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In this polemical piece, we begin by arguing that the Schools White Paper (2022) is framed within, and seeks to promulgate, a right-wing 'regime of truth'. We interrogate the vocabulary of the Paper to reveal and challenge its 'truths' -- about the curriculum and its 'delivery'; the testing and examination regime; behaviour; and initial teacher education and the associated pedagogy. We then argue that the requirement for all schools to join 'strong' multi-academy trusts (MATs) is an intimate part of this agenda, not an optional add-on: the Department for Education employs MAT CEOs in every part of the system; MATs operate autocratically; and there is no local democratic control and no local accountability to communities, parents or children. All this reinforces and leaves unquestioned the centralised governmental control of schooling. We end with a call to fight to establish an alternative 'regime of truth' based on respect, reciprocity and democracy.

The article shows how the liberal-democratic provisions of the constitutions of the U.S. and Venezuela can lead to partisan institution and allow the emergence of authoritarianism.

Education is widely seen as a force for good, associated with hope and optimism about better individual and social futures. By contrast, and controversially, this paper argues that education and education policy in recent decades has been far from benign, as evidenced in the growing alienation of significant numbers of teachers and students and, crucially for our paper, in the growth of authoritarian models of schooling, involving 'zero-tolerance', 'no excuses' disciplinary approaches. Against this background, and drawing on Hannah Arendt and the work of contemporary moral philosophers Elizabeth Minnich and Simona Forti, this paper diagnoses the nature and effects of school discipline policies in the neoliberal era, and in particular practices such as isolation, as a contemporary form of banal, or everyday, evil.

Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) is a relatively novel approach to L2 learning. Designed under this approach, this paper proposes a set of three activities that seek to foster secondary level students' critical thinking, creativity, and intrapersonal skills. English language learning is integrated with the specific subjects of Literature, by analyzing and creating poetry, and History, discussing poems by Marcelo Gelman, Osvaldo Balbi, and Joaquín Enrique Areta, who were victims of the final Argentina's military dictatorship (1976-1983).

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, journalism in China was marked by a breakthrough in investigative journalism that resulted from a particular conjuncture: the central government's wish to control local authorities through surveillance by the media, coupled with the desire of a new generation of journalists to carry out investigations in a professional manner. Between 2003 and 2016, a group of journalists in Shanghai running the daily paper Dongfang Zaobao and then the news site Pengpai bore witness to this period. A series of interviews with these journalists enabled us to understand their strategy over the long term and identify a phase of negotiations with the authorities that led to the creation of media and a period of asymmetric game-playing to produce information. It emerged that although the journalists accumulated major successes in matters of investigation, the authorities ultimately always curtailed editorial freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the significance of passions in political education through the consideration of Chantal Mouffe's agonistic democracy. Mouffe points out the role of the passions that facilitate organizing political identities, and presents the risks of eliminating passions. The liberal interpretation of democracy intends to eliminate passions that prevent people achieving a rational consensus. On the other hand, the emphasis on rationality makes it easy for right-wing populism to mobilize people's passions. In other words, the elimination of passions creates a situation in which dialogue with other political identities is difficult: this is the contradiction of the liberal interpretation of democracy. To avoid this, Mouffe suggests channels that express collective passions as democratic designs to disarm antagonistic passions. Mouffe's democratic theory indicates the risk of a too optimistic understanding of the passions in political education which takes deliberative approaches. Also, this result suggests the necessity of reconsidering the position of passions in the political education. From the perspective of Mouffe's agonistic democracy, the role of political education should be regarded as not elimination of passions but sublimation of antagonistic passions. To achieve this sublimation, we should facilitate participation in democratic practices. However, sublimation of antagonistic passions through democratic institutions is not always successful. If antagonistic passions are expressed in destructive forms, what should we do? This paper touches only briefly on this point. Further studies are needed in order to contribute to this issue.

"The Oxford Dictionary of English" defines authoritarianism as the enforcement or advocacy of strict obedience to authority at the expense of personal freedom, as well as a lack of concern for the wishes or opinions of others. In this paper I argue that there are growing signs of a move towards more authoritarian practices and structures in English schools. This trend is particularly evident in schools that have predominantly working-class and ethnically diverse students. I examine the history of mass English schooling, arguing that the seeds of authoritarianism were evident at the inception of state schooling, before considering The "Black Papers" of the 1960s and 70s, and the part they played in the demise of progressive education and a return to authoritarian precepts. Then I explore contemporary manifestations of authoritarianism, namely the academies movement, and the no-excuses behaviour policies adopted in many academies in working-class areas. It is probably unsurprising that there is a drift to authoritarianism in English schools because the last decade has witnessed a growth in authoritarianism across the political and economic landscapes and I attempt to make links between the education field and political and economic spheres. I conclude by assessing the implications for democracy of the growing trend of authoritarianism in both education and beyond.

This paper explores how Japan employed language education to justify Japanese imperial surveillance practices by examining the depiction of policemen and military police officers in Japanese language textbooks used by Korean primary students during the colonial period under Japanese rule. The analysis of the Japanese language textbooks used during this period uncovered the colonial educational goals and ideologies presented to Korean students, the ideal colonial citizens desired by the ruling system, and colonial aims furthered. This study investigates the ideologies presented in the textbooks using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Visual Image Analysis (VIA) by analyzing eight textbooks that were used in Japan and Korea. Both images and texts relating to Japanese government officials in the textbooks for Koreans from the colonial era are analyzed. The study reveals that the textbooks positioned Korean students to accept and integrate Japanese ideologies and attempted to indoctrinate Koreans into believing that the Japanese government officials were kind and cooperative, while also maximizing their authority over the colonized in their portrayal. The portrayal of government officials in the textbooks further reinforced this by showing the colonized having to display good behavior to authority figures, while not conveying any negative images of the government officials.

This paper addresses aspects of alternative proposals taking place in the public education system, based on an anthropological, ethnographic, comparative study of alternative schools and educational projects in Catalonia. More specifically, it first explores educational change in Catalonia through time and on the present, with a special focus on the public sector, stressing its historical dimension and the process of its current depoliticization. Then, based on a specific ethnographic case and on daily dynamics of exclusion, school choice and parental involvement, attention is drawn to aspects of the privatization of educational innovation and the reproduction of inequalities. It is argued that, apart from a first-level educational segregation due to economic resources, a second level appears that divides families according to cultural criteria. In the end, the potential for social transformation such education proposals hold is highlighted, along with a few factors that would facilitate its unfolding.

This paper offers a critical analysis of the imposition of Fundamental British Values (FBVs) in schools and nurseries as part of Prevent, the UK's counter-terrorism strategy, and compares the rationale of this policy with the motivation for Theatre in Education (TIE). This paper argues that the 'values' promoted through education under Prevent bear a troubling resemblance to the pattern of fascist propaganda critiqued by Adorno. In response to the UK's counter-terrorism strategy, this paper asks if it is possible for TIE in England today to be informed by Boal's Poetics of the Oppressed, which are underpinned by Brecht's Marxist Poetics. Discussion takes place in three parts: Part I examines policy on FBVs, asking if we are experiencing a return to Idealism. Part II develops this analysis by comparing Idealist Poetics and Marxist Poetics, asking what kind of theatre for young audiences is being funded in England today, and why. Part III completes the analysis by looking at Boal's Poetics of the Oppressed, asking if his method is feasible in England today. This paper concludes that theatre that is designed to raise our critical consciousness is not always welcome, as it places demands on us to imagine a different society, when we are in fact heavily invested in the status quo.

This paper is concerned with three possible theoretical relationships, between education and social, economic and political development, that--(a) education improves society, (b) education reproduces society as it is and (c) education actually makes society worse. The paper then uses South Africa as a case study to critically analyse these different roles of education in relation to development theory. In particular, it examines three theoretical tensions in post-apartheid education policy and practice--those between human capital theory and social reproduction, between modernisation and bureaucratic disorganisation, and between democracy and peace and authoritarianism and violence. It concludes by attempting to explain these tensions and contradictions in term of factors specific to South Africa such as teacher professionalism and teacher identity and in relation to wider factors inherent in the historical origins of schooling as a form of organisation based on social control.

The question of whether economic globalization promotes or depresses governments' education spending has attracted social scientists' attention for decades. Existing literature presents an interesting contrast between two theoretical scenarios, namely race to the top and race to the bottom. This paper attempts to adapt the debate to the subnational context of China and argues that, under this decentralized authoritarian setting, economic globalization could boost the absolute levels of education funding by incentivizing human capital formation and by contributing to local government coffers but shrink its relative share in overall spending by shifting government priorities away from education to other budget items such as infrastructure that relate more closely to foreign investment. A dynamic panel data analysis of provincial-level statistics from China over an 11-year period confirms that inflow of foreign direct investment increases the absolute level but decreases the relative weight of education spending in the overall provincial budget, essentially a race to the top and to the bottom at the same time.

Introduction: Numerous researchers have shown the many benefits of academic motivation in educational processes, both at school and at home. Adequate acquisition and development of learning strategies during compulsory secondary education is key to future academic success. The aim of this paper is to explore how academic goals and parenting styles relate to learning strategies in secondary school students. Method: For this purpose, three questionnaires were administered to a sample of 358 students enrolled in 7th through 10th grades, their ages ranging from 11 to 17 years. Results: Statistically significant differences stand out in the highest level of Task goal and in the authoritative parenting style, in terms of cognitive, metacognitive and resource management strategies. This indicates the strategic-motivational superiority of a learning orientation and family styles that balance affect and control. Discussion and conclusions: The most strategic family-motivational profile corresponds to a learning goal orientation (performance orientation to a lesser degree), in combination with an authoritative parenting style (authoritarian in second place), taking into account the negative influence of ego self-protection and task avoidance. Finally, we offer conclusions needed for future studies in this line of research.