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Contrasts the author's experiences teaching mathematics in Russia and as an immigrant to the United States. The author is particularly critical of the emphasis on grades and formal records in American higher education. American education is often guilty of confusing good grades or a degree with competence. (SLD)

The purpose of this paper is to analyses the importance of billionaires in the economy of the 21st century. We assume that rich people and organizations existed since civilization exists, but billionaires are a different phenomenon and they appear within a very specific context. This paper analyses the cause of the existence of billionaires and also discusses some consequences of that existence. The methodology of the paper is basically a search of data and information online coupled with reasoning about th e topic. We conclude that, quite crucially, billionaires are a distinctive feature of the economy of the 21 st century, both by the facts which cause them and the consequences that derive from the billionaires' existence. Moreover, all those causes and cons equences thrive and are related to the knowledge economy. The study is original because even if the top 1% persons have been studied recently, no systematic analysis of causes and effects of billionaires nor the relation with the knowledge economy has been done. The conclusions of the paper matter for politicians, analysts, the billionaires themselves, and all those that live in the knowledge economy. The paper is a limited effort but it defines decisive questions for the world's future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, as it is known, the measurement of market performance of sheep companies is increasingly performed on the basis of multi-criteria analysis. With this in mind, this paper analyzes the productivity of distribution trade of selective countries of the European Union, Russia and Serbia on the basis of the OCRA method, and in this context, adequate measures for improvement in the future are proposed. Obtained results of empirical research on the productivity of distribution trade of selective countries of the European Union, Russia and Serbia using the OCRA method show that Germany is in the first place. Then they follow in order: France, Italy, Poland, Netherlands, Slovenia, Russia, Estonia, Croatia and Serbia. The productivity of distribution trade in Russia is lower compared to Germany, France and Italy. The productivity of distribution trade in Serbia is at a lower level compared to the analyzed countries of the European Union, Russia, and countries in the region (i.e. Slovenia and Croatia). This positioning of the distribution trade of the selective countries of the European Union, Russia and Serbia in terms of productivity was influenced by numerous macro and micro factors (economic climate, living standard, private label, sale of organic products, digitalization of business and others). In order to improve the productivity of the distribution trade of the respective countries in the future, it is necessary to manage human capital, investments, sales and profits as efficiently as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World War I led to changes both on a European and a global level. Romania is a significant case/example considering the fact that in 1918, after the fall of the multinational empires, it achieved the goal of national unity. In the following years, the Romanian state promoted the peace established then, in order to strengthen its territorial integrity and alliances. The institutions of the national security system worked, since the end of the military actions, to fulfil this strategic objective. Both the army and the national intelligence services were confronted with complex threats. "Great Romania" had, at the time, three neighbouring countries with an obvious revisionist foreign policy and territorial claims - Hungary, Bulgaria and Soviet Russia. By far the most dangerous enemy (both in terms of force and means) was the Soviet Union which never accepted the territorial losses of the Tsarist Empire and the loss of Bessarabia. Lenin's Russia and then Stalin's Soviet Union attempted, in the two decades that separated WW I and WW II, to destabilize the Romanian state through means and methods that echo the modern "hybrid warfare" - from propaganda performed by the communist movement aimed at changing the constitutional order, to various attempts to ignite peasant revolutions (as a pretext for the Red Army intervention), and factory strikes, to an intensive espionage activity. The paper aims to analyse on the one hand the ample subversive actions of the soviet secret services and, on the other, to look at the countermeasures that the Romanian intelligence structures adopted for their annihilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decades of investment decisions by central planners left communist societies with structures of production ill-prepared for competitive markets. Their vulnerability to liberalization, however, varied across space. Similar to the effects identified in the "China shock" literature, we hypothesize that post-market-shock outcomes will reflect pre-marketshock structures of production. Tracking voting outcomes at the district level in Russia's presidential elections, we document asymmetric reactions to the liberalization of markets in 1992. Electoral support for the pro-market incumbent declined most in areas with structural inheritances that made them most vulnerable to reforms. This finding sheds new light on an old debate about the importance of "initial conditions" (as opposed to policies) to the trajectories of post-communist societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lenin advocated "Taylorization" (i.e. scientific management), to rebuild Post-revolutionary Russia's economy. The evidence, however, indicates that Lenin's advocacy caused conflict within the communist party, and scientific management was rarely implemented successfully. Noting a rhetoric-reality gap, the paper explains the difference between Lenin's advocacy and actual practice. Lenin wished to convey the message that his regime was progressive, using the latest management techniques. Rather than following scientific management precepts, pressure was placed on Soviet workers to increase productivity without improving work methods. The paper's conclusion is that Lenin's advocacy of scientific management was a leader's rhetoric, a political expediency, and it would be misleading to connect scientific management with the practice of management in Post-revolutionary Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Heavy alcohol consumption is widespread in Russia, but studying changes in drinking during the transition from Communism has been hampered previously by the lack of frequent data. This paper uses 1-2 yearly panel data, comparing consumption trends with the rapid concurrent changes in economic variables (notably around the "Rouble crisis", shortly preceding the 1998 survey round), and mortality. Methods: Data were from 9 rounds (1994-2004) of the 38-centre Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey. Respondents aged over 18 were included (>7,000 per round). Trends were measured in alcohol frequency, quantity per occasion (by beverage type) and 2 measures of potentially hazardous consumption: (i) frequent, heavy spirit drinking (≥80 g per occasion of vodka or samogon and >weekly) (ii) consuming samogon (cheap home-distilled spirit). Trends in consumption, mean household income and national mortality rates (in the same and subsequent 2 years) were compared. Finally, in a subsample of individual male respondents present in both the 1996 and 1998 rounds (before and after the financial crash), determinants of changes in harmful consumption were studied using logistic regression. Results: Frequent, heavy spirit drinking (>80 g each time, ≥weekly) was widespread amongst men (12-17%) throughout, especially in the middle aged and less educated; with the exception of a significant, temporary drop to 10% in 1998. From 1996-2000, samogon drinking more than doubled, from 6% to 16% of males; despite a decline, levels were significantly higher in 2004 than 1996 in both sexes. Amongst women, frequent heavy spirit drinking rose non-significantly to more than 1% during the study. Heavy frequent male drinking and mortality in the same year were correlated in lower educated males, but not in women. Individual logistic regression in a male subsample showed that between 1996 and1998, those who lost their employment were more likely to cease frequent, heavy drinking; however, men who commenced drinking samogon in 1998 were more likely to be rural residents, materially poor, very heavy drinkers or pessimistic about their finances. These changes were unexplained by losses to follow-up. Conclusions: Sudden economic decline in late 1990s Russia was associated with a sharp, temporary fall in heavy drinking, and a gradual and persistent increase in home distilled spirit consumption, with the latter more common amongst disadvantaged groups. The correlation between heavy drinking and national mortality in lower educated men is interesting, but the timing of RLMS surveys late in the calendar year, and the absence of any correlation between drinking and the subsequent year's mortality, makes these data hard to interpret. Potential study limitations include difficulty in measuring multiple beverages consumed per occasion, and not specifically recording "surrogate" (non-beverage) alcohols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The paper aims to examine the reality of and conditions for economic growth for former Soviet and Soviet Block economies with special attention to Ukraine and the Russian Federation. Many of these economies' transition from "Communism" remain plagued by problems of institutional design and outcomes characterized by high levels of corruption and low levels of accountability and transparency. The purpose of this paper is to analyze aspects of these socio-economic realities in the context of contemporary economic theory and ongoing revisions to it. Design/methodology/approach - The type of economic theory used to assess issues of transition has significant implications for public policy. Conventional economic theory has traditionally focused on secure private property rights, competitive markets, inclusive of "flexible" labor markets, as the necessary if not the sufficient conditions to successfully and quickly transition from command style to market economies. Little attention is paid to the details of institutional design. The paper applies a behavioral-institutional analytical framework to analyze important aspects of failures and successes in transition economies using both economic and governance data sets. Findings - The paper finds that traditional measures of economic freedom are far from sufficient to generate economic growth. Accountability and transparency in governance structures is also required. Economic failure and success are closely connected with overall performance in socio-economic governance. Also an unnecessary emphasis on low wages, highly constrained social safety nets and labor market policy impedes successful growth and development. Practical implications - Transition economies' economic performance can be significantly enhanced through improvements in institutional design that facilitates the evolution of high-wage market economies. The market in and of itself does not suffice to generate successful transitions from command to vibrant market economies. Originality/value - This paper provides an original exposé and analysis of transition economies from a behavioral-institutionalist perspective, with important public policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper first traces the major changes in the relationship between the (Orthodox) Church and State in the different Russian polities, using Madeley's framework of historic mono-confessional blocs and multi-confessional belts. Second, it outlines the recent tendencies and characteristic features of church-state relations in today's Russia. Third, using data from sociological surveys, it analyses the current dominant popular perceptions and societal attitudes towards religion and the State, including religious freedom. Being part of the historic monoconfessional Orthodox bloc, the different Russian polities produced different models of church-state relations: from a symphony of religious and political powers, through a forced nationalization of the Orthodox Church (Russian Empire from the époque of Peter the Great until revolution of 1917), and forced secularisation (during the Soviet Union), to a return of mutual support of (Orthodox) Church and State despite a formal (constitutional) separation in Putin's Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the issue of economic voting in the context of the 1996 Presidential Election in Russia. The election was branded as a fundamental choice between capitalism and communism, et voters were also grappling with a large crisis of personal finances: about one in two workers experienced nonpayments of wages at the time of the elections. The analysis exploits a rich nationally representative household panel dataset to identify the impact of wage arrears on the second-round election outcome. Wage arrears reduced the vote for the incumbent President Yeltsin among workers from around 65% to 49%, which amounts to a drop of 4% in the Yeltsin vote in the second round. Support for Yeltsin vote declined with the amount of wage arrears at the time of the vote and with wage arrears in 1995. Wage arrears led more voters to believe the government to be noncaring and to favor income restrictions for the rich. Political attitudes of working men changed more than those of working women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Stalinist regime was supported not only by mass political terror but also by a purposeful and powerful system of propaganda that formed and imposed the ideology of communism. One of the most timely and politically effective forms of visual materialisation of this myth was the festival, which became an important means for the regime's self-affirmation. Colossal panels, flags and painted portraits decorated the façades of public buildings and enormous models of factories, aeroplanes and engines were paraded through the streets. The art of the festival was ephemeral, and only photographs and written accounts remain to give some sense of the character and scope of these mass parades and spectacles. This paper utilizes unpublished images from the photographic archive of the Moscow Artists' Union, as well as the author's own memory as an eyewitness who observed festive Moscow before the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intelligence analysis is inextricably linked to the CIA, where it was established and developed as a specific professional activity. Based on a short-lived experience, accumulated during World War II, the CIA's first analytical structure, the Office of Reports and Estimates (ORE), faced the difficulty of producing intelligence products on the new security environment of the early Cold War period, with the focus on the threat posed by the USSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russian Orthodoxy, Christian Socialism, and Russian Communism are consistent in their denunciation of Homo Economicus -- the Western ideal type celebrating individual proprieties and instrumental rationality. Russian religious and cultural rejections of Homo Economicus and Western-style contract are counterpoised by the constructions of Homo Orthodox and Russian covenant, that exalt communitarianism and transcendental value convictions. The recent market-style reforms in Russia brought the rising tide of Western influences. Focusing on new Russian bankers who are representative of the spirit of an emerging marketplace, this paper explores their self-identifications as Homo Orthodox or Homo Economicus, and their endorsements of covenant or contract. Based on the interviews with sixty-one Russian bankers, it is concluded that the perceptions of the "pioneers of a money economy" deviate from traditional Russian cultural-religious ideals questioning the endurance of these ideals in the new market situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much debate surrounding the classification of the kind of regime which developed in Russia following the collapse of communism and this has only intensified during the Putin era. This article considers whether the concept of bureaucratic-authoritarianism is really applicable in the case of Russia. Lilia Shevtsova was the first to tentatively state that Russia is a case of bureaucratic-authoritarianism. However, to provide more assured acceptance or rejection of the concept, this article returns to the paradigm’s roots. The concept of bureaucratic-authoritarianism was developed by Guillermo O’Donnell and thus the characteristics he outlined are applied to the case of Russia in the Putin era. Doing so allows for a level of precision and depth in concluding that bureaucratic-authoritarianism is a relevant paradigm. Confirmatory evidence for all seven of the characteristics enumerated by O’Donnell is found, suggesting that Russia in the Putin era can be considered a case of bureaucratic-authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For an American philosopher participating in a cultural exchange program with the Soviet Union in 1964–65, a year spent in the Philosophy Faculty of Moscow State University, studying and doing research in the history of Russian philosophy, provided many interesting insights – some of them surprising – into the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism and the nature of philosophical education in Russia in the 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the contrast between theoretical Marxism, especially its views on the state, and the actual developments in Russia and China, in which Marxist inspired revolutions created totalitarian states similar to Oriental despotism, and this became especially clear in China, where totalitarian arrangements fit well with native traditions. While Communist rule reinforced the country's totalitarian traditions, it hardly hampered the country's economy. Actually, the opposite happened: totalitarian China engaged in speedy progress and would most likely emerge as a global leader in the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the abstracts and keywords of papers published in the May 1991 issue of the periodical 'International Journal of Social Economics.' Phases of Russia's transition to communism; Significance of Mikhail Gorbachev's role as a social market economist in bringing change to the former Soviet Union.

Business ethics in Russia are changing as is the very nature of business itself. This article compares Russian and American conceptions of ethics in business using a framework of ethical and unethical practices in both countries. While Americans may consider some current Russian business practices to be questionable or even unethical, they may fail to appreciate that the reverse is true as well. The article also presents a series of recommendations for American managers doing business with Russians to assist them in interpreting their own, as well as Russian, business behavior in order to develop business practices that will be ethically acceptable to both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the concept of information culture--understood as the dominant handling of information, shared by a dominant proportion of journalists, the public, authorities and other actors within a societal environment at a given time and place--is explored in the context of Communist and early post-Communist Russia (1917-1999). Three value pairs underlying the attitude towards information are explored: individualism and collectivism (the relation of man to the state), universalism and particularism (the relation of man to man), and pluralism versus dominance (the nature of knowledge and truth). Continuities are found between the Communist Soviet Union and post-Communist Russia in their instrumental use of media and information (collectivism), the view on information as a particular privilege rather than a universal right and the monopoly of truth. Post-Communism, therefore, appears not only as an indication of time (i.e. the period after Communism) but also as an indicator of the continuation of basic value orientations over these time periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes two speeches delivered by President Ronald Reagan on June 6, 1984, within the broader context of Reagan's Cold War foreign policy rhetoric. In his remarks at Pointe du Hoc and Omaha Beach, Reagan provided a vivid narrative of D-Day and applied the moral lessons of World War II to the present Cold War struggle between U.S. democracy and Soviet communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Europaea is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on qualitative analysis of the Soviet press and official state documents, this article argues that the Communist Party was, counterintuitively, an agent of capitalist dispositions in the Soviet Union during 1970s-1980s. Understanding the spirit of capitalism not simply as an ascetic ethos but in broader terms of the cult of individualism, I demonstrate that the Soviet party-state promoted ideas and values of individuality, self-expression, and pleasure seeking in the areas of work and consumption. By broadening our conception of the spirit of capitalism, tracing the formation of capitalist dispositions as well as institutions, and showing that the culture of capitalism can come from within the old regime, I further the agenda of neoclassical sociology of studying varieties of origins, paths, and destinations of modern capitalisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the origins of the Asian Cold War and the Malayan Emergency from 1948 to 1960. The author explains that most scholars have rejected the idea that the Malayan Emergency was a result of instructions from Moscow, Russia, translated by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). The author explains that it was domestic issues which caused the violence and that the MCP was mostly unprepared. The author argues that a "two camp" international communist line played a significant role in deciding local debates concerning the revolt.

In this review, the author reflects on the heated debates around views about Russia's postcommunist transition expressed in essays collected in new Andrei Shleifer's book, A Normal Country: Russia after Communism (Harvard University Press, 2005), which were initially published at different times during transition. She focuses on the three questions that have been in the center of the debate among academics and policymakers: What should the sequencing and the speed of reforms be? Should a country have political centralization for fiscal decentralization to be efficient? Is Russia normal? The author argues that Russia's most recent history provides convincing evidence in support of the logic of political and economic transformation as it was understood by Shleifer as early as the beginning of the 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the film and the book "One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovicah," by Alexander Solzhenitsyn. Impact of the book on communist sympathisers in Russia; Reason for considering the book a masterpiece; Role played by Sir Tom Courtenay in the film version of the book.

The article focuses on the history of economic reforms in Russia. The Soviet Union officially divided into separate states in December 1991, and in January 1992, Boris Yeltsin assumed charge as the first president of the Russian Federation, One of Yeltsin's primary goals was to end the planned Communist economy--not to reform it, but to finish it. Yeltsin's reformers clearly achieved their goal of ending economic management in the style of Soviet Communism before they went up in flames. In only a few years, Russia's firms were no longer state-owned, its people could own property and firms, its government relied on taxes for collecting revenue, and its currency was traded on foreign exchange markets. The key policy choices aimed at ending the Communist policies of economic planning were well known: decontrolling prices from their administered levels; slashing the inordinately high budget deficit; privatizing the state-owned means of production; and opening the economy via foreign trade and capital account liberalization under a unified, market-determined ruble.

In 1990 the former communist trade unions in Russia adopted a programme of social partnership, the aim of which was to defend their members’ interests during transition while also maintaining social peace. But critics of social partnership within the union movement argue that it amounts to little more than an excuse for inaction. To examine whether social partnership represents a departure from the collaborationist habits of the Soviet past, I examine 33 case studies of conflict at enterprise level conducted between 1999 and 2000. This analysis reveals considerable continuity with Soviet practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the Soviet Bureau's strategy on how to secure diplomatic recognition through business and international trade. Jurisdiction over all real estates and properties held by the embassy and consulates of the former Provisional Government; Solicitation of claims regarding the material interests of Bolshevik Russia; Prosecution of civil and criminal cases on behalf of the soviet government.

Traces the history of Russia focusing on the glasnost and the collapse of communism. Role of history in current politics; Relationship between popular understandings of the past and the formal teaching of history in schools; Controversies of history-writing in the communist states; Release of the first history textbook in the Russian Federation schools in 2001.

The article discusses the post-communist civil-military relations in Russia. The power of Russian military declined towards the mid-1990s, as they failed to go against the government. But with the arrival of Vladimir Putin as the new President of Russia in August 1999, the state has become strong again. Russian armed forces played an important role in helping Putin assume full power. But the administration of Putin had been reluctant to promote civil-military relations, as such the policies of Putin proved to be detrimental to the development of a democratic state.

Economic reform in post-Soviet Russia has proceeded unevenly, resulting in broad variation between rural and urban areas. In the case study presented here, I examine how Communism's ‘economy of favors’ has been transformed into a localized quasi-capitalist economy, which predominantly operates outside the national market economy. Using data from two villages in Tunkinskij Raion of the Buriat Republic in Russia, I look at how people at a micro-sociological level have adapted to current economic conditions. In particular I examine the relationships between informal networks and the ability to intensify agricultural production on household plots, to gain access to a variety of forest resources, and to find seasonal, part-time, or one-time work outside the household and the formal labor market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the long-term development of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) and its irrelevance as a political organization. Assessment of the CPRF membership and electorate system; Symbiotic relationship between regime and opposition; Dominance of the bureaucratic elite on the political methodology.

Following the collapse of communism, religious observance increased dramatically in Russia. Many observers believed that religion would provide a basis for political mobilization, but this has not eventuated. According to nationally representative surveys conducted in 1993 and 1996, levels of church attendance in postcommunist Russia have stabilized; about three-quarters identify themselves as Orthodox and 17 percent as atheist, although only about one in ten attend church at least once a month. Frequent attenders were less likely to vote in 1993, but in the rather different circumstances of the 1995 Duma election they were more likely to vote than self-declared atheists. Frequent attenders were also more likely to engage in other forms of political participation, particularly writing to the press and contacting officials. But there were relatively weak consequences for voting, in December 1995 or in the 1996 presidential election, in the absence of major parties that deliberately mobilized a confessional vote. Several explanations are advanced to account for the weak influence of religion on politics, notably the absence of a civil society and of competition between denominations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study on the conceptual framework used by Robert David Sack in an exploration of changes in places and selves in Moscow, Russia. Concepts in which the decline of communism revived scholarly interest; Factors that undermined citizen morale; Discussion on how the people in Moscow are transforming themselves as they live through and work out new places; Prospects for the emergence of public space in areas where the practice of democracy may take place.

A new entrant has abruptly and dramatically appeared on the international business scene. Hibernating for most of this century in a long winter's sleep induced by the communist regime, the Russian bear has awakened and is now dancing to the beat of capitalism. The bear is looking for a willing Western partner, and many North Americans are eager to be asked for a dance. With the hope that they will have a smooth pas de deux and avoid stepping on each other's toes, what follows is a portrait of their potential Russian partners, including their leadership traits in three eras: traditional Russian society, the communist regime, and the developing market economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to delineate schematically the premises, nature, and potential role of the labor movement in post-perestroika Russia. The author argues that the contradictory position of labor, meaning primarily workers in major industry, together with the transitional nature of industry's social and labor relations, have created a situation of objective uncertainty that will last for some time. Over the next few years, the labor movement and trade unions may continue to be an important social force or even become a key factor in social development, on the other hand, they may come to naught and cease to influence Russia's development even organically. Given the contradictions of the situation, the trade union and labor movement are as likely to grow on the basis of support for market-democratic reforms, including the development of a democratic labor movement, as on the basis of support for the restoration of Soviet state socialism or sonic other version of an authoritarian system with a planned economy. In this sense, Russia's labor movement and trade unions represent both a hope for democracy and a principal threat to its existence.

Copyright of Population & Development Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Examines Leninism in Russia, focusing on its emergence and how it deviated from those political concepts outline by the Marxist laws of development. What Vladimir Lenin believed was the path of progress for a country; How capitalism is sought in the Marxist scenario; What formed the core of Lenin's theory on revolution in Russia; Review of the books `Leninism,' by Neil Harding and `The Unknown Lenin,' edited by Richard Pipes.

Examines the Russian Marxists thesis that Russian serfdom had become unprofitable for the serfowners before the emancipation of the serfs in 1861. Theoretical models that were used; Prices of serfs in several regions and provinces.

Presents an extensive examination of the Russian Revolution. Political scientists' failure to predict the end of Communism and the Soviet Union; Reference to two principle trends in Russian historiography; Assessment of the effects of 1991 on historians of Russian and the USSR; Evaluation of the Soviet archives.