrued and (re)configured along a migration trajectory that takes shape as a testing concours, meaning that subjects become citizens along a trajectory of testing practices. In contributing both to work on states and citizenship, and to work on testing, this paper thus puts forward the concept of citizenship testing as state work, where "state work is the term for that kind of labor that most knows itself as comparison, equivalency, and exchange in the social realm" (Harney, 2002, pp. 10–11). Throughout the testing practices discussed here, comparison, equivalency, and exchange figure prominently as the practical achievements of crafting states and citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on initial investigation into the relationship between liberal arts education in Asia and youth citizenship to examine the roles of the "institution" and the "student" in citizenship formation. The paper begins with a discussion of how emerging liberal arts education institutes in Asian cities incorporate notions of citizenship into their visions and curricular programmes, using selected cases of Shanghai, Hong Kong and Singapore. This is followed by a focus on the liberal arts college in Singapore to preliminarily analyse the ways in which a particular brand of citizenship is being produced and negotiated in/through campus space. The contention is that recent liberal arts initiatives in East Asia may be read as constitutive of higher education's ethico‐political experiment of youth citizenship, but one that produces ambiguous contours of a "liberal arts educated citizen." The paper contributes to wider scholarship on citizenship education and institutional geographies of (youth) citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a qualitative study of youth identities in Greece, the paper unpacks the dynamic processes of ethnonational (dis)identification and belonging that Albanian young migrants are implicated in. Analysis of in-depth interviews illustrates how racism, coupled with their lack of citizenship, affects their (dis)identifications. Additionally, categorisation is reported to crucially mediate their belonging, giving rise to a double-edged sense of otherness and alienation. The paper concludes by putting forward a conceptualisation of young migrants' collective identities as involving the emotive dialectic of (dis)identification, categorisation and belonging, along with negotiation of boundaries and acceptance by 'others' in both home and settlement societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas the literature asks whether immigrants and their descendants come to resemble the 'mainstream', this paper places the acquisition of a new national identity at the centre of attention, contending that the views of ethnic outsiders provide strategic leverage in identifying any underlying consensus regarding the bounds of the nation and the means by which those bounds should be implemented. We contend that becoming 'American' entails adopting American attitudes towards persons beyond the territorial divide, a population that includes nationals of one's country of origin or ancestry. The paper develops a conceptual framework to understand how attachment to the people of the state of emigration gets transformed into attachment to the people of the state of immigration. The paper provides a demonstration of that process, focusing on Mexican immigrants and their descendants and using a variety of data sources to highlight and unpack different dimensions of Americanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how Citizenship in an Independent Scotland (CIS)—published by the Scottish Government as part of a ‘prospectus for an independent Scotland’—discursively represents the Scottish nation in the context of establishing who should be eligible to be a member of that nation. I relate CIS to the historical and contemporary determination of British citizenship and to evidence concerning popular conceptions of citizenship and national belonging in Scotland. I argue that while CIS reflects nation‐building through an attempt to rhetorically differentiate Scotland from Britain, it also reflects the influence that the evolution of British citizenship has on proposed post‐independence Scottish citizenship. I also evaluate CIS's stress on ‘inclusion’, consistent with its representation of Scotland as an ‘inclusive’ nation. I conclude that the proposals may be described as compromised inclusion and that the reasons for this are likely to be common to similar aspirational secessionist proposals in sub‐state nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A queue‐jumping argument concludes that some course of action is impermissible by likening it to the presumptively impermissible act of jumping a queue. Arguments of this sort may be found in a disparate range of contexts and in support of policies favoured by both left and right. Examples include arguments against private education and private health care but also arguments against accommodations for learning disabilities, refugee resettlement, and birthright citizenship. We infer that, although queue‐jumping arguments are strictly analogies, they constitute a sufficiently distinct class of arguments to justify their separate treatment. The paper proposes an argumentation scheme for queue‐jumping arguments and demonstrates its applicability to some existing arguments of this type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine citizenship crisis in the Northeast Indian state of Assam through the lenses of structural and cultural violence. In 2019, close to two million people in Assam were disenfranchised by updating the National Register of Citizens (NRC). The vast majority of those disenfranchised are Miya people who have been subjected to legacies of persecution and violence since the early 19th century during British colonial rule. We map the contours of the citizenship crisis by centering the struggles of Miya communities who are most deeply impacted by violent citizenship regimes. Using a structural and cultural violence lens, we elucidate the linkages between colonial histories, (post)colonial policies, and institutional practices on the one hand and Miya people's everyday struggles on the other. Across these analyses, we demonstrate how current citizenship regimes operate as a form of state‐sanctioned violence against Miya people. The implications of these analyses for rethinking contemporary notions of citizenship and belonging for community‐engaged scholarship are discussed. Highlights: We examine citizenship crisis in Assam by centering struggles of Miya people who are most impacted.We use a structural and cultural violence lens to understand the citizenship crisis in Assam.Citizenship regimes can operate as a form of state‐sanctioned violence.We need to rethink citizenship and belonging beyond the normativity of modern nation‐state borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every few years, Karachi floods during the summer monsoon. The flooding brings latent manoeuvrings by political actors looking to establish their hold over the city to the surface. Politicians, urban administrators, and relevant state and non‐state institutions blame historical planning failures, informal and illegal constructions, institutional conflict, incapable municipal governance, and widespread corruption for the flooding. They move quickly to establish authority and consolidate power while offering 'fixes'. Eviction drives against 'illegal settlements' built along storm‐water drains, heavy taxes, fines, and demolitions of non‐conforming constructions, institutional reforms, budget allocations, and project approvals for new infrastructure all happen at once. Once the emergency ceases, key players in urban politics – resident groups, community associations, political parties, municipal authorities, land developers, planners, international non‐governmental organisations, and military institutions – start working on projects of accumulation and entrenchment, in preparation for the next crisis. In this paper, we look at the space–time of Karachi's certain and yet uncertain flooding crisis as a moment to study the politics of the maybe in the Pakistani megacity. Outlining marginal and affluent residents' lived experiences in a flooding city and relating their politics with governmental responses to immediate and possible future floods, we study the conditions of inhabitation, citizenship claims, and governmental relations in Karachi. We argue that the monsoon's expectant arrival becomes a locus for articulating and modulating different kinds of popular vernaculars, governmental practices, and political manoeuvrings for institutional and individual actors seeking profit and power in and through Karachi. The politics of the maybe hinges on actors entrenching their political positions without care, taking away any possibility for a shared, coherent worldview for all Karachiites. In conclusion, we argue that distant interests and logics of this politics of governance and inhabitation are inherently exploitative, threatening to pull apart the very city they thrive on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In western Europe, municipal or otherwise state‐commissioned cemeteries and crematoria are public spaces and services, open to all. Cemeteries and crematoria grounds are neglected in geographical, planning and policy debates about the character, design, management, use and accessibility of public spaces, and likewise debates about the social inclusion of migrants and minorities. This may reflect a tendency to situate cemeteries socially and geographically in the peripheries of contemporary European society, but they are, nonetheless, sites of vital public health infrastructure, as well as being highly significant symbolic, religious‐spiritual, secular‐sacred, and emotionally laden places. Examining cemeteries‐crematoria against a criteria of inclusive public space provides new insights into (1) the nature of public space and its governance; (2) rights and barriers to shared public spaces and associated infrastructure in everyday multicultural contexts; (3) national–local negotiations of majority‐minorities social relations and cultural practices in and through public spaces; and (4) the need to place municipal cemeteries‐crematoria centre stage in scholarship and policy on public space which is culturally inclusive and serves all citizens. Municipal cemeteries and crematoria grounds are important but neglected spaces in geographical, Planning and policy debates about the character, design, use, governance and accessibility of public spaces. This paper highlights the political and cultural importance of cemeteries‐crematoria as public spaces, and their role in social inclusion/exclusion in multicultural and post‐secular European societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers internal migration in Italy in terms of current patterns and longer term trends in migration intensity. It systematically reviews the Italian situation by considering internal migration patterns by citizenship and gender using a geography of 611 local labour market areas (LLMAs), distinguishing between short‐ and long‐distance moves. Attention is given, in particular, to how migration intensities have changed between the categories of LLMAs and across different demographic subgroups. The paper also provides descriptive analyses of the influence on migration patterns of the persistent socio‐economic disparities, which exist between LLMAs. Finally, it discusses the role of delayed youth transitions from home, showing how this phenomenon—also observed in other countries—manifests itself in the Italian national and regional contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers how webs of connection bridge people from different social worlds and engender affinity ties that can be mobilised to nurture caring relationships, despite the physical and cognitive borders that exist within and between societies. Territorial contestation between the Myanmar military and the Kachin Independence Army has precipitated internal displacement in Kachin state (Myanmar). The situation of Kachin internally displaced people in camps at the China-Myanmar border directs attention to how geographical and geopolitical constraints deter international humanitarian assistance yet provide opportunities to engage a different set of humanitarian actors. The paper first argues that Kachin internally displaced people are treated as surplus populations by the sovereign states in both Myanmar and China. Surplus populations come into existence when nation-states impose punitive measures that compromise the survivability of populations that are considered threatening to national sovereignty. Second, the paper examines how mobilising affinity ties enables Kachin humanitarian workers to leverage the citizenship resources of empathetic Chinese nationals to negotiate humanitarianism constraints at the China-Myanmar border. Affinity ties refer to connections emanating from a dynamic constellation of cultural attributes to do with history, ethnicity, religion and place among other malleable identity constructs. Interlocking constellations form webs of connections that transverse essentialising categories of social difference and contribute to shared biographies that allow for cultivating emotional attachments to a place and its people. Affinity ties may congeal into durable ties of solidarity and activism, but no less significant are vernacular expressions of affinity that prompt empathy for proximate or distant strangers and a predilection to act on behalf of those experiencing oppression. The paper proposes that conceptualising affinity ties draws out transversal webs of connections that bridge people of differential social positionings. This approach provides a potential ethical stance and productive analytical lens for advancing wider migration and citizenship debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on conceptualization of statelessness and ethnographic research on crucial insights of rightessness, this paper investigates how the politico-geographic-legality constructs statelessness in the enclaves in India and Bangladesh. Following the decolonization process in 1947, both India and Pakistan/Bangladesh inherited more than 200 enclaves, which comprise 80 per cent of the world's enclaves. With improved bilateral relations, India and Bangladesh officially exchanged the enclaves on 1 August 2015, and the enclave dwellers will gradually be granted citizenship rights over the next few years. In this period of transition from statelessness to statehood, this paper can be read as contemporary history. This paper will draw attention to three aspects of statelessness. First, conceptualization of statelessness not only applies to the refugeehood or de-territorialization of people but also relates to the process of constructing transterritorial stateless people. Second, this paper will discuss the condition of statelessness constructed in a politico-geographic-legal trap. And finally, the paper calls for a wider empirical and critical focus on the hidden geographies of de facto statelessness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops the concept of emotional citizenry, as a process grounded in the complexities of places, lives and feelings, exceeding any fixed status of citizenship to be achieved in the formal political sphere. Drawing on encounters between refugees, asylum seekers and more settled residents in a befriending scheme in Newcastle, England, it focusses on the emotional geographies of intercultural interactions produced through everyday spaces. Contact in the scheme involves difficult negotiations of difference, yet it is precisely the emotional that opens up the potential of/for making connections, and through which nuanced relationships develop, dualisms are destabilised, and meaningful encounters emerge in fragile yet hopeful ways. I argue that these emotional encounters evidence desires to (re)make society at the local level, beyond normalised productions and practices of citizenship as bounded in/outsiders, in which a politics of engagement is enacted. Analysis suggests that the felt, interpersonal dimensions of such praxis, the emotionality of these specific notions belonging and relationality, push at the concept of cosmopolitan citizenship to register something more. This paper contributes to debate on everyday practices of citizenship as already taking place, and poses questions to how individual relations may anticipate collective change in how we live together in an era of super-diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the particular role played by anarchism in early 20th century discussions concerning the Bolivian nation and citizenship. Based on a diverse corpus of documents and extended specialised literature, I will argue that between the 1920s and 1940s the local anarchist movement took part in these debates by rejecting the Creole oligarchy's definition of the nation and proposing one of its own. Ideologically, this intervention meant imagining a different, more inclusive national community made up of racialised and gendered identities. Practically, it implied fighting against internal colonialism, struggling for equal citizenship, and defending the ethnic and gender identity and human dignity of mestizos, cholas, and indigenous people. By reconstructing these debates and some anarchist "ethno‐classist" struggles of the period, I approach the anticolonial orientation of Bolivian anarchism, and more generally, examine a historical experience in which subaltern subjectivities intervened in nation‐building away from a statist, Western and patriarchal path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of immigration law on US citizens' understanding of legal status categories. Prior research on legal consciousness has uncovered the ways in which undocumented persons make sense of and navigate their legal position in society. Less is known, however, about the paradox of US citizen children who are legally protected by their citizenship yet grow up in the context of their parents' precarious immigration statuses. Drawing on interviews with US citizen youth and undocumented parents, I conceptualize the phenomenon of undocumented consciousness to explain how US citizens make sense of parental legal status vulnerability. By witnessing their parents' blocked opportunities from work, travel, and other aspects of life, youth begin to attach meaning to citizenship and its protections, all the while forming an understanding of what it means, practically, to live in the United States with and without legal status. Findings reveal the mechanisms by which it is possible for functions of immigration law to have adverse impacts on the lives of US citizens themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on Higher Education Quarterly celebrating 75th anniversary. Topics include institutional approaches to the student experience, management, and leadership showing system-wide issues such as student funding and widening participation; and concerns involving the necessary combination of professional training and citizenship education.