Search

This paper explores the theoretical framework of teaching deliberative democratic leadership by examining teacher deliberative competency from theories of deliberative democracy. The research described the theoretical framework of deliberative democratic leadership as a heuristic in the practice of teaching deliberative democratic leadership. Through exploratory factor analysis, Teacher Deliberative Competency Scale (TDCS) reduced to 7-factor structure: ethic, inclusion, well-informed, publicity, deliberation, reciprocity and consensus. Results suggest that TDCS provides instructions for teaching deliberative democratic leadership.

Contemporary Taiwan is one of the leading democratic countries in Asia. The authorities in Taipei, under the leadership of President Tsai Ing-wen and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party have actively conveyed this message to the international community through their foreign policy since 2016. The objective of this paper is to examine the concept of “democracy diplomacy” in Taiwan, analyzing both scholarly discourse and observing Taiwan’s foreign policy. This strategic approach greatly bolsters Taiwan’s position among other nations that uphold democratic values, especially in the face of rivalries between major powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy has been a consistent public diplomacy tool for the Taiwanese government to establish ideological connection with and obtain international acceptance by democratic nations. But as a catchword of contemporary political discourse, what exactly does it mean? The present paper assesses the meaning and usage of the signifier "democracy" in the op-eds of the Taiwanese English-language press. To examine whether electoral period and poll results condition attention and use of the term "democracy," the selected periods of investigation (Dec 2007-June 2008; October 2015-April 2016) include two key moments in recent Taiwan history when national elections democratically resulted in a power transfer. Two ideologically divergent newspapers, the China Post and the Taipei Times, are selected as units of analysis for a corpuslinguistic study, exploring the collocational profile of the term "democracy." Additionally, a content analysis maps thematic hierarchies and constitutive components of the "democracy" to understand the notion's conceptualization. This is complemented with a discourse analysis probing into argumentation patterns and framing processes. Findings show that the assessments of the overall democratic functioning largely depend on the political context of the electoral times. But they also reveal a partisan nature of the newspapers in the way their op-eds steer voter behavior before the polling day and engage in damage control, when their preferred party loses the election, while all the same lauding the electoral democratic process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of how rising atavistic nationalism will affect democracies worldwide is an essential one of our time. In this paper, I focus instead on conducting a comparative historical analysis of atavistic nationalism in two unrecognized states: North Cyprus and Taiwan. I argue that the democratic crisis of our times is, in its essence, economic and has been precipitated by the failure of democracies to build domestic capacities to support democratic values. Furthermore, I posit that engaging populaces at the local political level will prove essential to preserving democracies around the world. I conclude by underlining that atavistic nationalism is indeed a significant threat to regional and global peace and requires further co-operation on trade and governance, and should be engaged at the local level. Lastly, I suggest that co-creating local cultures that will act to soften atavistic nationalism, which feeds off the perception of threats and fear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely recognized that Taiwanese democrat Wan-chu Lee, a so-called half-mainlander who spent a good part of his career in China, was in general in favor of democracy in his coping with the national issue. However, this paper argues that his understanding of the Chinese nation is primarily a cultural nation and he gave this cultural identity an authentic reading that is not to be transcended by his promotion of democracy. Despite that the prospect for democracy was aborted by the actual development in China, his identification with cultural China never faded away. This paper traces the evolution of his cultural identity and how he was able to stay with it throughout his career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of World War II, the Kuomintang (KMT) (Guomindang) government has erased all traces of Japanese rule from public space, deeming them "poisonous" to the people in Taiwan. This frenzy, often termed "de-Japanization" or qu Ribenhua in Chinese, included the destruction and alteration of Japanese structures. Yet, with democratization in the 1990s, the Japanese past has been revisited, and many Japanese structures have been reconstructed and preserved. This paper examines the social phenomenon of preserving Japanese heritage in present- day Taiwan. It mainly investigates religious/ spiritual architecture, such as Shinto shrines and martial arts halls (Butokuden), war monuments and Japanese statues and busts. A close investigation of these monuments finds that many of them are not restored and preserved in their original form but in a deformed/ transformed one. This finding leads the paper to conclude that the phenomenon is a postcolonial endeavour, rather than being "pro-colonial", and that the preservation of Japanese heritage contributes to the construction and consolidation of a Taiwancentric historiography in which Taiwan is imagined as multicultural and hybrid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the book "Empirical Studies in Comparative Politics. Public Choice," edited by Melvin J. Hinich and Michael C. Munger. This book consists of eleven papers. These analyze the political systems of ten countries. These papers study vo

This paper examines how Taiwan moved from being viewed as a model Asian democracy to one allegedly suffering from democratic reversal. The reasons for the declining domestic and international reputation of Taiwan's democracy are discussed. Lastly, some key political challenges facing Taiwan's democracy are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to test the theoretical predictions of the social capital investment model and examine the relationships between different forms of social capital and subjective happiness in Taiwan. Design/methodology/approach - This paper uses the data from the Survey of Social Development Trends in Taiwan 2003 for empirical investigations with ordinary least squares and ordered probit estimations. Findings - The findings are mostly consistent with the characteristics implied by the social capital investment model. Moreover, to some extent, the individual impacts of different measures of social capital - including contributions to non-profit organizations, volunteering, social and community involvement, and trust - on subjective happiness are identified. Practical implications The results from this paper provide valuable policy implications for researchers and policymakers who are concerned about the impacts of changes of social structures and political institutions on people's well-being during democratic developments. Originality/value - Studies on the relationship between social capital and subjective happiness for the new democratic Asian societies have received much less attention. Since the late 1980, Taiwan has experienced a political transition from an authoritarian to a democratic regime along with rapid economic development and further opening of society toward different individual beliefs, cultures, and global views. During this process, there have been various changes in the socio-cultural context of society that is critical for the formation of social capital. This paper is considered as one of very few studies on the linkage between social capital and subjective happiness for a new democratic society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Taiwan and Estonia are known as digital democracies facing threats from neighbors exploiting the vulnerabilities stemming from their degree of digitalization. Nevertheless, in their responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan and Estonia have highlighted the strengths of digital democracy in combating a non-traditional security threat without employing the strong-arm tactics of authoritarian states. The goal of the article is to distinguish between vulnerability in cyberspace and digital power and put forward a conception of digital power to explain how Estonia and Taiwan were using their digital prowess to combat COVID-19. We argue that on one hand, their reliance on cybertechnology makes them particularly vulnerable to cyberattacks, but on the other their digital power enhances their global stature and domestic capacity to address threats such as COVID-19. The article starts by engaging with the ongoing academic debate on the concept of digital power and its political core. In the next section we adapt this concept to the policy practices of digital governance in Estonia and Taiwan. Lastly, we look more specifically at how investments in the IT sphere and e-governance were helpful for the two countries during the initial stage of the COVID-19 crisis. In conclusion, we highlight the paradox of two democracies choosing to extend the reach of the state into society through the use of digital tools to combat COVID-19. We further note that the pandemic provides a new biopolitical understanding of vulnerability and power in the digital realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses East Asian democracies and a reported increase in income inequality in South Korea and Taiwan as of September 2012, focusing on an analysis of the cross-national differences between the inequality issue in both countries since the 1990s. The impact of income distribution on a country's economic development is addressed, along with an analysis of reported increase in wage inequality in most of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. Labor power and market inequality are also mentioned.

The political strategies used to attract Taiwanese Millennials is a puzzling topic. This article analyses the strategies the two main political parties have implemented in recent years to do so. In the literature on youth attitudes in Western democracies, politics is described as "boring," a "big turn-off," and a "killjoy." I examine to what degree these theoretical terms can help define the youth's perception of politics and I describe the youth-led demonstrations that have taken place. Using primary sources, this analysis unfolds the objectives, successes, and failures of the youth wings of two political parties founded in early 2006. The 2008 and 2012 presidential campaigns are considered in relation to the theme of youth engagement. A key event in recent years was the March-April 2014 Sunflower Student Movement. The impact of this event and youth politics leading up to the 2016 presidential and legislative elections is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent rapprochement between China and Taiwan cannot be understood if our conceptual apparatus is unable to cope with the distinctive new quality of cross-Strait relations. A critical framework provides a transnational account of cross-Strait dynamics. An analysis of the KMT-CCP Forum through the lens of the neo-Gramscian notion of hegemony sheds light on the Forum's strategies, mechanisms, practices and instruments to secure consent for cross-Strait rapprochement. While this mode of governance has broadened the KMT's strategic options, it has also compromised Taiwanese democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study on the civil-military relations in five East Asian democracies which are Indonesia, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. The authors describe civilian control as the distribution of power between elected civilian authorities and military leaders in which civilians can make decisions without influence from the military. They state that civilian control means more than the absence of a military intervention.

Chen Shui-bian achieved an international reputation for his promotion of Taiwan independence. Whilst that reputation may have been well earned, the analyses on which this conclusion is based are frequently flawed in two ways. First, by using an undifferentiated notion of independence, they tend to conflate sovereignty with less threatening expressions of Taiwanese identity and pro-democracy discourse. Second, by failing to take into account the impact of immediate strategic context, analysts ignore a fundamental element of democratic political communication. In our empirical analysis of more than 2,000 of Chen's speeches, we seek to avoid both flaws by unpacking the concept of independence and taking into account Chen's strategic relationship with his primary audiences. Our findings challenge popular portrayals of Chen, but more importantly they have strong implications for policy makers and students of political rhetoric with regard to current and future ROC presidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the authors discuss the issue of democratization as it applies to Hong Kong. It is the contention of the author that the transfer of power over Hong Kong to the Chinese state has not decreased democratic government in the region and that there has been an improvement in the transparency and accountability in Hong Kong since the 1997 hand over of power. The article attempts to explain these factors and includes a discussion of the implications for China and Taiwan and the international relations between the two countries.

This article seeks to explain the conditions that determine the divergent fates of union actors under democratic governments by examining union activism around four labor reform episodes (union rights recognition, wage increases, workweek reductions, and job protection/anti-privatization) in democratized Korea and Taiwan. This study first describes that labor reform politics in these two new democracies involved contrasting processes and produced divergent outcomes. Korean unions that have resorted to contentious mobilization have been more successful in areas where their sheer mobilizing strength matters (such as company-level bargaining of wages and other material benefits), but less successful in national policy reforms. On the contrary, Taiwanese unions have been more effective in securing labor policy concessions, while obtaining less drastic changes at the company-level gains. This article contends that these divergent outcomes for unions’ gains would not have been possible without the differences they faced in the degree of permeability within their respective formal political institutions and partisan interests that draw these unions into these labor reform politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the authors focus on how the pan-blue camp has historically experienced a stable regional position in eastern and various parts of northern Taiwan. The pan-green camp was dispersed but developed to establish a significant southern bloc between 1998 to 2000. One factor for this geographical variation can be attributed to ethnic distribution. Article topics include politics and government in Taiwan, regional differentiation of voting behavior, and the evolution of regional partisan support in Taiwan.

This article addresses the codification of formal rules and procedures of governance through Administrative Procedure Acts (APAs). The recent enactment of APAs in two new democracies, South Korea and Taiwan, highlights an apparent paradox. Because administrative reform limits the executive's power, it is clear why legislatures in separation-of-power systems would favour APAs. But it is less clear why presidents would support them. Why would a president accept a law designed to restrict her ability to act freely? The answer is that presidents have agency problems too. The more intra-branch conflict they face during their administrations, the more likely they will support administrative reform. Thus, instead of tying the hands of future administrations, presidents also use APAs to overcome current control problems. Three recently democratized East Asian countries, two with APAs (South Korea and Taiwan) and one without (Philippines), support this 'reining in' theory. Conflict within the executive branch may be an important ingredient in democratic consolidation. APAs result from political struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic transition and institutional change do not necessarily guarantee greater political inclusion, particularly when it comes to the policy influence of civil society groups. Rather, political inclusiveness requires strategic adaptation among societal actors. Actors need to seize upon opportunities endemic to political change. This article provides a comparative analysis of health care reform in democratizing Taiwan and South Korea, focusing on two social movement coalitions, the National Health Insurance Coalition in Taiwan and Korea's Health Solidarity. Both movement coalitions were critical in shaping welfare reform trajectories in Taiwan and South Korea during the late 1990s, despite having been shut out from earlier episodes of health care reform. I argue that these groups (1) strategically adjusted their mobilization strategies to fit specific political and policy contexts, (2) benefited from broad-based coalition building, and (3) effectively framed the issue of social welfare in ways that gained these movements ideational leverage, which was particularly significant given the marginal place of leftist ideas in the postwar East Asian developmental state model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the consequences of the launch of a normalization initiative with China by U.S. President Richard Nixon and National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger. President Nixon and Kissinger succeeded in redirecting U.S. foreign policy. They had also been right to continue normalization relations with China. The consequence for this is their betrayal of an ally in the form of Taiwan. The U.S. not only forfeited the right to Taiwan's people to self-determination but their ability to avoid Communist rule. They failed to see that other U.S. citizens would be determined to help Taiwan defend itself and the country's capability of having its own political reform. Such shortsightedness misled everyone. It has a big impact on U.S. integrity, diplomacy and democracy.

Taiwan's democratization has placed Taiwan independence as one of the most important issues for its domestic politics and for the security balance in the Taiwan Strait. Surveys have been conducted regularly to track shifts in Taiwanese public sentiment on this issue. This article presents a new measure of the Taiwan independence issue and shows how voters' preferences can be influenced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines democratic politics in Taiwan, in a postcolonial context. Three domains that democratic politics operate in Taiwan; Examination of Confucianism's view of governance; Analysis of how political figures understand democratic politics; Outline of four approaches to democratization in Asia.

Outlines Taiwan's transition to democracy. Differences in views on the process between the opposing parties Koumintang (KMT) and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP); Political system of the Republic of China (ROC); Constitutional reform; Role of the Legislative Yuan; Debate between independence and reunification.