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Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on data for actual and approved Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from 1989-2011, this paper explores the major trends in FDI in Myanmar, focusing on changes over time in the source and sector of investment. It argues that over the last decade Myanmar's inward FDI has become heavily concentrated in the extractive and power sectors, while investment in manufacturing, services and other secondary and tertiary sectors has been almost non-existent. This is mostly the result of a poor investment climate, including import and export regulations, a weak judicial system, currency controls and weak property rights. The paper shows that China, Hong Kong, South Korea and Thailand have been the main investors in Myanmar, while Singapore, India and Western countries invested little in the 2000s. This divergence is driven partly by the differing investment patterns of the source countries, yet also reflects commercial and geopolitical realities, sanctions and concerns over energy security. The paper then examines whether and how FDI can lead to economic development in Myanmar, and, closes by discussing the importance of recent political and economic reforms for rebalancing Myanmar's FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the evolution of the US-China economic relations from their complex, strong, multi-dimensional co-dependency, built up along many decades, to their growing disengagement and rivalry, following the lose-lose option for a trade war. The analysis places the trade tensions against the backdrop of the international production structured into global value chains and production networks, stressing upon the inadequacy of the policies adopted by the two actors, primarily by the US, and demonstrating why the consequences of the conflict are expected to be negative. The clash of the two world economic giants, which has unrolled since the begining of 2018, but has intensified especially in its second part, has disrupted not only the two rival economies, but also their other partner countries and the world economy as a whole. As such, in its final part, the paper focusses on the expected consequences of the trade war for the economies, companies and populations of the US, China, South-East Asia and the EU, concluding that the US-China trade war will have no winners and recognising its real rationale as the scramble for the economic and technological dominance of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fifteenth century witnessed Ming China expanding its interactions with areas to the south—areas which we today refer to as Southeast Asia. This involved overland political expansion, the gradual incorporation of Tai polities, as well as their economic exploitation. The twenty-year incorporation of the Dai Viêt policy was also part of this process. In the maritime realm, following the early fifteenth-century sending of massive armadas in an attempt to achieve a pax Ming in the region, the Ming court made efforts to ban maritime commerce by non-state players. This paper examines the effects that these various Ming policies had on Southeast Asia in the political, economic, technological, and cultural spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia to China. With the exception of some government-linked companies, most investments from Southeast Asia have been dominated by the region's overseas Chinese businesses. In addition to cheap labour costs, large domestic market and growing economy, China has provided business opportunities to investors from Southeast Asia thanks to their geographic proximity and ethnic connections, at least during the initial investment period. However, the network effects seem to decline soon after. As the Chinese economy becomes more globalised and more competitive, the success of foreign investment in China will increasingly depend on business competency rather than ethnic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road initiative aims to connect Asia, Africa, Europe, and their near seas. This paper considers China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The Maritime Silk Road is a major component of the “Belt and Road” development framework announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in late 2013. The “Belt and Road” offered by China, is a platform for China’s and partner countries new engines of growth. The Silk Road (One Belt) and Maritime Silk Road (One Road) initiatives are inclusive and seek the same goal of win-win situation through joint construction, by following the same principles and connecting three continents. Beijing has promoted the beginning of a long series of dialogues and projects that have involved more than twenty Countries by now, from the Chinese coast, to Europe, following the Indian Ocean, reaching African markets, and crossing the Suez Canal. The route has been proposed as an economic instrument to help its own growth, but also to modernize ports and infrastructures of the Countries that have been taking part in it. The Initiative does not have political or military aims, as it has always been stated, but it has been pursuing a peaceful plan, addressed to Chinese wealth as much as to the worldwide growth. The programme has indeed been based on a win-win approach, which is one of the five principles of pacific coexistence, included in the UN Charter: mutual respect, equality, keeping promise, mutual benefits, and the win-win approach itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on the decision of the internal arbitral tribunal in the case brought against China by the Philippines. He cites several arbitration cases including that of Argentina and Uruguay relating to a pulp and paper mill, the Rainbow Warrior case between France and New Zealand, and the Russian Federation and China's dispute settlement. Other topics discussed include China's reasons for not honoring the tribunal's claim for jurisdiction and opposing interests in the South China Sea.

The paper frames the trade relationship between China and Malaysia within the context of ASEAN and the impending RCEP. Specifically trade potentials are derived for the bilateral partnership within the two structures to identify whether China's external options under the RCEP affect her relationship with Malaysia. Potentials for trade expansion between China and Malaysia, estimated through a three-dimensional panel gravity model, are found to be marginally lower under the RCEP structure relative to ASEAN. More importantly, trade potentials appear exhausted for major products traded under both contexts. This suggests a change (decline) in the trade posture of the China-Malaysia partnership, as relative advantages are most likely to be altered under the expanded matrix of Chinese relations with RCEP members. In coping with the larger matrix structure, both nations should innovate new forms of bilateral cooperation, beyond trade, to enhance their strategic partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of data on flows and stocks refutes the argument that China and Southeast Asia are engaged in a zero-sum competition for foreign investment. Although Southeast Asia appears to have lost out to Chinese-manufactured exports in global markets, this has been balanced by substantial increases in exports of components to China itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the economic relations between Southeast Asian countries and China. Promotion of trade and investment with China by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations; Uncertainty of security policy orientation; Acquisition of essential policy goals and foreign policy autonomy.

Presents a study which examined China's accession to the World Trade Organization and the proposed Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN)-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA). Overview of trade and investment relationships between China and ASEAN countries. Demand-side potential and opportunities of ASEAN-China FTA; Impact of the special and differential treatment provision of the Uruguay Agreement on Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam.

In the wake of successful economic reform, the Chinese economy has experienced spectacular growth. This in turn resulted in greater economic integration, with growing trade and investment flows between China and its neighbouring Asia-Pacific economies, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Overall, such an integration process will enhance the development potential of both sides, but separately, ASEAN countries will continue to perceive their bilateral economic relations with China in the context of their individual historical and economic realities. While Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand generally view the opening up of China as a "benevolent stimulus" to their own economic growth, Indonesia still holds some reservation and tends to focus on the competitive aspects of the resurgent Chinese economy. Before their relationship matures, China needs to show greater sensitivity towards its smaller southern neighbours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]