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Previous studies have largely interrogated the challenges of workforce casualisation in Nigeria with sparse attention to the reactions of the trade unions to this work arrangement. The paper, therefore, explores the survival strategies of trade union to employment casualisation in the Nigerian beverage sector. It explores the narratives of trade union relevance amidst increased informalisation, and the efficacy of its strategies. The Marxist conflict theory was employed as a theoretical leaning to understand labour unions' position in contending with management exploitations in the workplace. A total of 12 trade union officials were selected for interviews through purposive and convenient sampling. The study found a diminishing trade union relevance with the increasing spate of informalisation, while the collective bargaining strategy of the union was hardly utilised in addressing employment casualisation, although education and (re)training programmes show a positive outlook. The study takes the position for a review of the Nigerian labour laws, specifically the Trade Union Act of 2005 as amended, as no provisions in this legislation give recognition to casual employment, an act that is further hampering trade unions' strategic effort in ensuring a decent workplace for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper compares two theories and their two corresponding computational models of human moral judgment. In order to better address psychological realism and generality of theories of moral judgment, more detailed and more psychologically nuanced models are needed. In particular, a motivationally based theory of moral judgment (and its corresponding computational model) is developed in this paper that provides a more accurate account of human moral judgment than an existing emotion‐reason conflict theory. Simulations based on the theory capture and explain a range of relevant human data. They account not only for the original data that were used to support the emotion–reason conflict theory, but also for a wider range of data and phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the theoretical and policy significance of one of Robert Merton's most influential contributions to modern sociology, the anomie or ‘strain’ theory of deviant behavior. The enduring theoretical significance of strain theory lies in its sociological completeness. Strain theory preserves the interconnection between culture and social structure which is neglected or defined away by cultural and control theories of deviance. In its emphasis on socially structured contradictions in the relations of consumption, strain theory is also broadly consistent with and complements more conflict-oriented theories of crime and deviance. A major weakness of Merton's argument is its failure to clearly distinguish the etiological significance of the distribution of opportunities (mobility) and the distribution of outcomes (equality), which has led to misinterpretations of the policy implications of strain theory. Ironically, these problems are revealed through a kind of self-criticism that applies the basic tools of Mertonian functional analysis to strain theory. The paper concludes that, ambiguities notwithstanding, for purposes of theoretical integration and substantive insight, strain theory remains an important sociological perspective on deviance, especially when set in the context of Merton's broader sociological legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The specialized field of disaster studies seems to be moving farther away from mainstream sociology, to the detriment of both. For sociologists working in this field, application of Max Weber's political sociology is proposed as one way to reconnect their research with longstanding concerns of the discipline. Weber's political sociology contains a conflict model focusing on structured inequalities of class, status, and power. Its relevance to both contemporary sociology and sociological disaster studies is illustrated through a reexamination of one of the early classic studies of disaster. The paper concludes with an overview of Weber's thoughts about the role of values in research and a brief comparison of Weber's political sociology with alternative theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we develop an understanding of recognition in terms of individuals' capacity for conflict. Our goal is to overcome various shortcomings that can be found in both the positive and negative conceptions of recognition. We start by analyzing paradigmatic instances of such conceptions--namely, those put forward by Axel Honneth and Judith Butler. We do so in order to show how both positions are inadequate in their elaborations of recognition in an analogous way: Both fail to make intelligible the fundamental nexus between relations of recognition and individuals' capacity for conflict. We then move on to reconsider aspects of Hegel's view of recognition--ones that, from our viewpoint, have been unjustly neglected in the debate about recognition: his focus on the constitution of relations of recognition in conflict and on the status of being an author of acts of recognition. On this basis, we then spell out in a more systematic way what we take to be a more convincing conception of recognition. This puts us in the position to gesture at some consequences of this conception in practical contexts, above all with regard to the justification, role and structure of political institutions.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, we have been witnessing the emergence of new types of conflicts. These are progressively more complex, but are, still too often, conceptualised and approached simplistically, using a linear type of reasoning. Complexity is disregarded, and the need for systemic thinking is underestimated, not rarely leading to disastrous results. Feedbacks are most often ignored, and the complex dynamics which make a conflict to change over time, following often unpredictable paths, are rarely taken into account. A shift from a precomplexity mindset to a mindset founded in an understanding of complexity is necessary. In the paper, using concrete examples, we will try to show how a systems thinking approach is essential to analyse today's conflict, to prevent them, and to act so as to make them develop along non violent constructive paths rather than along violent destructive ones. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stephen Jay Gould's NOMA (nonoverlapping magisteria) theory was meant to be an alternative to the traditional 'conflict model' regarding the relationship between science and religion. But NOMA has been plagued with problems from the beginning. The problem most acutely felt was that of demarcating the disciplines of science and theology. This paper is an attempt to retain the insights of NOMA and the conflict model, while eliminating their shortcomings. It acknowledges with the conflict model that the conflict is real, but not necessarily a fight unto death. It agrees with the NOMA that the two are different kinds of disciplines, and it goes on to spell out the difference in some detail. They turn out to be so radically different that the two cannot be reconciled by keeping one away from the other's turf, as NOMA suggests, but may be reconciled through a fusion of horizons in the Gadamerian sense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The absence of state capacities to raise revenue and to support markets is a key factor in explaining the persistence of weak states. This paper reports on an ongoing project to investigate the incentive to invest in such capacities. The paper sets out a simple analytical structure in which state capacities are modeled as forward looking investments by government. The approach highlights some determinants of state building including the risk of external or internal conflict, the degree of political instability, and dependence on natural resources. Throughout, we link these state capacity investments to patterns of development and growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the evolution of political institutions in the face of conflict. We examine institutional reform in a class of pivotal mechanisms-institutions that behave as if the resulting policy were determined by a "pivotal" decision maker drawn from the potential population of citizens and who holds full policy-making authority at the time. A rule-of succession describes the process by which pivotal decision makers in period t +1 are, themselves, chosen by pivotal decision makers in period t. Two sources of conflict-class conflict, arising from differences in wealth, and ideological conflict, arising from differences in preferences-are examined. In each case, we characterize the unique Markov-perfect equilibrium of the associated dynamic political game, and show that public decision-making authority evolves monotonically downward in wealth and upward in ideological predisposition toward the public good. We then examine rules-of-succession when ideology and wealth exhibit correlation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper describes and evaluates the GOFER course in decision making for high school students (Mann, Harmoni and Power, 1988). The course was based on principles from the conflict theory of decision making (Janis and Mann, 1977) and was designed to provide adolescents with an understanding of factors that produce good and poor decision making as well as knowledge and practice of sound decision skills. Two evaluation studies were conducted to examine effectiveness of the course. Study 1 was conducted with young adolescents (12 year olds). It found a significant difference between students trained in the course and a control group on measures of self-esteem as a decision maker, self reported decision habits and knowledge of decision strategy. Study 2 was conducted with mid-adolescents (15 year olds). It, too, found a significant difference between students who took the course and a control group on measures of self esteem as a decision maker and self-reported decision habits. It is concluded that while the evaluation study fell short of an ideal test, the GOFER course met the criteria of improving student knowledge, raising confidence in decision making and changing self reported decision habits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Estate inheritance, a frequently mentioned but rarely examined feature of stratification systems, has been a neglected area of research in sociology. In this paper, several possible causes of the sociological neglect are discussed. The treatment of inheritance patterns in functionalist and conflict theories of stratification is analyzed, and an overview of existing research on inheritance is presented. Finally, a conflict theory of stratification that incorporates the phenomenon of inheritance is proposed, and avenues for further research are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term neijuan (in English 'involution') has captured feelings of perpetual competition and anxiety among university students in China preparing for their post‐graduation careers. In this article, we develop a neo‐Weberian reading of neijuan to construct a framework using positional conflict theory and the concept of 'possible selves'. We investigated how final‐year university students from three social class factions—rural, urban non‐elite and urban elite—envisage, plan and strategise for their future careers. We draw on in‐depth interviews (n = 100) and a post‐graduation survey (n = 97) with students at two public universities, one elite and one lower‐tier, in a metropolitan city in Guangdong province. The findings underscore marked differences in the nature and clarity of students' envisaged future selves along the lines of social advantage and disadvantage. We demonstrate how social class is deeply connected to the scale of the competition—national or global—that students perceive themselves to be implicated in. In doing so, we draw attention to social class differences in expressions of and capacities to realise what we term 'globally orientated possible selves', which involved escaping both the sense of entrapment and the prospect of failure evinced by neijuan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social science researchers tend to express left‐liberal political attitudes. The ideological skew might influence research evaluations, but empirical evidence is limited. We conducted a survey experiment where Norwegian researchers evaluated fictitious research on majority–minority relations. Within this field, social contact and conflict theories emphasize different aspects of majority–minority relations, where the former has a left‐liberal leaning in its assumptions and implications. We randomized the conclusion of the research they evaluated so that the research supported one of the two perspectives. Although the research designs are the same, those receiving the social contact conclusion evaluate the quality and relevance of the design more favorably. We do not find similar differences in evaluations of a study on a nonpoliticized topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the effects of refugee resettlement on the trust and attitudes of individuals in host populations. We exploit an exogenous resettlement shock in rural Australia and combine data from a lab‐in‐the‐field experiment with repeated cross‐sectional survey data to test the predictions of three prominent theories about inter‐group contact: contact theory, conflict theory and constrict theory. Surprisingly, our aggregate results reject all of the theories. A split‐sample analysis reveals strong gender effects: females who have experienced contact with resettled refugees are more trusting of refugees generally and also hold significantly more favourable attitudes towards refugee resettlement than males. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The construction of reservoirs for water supply alters the riverine ecology and changes water quality. It is, therefore, imperative to estimate and provide the riverine environmental flow requirement to prevent irreversible environmental damage and to maintain suitable water quality. Water releases from reservoirs constitute the means for meeting environmental flow and water quality requirements downstream from reservoirs. These requirements can be realized through the modification of the reservoir operation programmes by reallocating a percentage of the reservoir releases otherwise dedicated to quantitative objectives. This is performed in this study by considering the qualitative (i.e. pertaining to water quality) objectives alongside quantitative objectives of reservoir releases in order to achieve a general coverage for an operating programme that balances in the most rational manner the interests of riverine environmental protection and quantitative functions. The case study area is located in the river reach between the Gotvand reservoir and Shooshtar city in the Gotvand‐Karoon reservoir‐river system in Iran. The range of riverine environmental flow is calculated in the study river reach with hydrologic methods. Water quality is simulated and included reservoir operation with the QUAL‐2K simulation model. The existing quantitative and qualitative objectives for reservoir operation are determined and classified. The best reservoir releases corresponding to three scenarios are determined by the Nash theory considering all possible objectives in the reservoir‐river system. These scenarios allocate relative weights to defined objectives and releases were determined to be equal to 183.8, 141.8 and 206.8 m3/s for three scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central variables of power, conflict, cooperation and trust have traditionally been employed in a context-irrelevant fashion as general theoretical explanations for many social phenomena at the levels of organisms or persons, groups, organizations, societies and even supranational systems. This paper questions the assumed high cross-system applicability of these concepts by outlining three different prototypical power systems which seem to find frequent expression in everyday life: the unilateral power system, in which a strong source imposes influence on a weak target; the mixed power system, in which partially equivalent interactants bargain to agreement or deadlock; and the bilateral power system, in which interactants are in unit relation and formulate joint policy programs. Power, conflict, cooperation and trust are all found to require substantially different definition and treatment when considered in one as opposed to another of these prototypical systems. A context sensitive approach to conflict research is recommended, in which concepts are articulated with specific regard for the interactional system in which they will be applied. A preliminary effort is made to outline the nature of the variables in each system, allowing the treatment of existing as well as new, e.g., love and hate, topics as valid influence foci while maintaining a good consonance of theoretical expression with social experience. More generally, the dual issues of a bias toward context-irrelevant theory coupled with unrepresentative empirical forays are suggested as potentially debilitating problems for every subdiscipline concerned with social inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Angewandte Chemie is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the contributions of economist and Nobel laureate Tom Schelling to conflict theory and research. These contributions include his naming and illuminating of the mixed-motive situations, his insights about threats, promises and coercive commitments, and his ideas about prominent alternatives or solutions.

As competing strategies between China and India are being played out in the Asia-Pacific region, competition, cooperation, and containment have become the common practices between these regional powers. However, the possibility of conflict, which may not be in the interest of any regional or extra-regional powers, cannot be ignored. In this context, it needs to be observed closely as to what strategic approaches are prioritized and played out by these competing powers. If both China and India tend to keep their deterrent forces limited and stay within their legitimate continental and maritime domains without necessarily threatening or decreasing the security of other states - that is, to stay defensive rather than aggressive and escalatory - the prospect for conflict diminishes. However, if both India and China strategically pose more assertions and expand their strategic imperatives, then this could have certain strategic repercussions that might invite conflict in the region. This article addresses the competing strategies played out between China and India. It discusses the strategic aspirations, force modernization and the possibility of conflict between these two regional powers in the Asia-Pacific region. It also discusses the strategic imperatives of cooperation, containment, and competition between the regional powers, as well as how and under what hypothetical scenario the possibility of conflict between the two states might be increased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the processes of reforming sickness insurance in Norway and Sweden. Despite the many similarities between the Norwegian and Swedish welfare states, they have taken different paths when it comes to reforming their sickness insurance systems. In the period between 1990 and 2010 Sweden changed its wage replacement levels and levels of employer financing several times, while in Norway they remain basically unchanged since 1978, notwithstanding many reform initiatives by political authorities. Why have the two cases evolved so differently? We address this question by using Peter Starke's review of the retrenchment literature which outlines four major strands of theorizing the politics of welfare reform: neo-functionalism, conflict theories, institutionalist theories and discourse theory. Rather than treating these as providing competing explanations, the article suggests that elements from all perspectives bring insights to the case. The need for policy reform must always be communicated in a way that can be understood and approved in order to materialize as actual policy change. But discursive change and apparently seductive frames will not always be enough. This comparative analysis illustrates that the chance of success for new frames or discourses depends on the institutional, political and functional context into which they are inserted. Similar attempts at framing the need for reform and cutbacks have had different effects in the two countries depending on the character of the counter forces and extant frames reformers are up against. On the other hand, over time discourses and frames also shape institutions and political relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Production teams have become a dominant form of work organization as labor markets have become increasingly diverse. This transition likely affects coworker networks-possibly undermining entrenched patterns of workplace segregation. Contact theory suggests that teams can foster network diversity when workers cooperate and share values emphasizing mutual respect. Yet variants of conflict theory, including the critical teams literature, contend that the benefits of teamwork may be eroded by associated factors, including peer discipline, work intensification, and job insecurity. This study uses 2006 General Social Survey data to assess whether and how teamwork affects the racial diversity of worker acquaintance networks, contrasting worker- and manager-directed teams. We find a positive relationship between teams and diversity, but only when teams are worker directed. Despite countervailing tendencies highlighted in the literature, teams foster greater cooperation between workers, which in turn promotes cross-racial friendships. African Americans tend to receive the greatest diversity payoffs from teams. These findings suggest that teamwork can undermine segregation, though only with certain implementations and with variation across groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Counselors often engage in conflict mediation in professional practice. A model for understanding the complex and subtle nature of conflict resolution is presented. The ecosystemic complexity theory of conflict is offered to assist practitioners in navigating the fog of conflict. Theoretical assumptions are discussed with implications for clinical settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current research expanded upon previous theoretical and empirical arguments regarding the nature of intergroup helping. In doing so, we considered the role of relative in-group status, the stability of this status, and the type of help provided. In a scenario study, we observed that members of a relatively high status group more strongly supported the provision of assistance to in-group members than members of a lower status out-group when the assistance was empowering in nature and when the high in-group status was unstable. When the intergroup status differences were stable, however, support for empowerment help to members of a lower status out-group was not significantly lower than support for such help to in-group members. We discuss these data with reference to realistic intergroup conflict theory and social identity theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents discussion related to the substance and significance of the dispute over two-dimensionalism. It focuses on the philosophical significance of descriptivist, and antidescriptivist debate, and the role of descriptive information in explaining what words main, and what it is to understand them. The author discusses the philosophical significance of semantic anti-descriptivsm that some authors fail to identify.

The authors describe an interview-based research project that explored the impact of theory and research on practice and training. The study found that many training programs refer only occasionally to theory and research, instead relying primarily on the wisdom and personal experience of the trainer. The authors identify barriers to the integration of theory and research into training programs, and propose new resources and strategies for overcoming these obstacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nearly 400,000 Africans may have been killed in racially motivated, lethally destructive, state supported, and militarily unjustified attacks on the farms and villages of the Darfur region of Sudan. Using victimization survey data collected from Darfurian survivors living in refugee camps in Chad, and drawing on conflict theory, we present evidence that the Sudanese government has directly supported violent killings and rapes in a lethally destructive exercise of power and control. In the language of the Geneva Genocide Convention, these attacks have inflicted on African tribal groups “conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction in whole or in part.” The data include explicit evidence of the central mediating role played by racism in the attacks. There is little or no evidence from the surveys to support the claim of the Sudanese government that the attacks have been aimed at rebel groups as a counter-insurgency strategy. The Sudanese government claims are by this analysis not credible as self-defense arguments, but rather of the exercise of power and control through denial. Further forms of such denial are considered, including the slowness of modern American criminology to advance the study of genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to clarify and underpin the view that individualized mental health nursing is culture biased and politically instrumental, adding weight to the transcultural argument that mental health care should be more culture sensitive than is often the case within conventional UK settings. It examines the political history of individualist ideology, and then uses social conflict theory to explore the potentially counter-therapeutic relationship of individualism and individualized nursing care in the UK mental health sector. The article challenges the widespread idea that individualized mental health nursing is 'liberal', 'democratic', 'holistic' and 'scientific', and in so doing extends the transcultural agenda to large scale infracultural differences within the UK population. It also explores the potential for policy change towards a more pluralistic service, and outlines some of the practical steps which may be taken to access alternative care approaches. It is a power analysis, which may be of transferable value to nurses in mental health care inpatient units where conventional individualized approaches are failing to reintegrate service users into the community. A glossary of terms is presented at the end of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts are often explained in terms of the interests of the groups involved, especially their competition for resources or gains. There is much merit in this approach. Theories of this type appear more realistic than those which take the legitimizing accounts of participants at face value. What people are fighting about is a fundamental question in conflict analysis, but there is another equally fundamental question that remains poorly understood, namely, who is fighting whom and why? How and why do people draw the distinction between friend and foe precisely where they do? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Variations in support for affirmative action were assessed in a sample of 181 African American college students in Massachusetts. These students generally endorsed affirmative action, and endorsement varied positively as a function of the belief that one had personally benefited from affirmative action. Aspects of racial identity, indexed by the Multidimensional inventory of Black identity, also predicted variations in attitudes toward affirmative action, over and above background factors and personal benefit. Consistent with realistic group conflict theory, the most influential aspects of identity were centrality (i.e., the degree to which group identity is central to personal identity), private regard (i.e., pride in the group), and an oppressed minority ideology (i.e., a viewpoint that emphasizes the similarities between African Americans and other oppressed groups). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the ethnic conflicts and their impact on international society. A survey on states in armed conflict in 1988 reports that of a total of 1111 such conflicts in the world, 63 were internal and 36 were described by the authors as "wars of state formation," that is, conflicts involving one government and an opposition group demanding autonomy or secession for a particular ethnic or region. In fact, in recent years, the number of classic inter-state wars has been decreasing and the number of intra-state conflicts, particularly in Third World countries, increasing. Another report tells us that "state-sponsored" massacres of members of ethnic and political groups are responsible for greater loss of life than all other forms of deadly conflict combined. On average, between 1.6 and 3.9 million unarmed civilians have died at the hand of the state in each decade since the end of World War II .The study of the internationalization of ethnic conflicts and the ethnicization of international relations is just beginning. Social science and international theory have as yet made few contributions to this emerging field. The world importance of ethnic conflicts can no longer be denied or neglected. As the major ideological conflicts of the twentieth century fade into the background, conflicts of identity and values, that is, protracted ethnic conflicts will surely become more salient and more virulent.

The article focuses on the discussion about social conflict. The seventies are not the sixties, and the rosy future of conflict research is no longer apparent. There are two basic reasons. The first is that things have changed. The second is that there really has been little clear pause or perspective taking engaged in by students of conflict since some partial attempts, in the late sixties. Of course, certain journals and books have served well as continuing forums. The primary social problem addressed by conflict research's massive efforts during the 1960s was the intensive study of ways in which both interpersonal and international conflicts might be best carried out to nonviolent and mutually profitable solution. That this objective was reflected throughout the sixties is not at all surprising, given the international as well as international social issues continually impinging on our personal and professional lives that involved social conflict as their core.

This article discusses how the foci of conflict studies and their related analytical framework are relevant to contemporary public administration practice and theory building. Scholars differ in their views about the impact of conflict. One view regards conflict as having potentially destructive effects. According to this view, the most important task of conflict study is to search for reasonable means to ameliorate or remove the causes of conflict. Conflict resolution literature classifies conflict into subjective conflict and objective conflict. Subjective conflict refers to conflict that is not real but is nonetheless perceived by the parties to a conflict. Objective conflict refers to conflict that actually exists, but may or may not be recognized. Conventional public administration studies either emphasize the technical rational approach or the political approach to public administration. They fail to highlight public administrators' role as conflict resolvers-those who seek to reconcile the irreconcilable in favor of social harmony and long-term public interests. and social conflicts. The conflict resolution literature highlights the conflictual reality in a democratic society. It provides a way of analyzing and resolving problems. It adds an analytical tool to assist contemporary public administrators to muddle through their world of conflicts with sensitivity and self-awareness. It offers new possibilities for public administration theory-building. The field can greatly benefit by incorporating conflict studies into its teaching and research.