Search

This paper considers China's economic development and place in the world economy. The People's Republic of China is becoming the most powerful country in the world in terms of GDP. Nowadays, China is an important partner in world trade both as an exporter and importer. Thus far, the United States has been the leading force in managing and coordinating the global economic and especially financial system, but now the economically advancing socialist China is a challenge to the USA. The Chinese model, socialism with Chinese characteristics, is discussed and compared with earlier stages of socialist construction, e.g. the NEP experiment of Soviet Union. The paper ends with notes about environmental and ecological problems, stressing the importance of socialist answers to these challenges. In this regard there are encouraging aspects in the current political program of the Chinese leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses how the rise of China will change the international system and how it will alter decisions and actions taken by the United States. As such, it will also analyse the operational implications for Europe resulting from the United States military capabilities' relocation to Asia-Pacific. This is an important topic as the European Union enters the era of new international order and faces new challenges for its security cooperation. By defining a security strategy the EU has acknowledged the importance of European cooperation as well as cooperation with the United States. Nevertheless it still examines the ways to cooperation. This paper utilises Realism -- in particular, the Power Transition Theory -- to account for China's rise and America's response to it. It combines theory with historic and contemporary actions, draws conclusions and makes recommendations. The study finds that with the United States' rebalancing of its military efforts to the Asia-Pacific, which could be compounded should the US become distracted by a crisis in East-Asia, Europeans may face a number of capability-driven operational implications as well as operational implications resulting from political differences, should they seek to undertake their own military operations. This work also analyses existing and evolving forms of security cooperation within Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beginning of this century is characterized by deepening globalization and one of the main features of this process is global foreign direct investment flows. The relevance of foreign direct investment as a source of economic growth is inevitable and it has sound theoretical foundation. Despite this fact, many forces shaping the global economy receive a significant amount of attention, but foreign direct investment is often overlooked. Technological progress, trade and foreign direct investment are interrelated. Namely, foreign direct investment has greatly accelerated the spread of innovation and technology, while the technological advances especially in the era of Industry 4.0 have been driving the dynamics of foreign direct investment. Due to expected positive impacts, many countries are continuing policy efforts aimed at attracting foreign direct investment. However, foreign direct investment is experiencing new trends. Over the last few decades the global map of inward and outward foreign direct investment has changed significantly. There are new players with increasing roles in the global foreign direct investment area which are reshaping the world economy. Global foreign direct investment is undergoing a shift as emerging markets countries both inflows and outflows rise dramatically. For example, China's outbound foreign direct investment has been growing dramatically in recent years, and impacted significant shifts in the global economy. Motives for foreign direct investment, as well as the type are changing due to globalization and new trends, especially high liberalization of trade. The proliferation of global value chains also influenced foreign direct investment trends. One of the examples is necessity of rethinking the framework on motives of foreign direct investment when analyzing emerging market multinational enterprises and their interdependent relationships within global value chains. The contribution of the paper is three-fold. Firstly, the paper gives an overview of key global and regional foreign direct investment trends. Secondly, key factors, as well as potential impacts of these changes are explored. Thirdly, paper offers recommendations for new investment policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 2001, China finally acceded to the World Trade Organization, in a deal described by then WTO Director- General Mike Moore as a "defining moment in the history of the multilateral trading system." In recent years, however, China has been accused of defiling the letter and spirit of WTO rules with its unique economic model. Believing that existing WTO rules are inadequate in dealing with the China challenge, key WTO Members have launched a new round of WTO reform, which is the subject of this article. Contrary to popular belief, most of the problems concerning China are not new but reflect long-standing issues in China's economic system which predate the WTO accession. Thus, the article starts by tracing China's long and storied history with the GATT and WTO, highlighting the key commitments designed to alleviate the perceived problems with China's unique economic system. The next part discusses China's limited role in the ill-fated Doha Round, the first and only negotiating round ever officially launched by the WTO. This is followed by a comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the main issues in the current discussions on WTO reform, a process that started at the last WTO Ministerial Conference held in December 2017. In particular, the paper examines in detail the efforts by some major players to turn it into a so-called "China Round," and China's reactions. The paper concludes with a review of the failed attempt of the United States to address some of these issues through the trade war, and suggests that multilateral negotiation is the best way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both the EU and China face a number of challenges. The EU has reached the pinnacle of international identity and is going through a rather difficult process of rethinking it. Regarding China, this actor goes through a phase of rethinking its economic growth model, namely the transition from an economy based, in greater extent on exports and investment to an economic growth based on stimulating domestic consumption. In this context, in order to meet the challenges of the third millennium and beyond, the two actors need to strengthen their cooperative relations as they are vital in solving the challenges of this millennium. This paper aims to provide an overview of EU-China economic relations and to analyse the impact of these relations on the EU economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and the United States are both major countries in the world in the production of and trade in wind energy products, and they are also important trading partners. Therefore, it is of great practical significance to analyze and evaluate the Sino-US bilateral wind power complementarity for re-examining their respective comparative advantages and re-understanding the benefits that trade liberalization brings to both countries, in an attempt to strengthen the trade relations between China and the United States and enhance trade complementarities in wind energy products under the global circumstances of fierce competition. In this paper, based on the trade data from the UN Comtrade database in 2007-2016, a quantitative analysis was conducted on the complementarity of Sino-US wind energy products, by adopting the quantitative research methods of trade combination degree index (TCD), export similarity index (SI) and trade complementarity index (TCI). The results shows that: i) the total trade volume of wind energy products between China and the United States has increased rapidly, and the trade surplus between China and the United States has been expanding year by year; ii) the overall trade balance of wind energy products trade between the two countries is generally stable, and the dependence of China's wind energy products on the United States is much higher than that of the U.S wind energy products on China; iii) the Sino-US wind energy products between China and the United States are highly competitive in the international market; iv) Sino-US wind energy products have different degrees of complementarity in bilateral trade. Finally, this paper proposed policy implications based on the findings of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data has become one of the most valuable assets for governments and firms. Yet, we still have a limited understanding of how data reshapes international economic relations. This paper explores various aspects of data politics through the lens of China's digital rise and the country's global engagement. I start with the theoretical premise that data differs from traditional strategic assets (e.g., land, oil, and labor), in that it is nonrival and partially excludable. These characteristics have generated externality, commitment, and valuation problems, triggering three fundamental changes in China's external economic relations. First, data's externality problem makes it necessary for states to regulate data or even to pursue data sovereignty. However, clashes over data sovereignty can ignite conflicts between China and other countries. Second, the commitment problem in data use raises global concerns about foreign government surveillance. As data is easier to transfer across borders than physical commodities, Chinese tech companies' investments abroad are vulnerable to national security investigations by foreign regulators. Chinese tech companies, therefore, confront a "deep versus broad" dilemma: deep ties with the Chinese government help promote their domestic business but jeopardize their international expansion. Lastly, data's valuation problem makes traditional measures (e.g., GDP) ill-suited to measure the relative strengths of the world's economies, which may distort perceptions of China and other states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over two decades from 1949 until the resumption of the diplomatic relations between these two countries in 1972, West German companies never gave up on the Chinese market despite substantial difficulties caused by Cold War frictions. This paper exams the payment transactions and terms of credits for financing industrial projects between the PRC and West German companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of the paper is economic cooperation between the People's Republic of China and South Sudan during the first decade of independence of the African state. The introduction discusses the methodological assumptions of the paper. The first section is devoted to discussing cooperation between countries in the in the oil sector. This is the main area of economic cooperation between states and the oil is the dominant commodity for trade. Its extraction and import by China are systematically hindered due to internal and external conflicts of South Sudan. The second section discusses other aspects of economic cooperation between states. The principles on which economic cooperation is based on are presented. The main areas of interest of Chinese enterprises in South Sudan were outlined. The most important economic agreements concluded between countries were indicated. Development and humanitarian aid provided by China to South Sudan were discussed. The possibilities and requirements necessary to deepen economic cooperation between countries were analyzed. The purpose of the paper is to discuss, analyze and asses cooperation of the People's Republic of China with independent South Sudan. The main research problem is contained in the question of how economic relations between countries are shaped and what conditions have the greatest impact on them. The main research hypothesis is that economic relations between China and South Sudan are characterized by clear asymmetry and focus on the oil sector. They are above all conditioned by a large difference in the economic potential of states and their roles in the global economic system. The possibility of strengthening and developing economic cooperation mostly depends on the stability of South Sudan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the development of China's economic ties with Southeast Asia over the last two decades, culminating in the inauguration of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) in 2010. Particular reference is made to China's trade ties with Indonesia. Although two-way trade between China and Indonesia has grown rapidly since 2000, Indonesian exports to China are dominated by primary products, while imports from China are dominated by manufactures. While this pattern might reflect short-term comparative advantage in both economies, it is causing some concern in Indonesia. The paper assesses these concerns, and possible political reactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates employment effects of falling exports from China to the EU and US during the great trade collapse of 2008-9. The paper uses fixed multiplier analysis to address employment effects resulting from input-output production linkages between trade and employment as well as from associated changes in household income and expenditures. Main findings are that substantial negative employment effects resulted in China from these linkages; that a large share of these employment effects were income-induced; and that industries in which women workers were disproportionately represented were harder hit through these linkages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his paper "Dayak Lundayeh: A Report from the Border" Luqman H. Zainuri explores the vulnerabilities and potential of national disintegration coming from indigenous communities in Indonesia. In particular, the paper focuses on one of the communities which has been largely ignored, the Dayak people, who have played an important role in the border between Indonesia and Malaysia in Borneo Island. The Dayak indigenous people which inhabit this highland plateau are known as the Lun Bawang, on the Malaysian side, and the Lun Dayeh (or Lundayeh) in the Indonesian side. Both groups are linguistically and culturally the same. This paper provides information on the general condition of their lives, and on how they position themselves towards Indonesia, emphasizing the particularities of the Dayak Lun Dayeh among other Dayak ethnic groups who live in West and Central Kalimantan. Although separated by a national border, the Lun Bawang of the Kelalan Valley and the Lun Dayeh of the Bawan Valley have similar cultural patterns and kingship ties. The paper recognizes Indonesia as a multiethnic, multilingual and multicultural territory, much like Asia in general, and argues for socio-political integration and peace. The paper is part of report based on an exploratory research conducted in Krayan (also known as Kerayan) sub district, Nunukan North Kalimantan in September 2012, under the Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) program, aimed to promote an understanding of the socio-cultural life of the Dayak tribes and of the degree of autonomy of border communities between Indonesia and Malaysia. The paper also stresses the importance of preserving traditional cultures and their integration by means of education and the development of cultural and creative industries in marginalized ethnic areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how China's bilateral trade with the U.S. responds to exchange rate changes of the real Chinese yuan against the U.S. dollar using annual data covering the period 1985 to 2014. The short‐run dynamics of the China‐U.S. trade balance vs. the yuan's depreciation is examined through the S‐curve and J‐curve effects, and the long‐run relationship is established using the autoregressive distributed lag model. The paper found evidence of the S‐curve but not of the J‐curve in the short‐run although the J‐curve effect is found to be present in the long‐run. China's bilateral ratio of exports to imports with the U.S. is found to have an inelastic response to the yuan's exchange rate change against the U.S. dollar in the short‐run, but in the long‐run, it has the expected elastic response. Compared with the influence of the Yuan‐U.S. dollar exchange rate change and China's real income, U.S. real GDP has the largest impact on China‐U.S. bilateral trade relations in the long‐run. Additionally, the structural break in the data series in 2008 from the Great Recession had a small but significant short‐term effect on the bilateral trade between the two nations. Following an exchange rate shock, the deviation of China's trade ratio from its long‐run level takes less than 2 years to converge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the debate over whether China's emergence as an economic superpower has been a complement or threat to ASEAN by examining data in the eleven years following China's accession to the WTO. Employing a qualitative approach, it seeks to understand whether China's growing dominance has hindered ASEAN GDP growth, exports and attractiveness as a destination for FDI. The evidence suggests that China's rise has caused a shift in global trade patterns, with China dominating Western markets at the expense of ASEAN countries. Despite this, China's dominance does not appear to have had a significant negative effect on growth rates for ASEAN GDP, exports, or FDI stocks. Given this, the paper concludes that while China is crowding ASEAN out of Western markets, increased Chinese demand for ASEAN imports has more than offset this effect. The result is that ASEAN exports and GDP have grown despite shifting trade patterns in the short run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's growing presence in Africa is not news: the expansion of bilateral trade and investment ties has garnered intense media and political focus over the past decade. However, less is known about the people accompanying these increasingly intensive flows of goods and capital. This paper focuses on Zambia, drawing on multiple primary datasets to shed light on both the scale and nature of Chinese migration to the continent. Two years of Department of Immigration employment-permit data serve as the basis for the first quantitative analysis of the "Chinese" in "Africa," illuminating the increasing diversity of this population flow. While the growing Chinese presence in Africa is often viewed as a coherent neocolonialist strategy planned and implemented by the Chinese state, this paper demonstrates that it is in fact typified by a multitude of both public and private actors with independent motives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses the economic boom and exchange rate regime of China that foster significant development in the world economy suffering under global imbalance.

Despite the fact that EU-China cooperation relations have enjoyed undeniable success, issues that affect the harmonious development of these relationships have not been delayed. One of the issues affecting EU-China trade relations is the EU's trade deficit. In this context, we want to examine the influence of the Chinese currency depreciation on trade relations with the EU. In this regard, we aim to see if there is a possible link between the EU trade deficit in relation with China and the renminbi depreciation, and for this we applied the correlation method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present paper has three main objectives. The first one is to emphasize the rationale for creating the 16+1 platform. The second goal is to underline the evolution of the common targets of the participants, through the lens of the five summits that took place during 2012-2016. The third objective is to highlight the heterogeneity of the CEE-16 and China's need to set specific targets, according to the characteristics and opportunities offered by each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has China embraced global poverty reduction? To what extent has it done so? China faces three paradoxes in trying to alleviate poverty: first, the country is on the whole getting richer, becoming one of the largest economies in the world, yet huge pockets of extreme poverty exist in the country. Second, it wants to be taken seriously as a responsible member of the international community. It would therefore like to be treated as a normal aid giver helping the poor in the developing world. Yet its own people are crying out loud for better social services at home. Third, while it wants to be respected by others in the world, it has been accused by other countries of ignoring, if not abusing, human rights in the Third World in its relentless search for natural resources, trade and investments. This paper aims to unravel these paradoxes by examining China's foreign aid and its adherence or otherwise to the UN Millennium Development Goals. In so doing, the paper assesses China's unilateral approach as well as its multilateral approach to poverty alleviation. It argues that China's overall approach has become more multilateral in nature but the change has been slow and incremental. Its influence in global poverty reduction, though increasing, is still limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine Chinese-US trade flows over the 1994-2012 period, and find that, in line with the conventional wisdom, the value of China's exports to the US responds negatively to real renminbi (RMB) appreciation, while import responds positively. Further, the combined empirical price effects on exports and imports imply an increase in the real value of the RMB will reduce China's trade balance. The use of alternative exchange rate measures and data on different trade classifications yields additional insights. Firms more subject to market forces exhibit greater price sensitivity. The price elasticity is larger for ordinary exports than for processing exports. Finally, accounting for endogeneity and measurement error matters. Hence, the purging the real exchange rate of the portion responding to policy, or using the deviation of the real exchange rate from the equilibrium level yields a stronger measured effect than when using the unadjusted bilateral exchange rate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays, globalization has already changed the whole world than anyone could imagine. China adopts an open mind to the change for globalization, and spares no effort to participate in international economic cooperation, which means more opportunities for Chinese students to study and work abroad. Therefore, it is not necessary but a must to cultivate college students' intercultural communication competence. This paper is to conduct a survey in Sichuan University of Arts and Science, involving 180 non-English Major freshmen. By the combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, this paper is to discuss the problems existing in the process of cultivating college students' intercultural communication competence, such as: insufficient output of students' language competence, and inadequate input of culture knowledge, and probe into the reasons for those problems. Meanwhile, this paper also put forward some solutions about how to cultivate college students' intercultural communication competency with the perspective of output--driven, Input--enabled Hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his paper "Differences and Integration of Consumer Cultures between China and Western Countries and their Impact on the Recovery of Ethnic and Rural Areas" Shi Yan introduces the overall situation and characteristics of Chinese and western consumer culture under the background of Asian and global electronic commerce and socio-cultural integration. The paper analyzes conflicts and differences from the perspective of consumption habits and patterns, and studies the characteristics, existing problems and attitudes towards the integration of China and western consumer culture. The final part of the paper addresses the problems of the consumer cultural integration of ethnic and rural areas in China by means of the development of structures of cultural industries that might include new consumption patterns, helping in the development of these areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the impact of Chinese authorities' 2005 decision to abandon the fixed exchange rate regime on China's international trade. After such reform, exchange rate volatility tend to arise and that can affect a country's international trade. As the Chinese economy is highly reliant on international trade, the consequences of exchange rate reform may be serious. Our findings reveal that the influence of exchange rate changes is negative only on China's imports. There is no such influence for its exports. Therefore, the exchange rate fluctuations after the 2005 reform are encouraging for China's trade balance. On the other hand, there is no significant effect on exchange rate volatility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the manifestations and achievements of Modi government's "Issue-by-Issue" diplomacy with China since 2016. It discusses the causes and development of India's attitude towards China and analyses India's thinking behind its diplomacy with China. In this paper, an attempt has been made to find out the thinking's influence on India's attitude towards its participation in the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI). Based on these discussions and analyses, the study concludes that India is suspicious of the BRI. Moreover, whether China can dispel India's suspicion actually does not depend on China's policy orientation towards India and its effects, rather it depends on the specific dividends that the BRI can achieve in other countries in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socioloski Pregled is the property of Srpsko Sociolosko Drustvo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on the trade data and three international competitiveness evaluation indexes, namely, international market share, trade competitive index and revealed comparative advantage index, this paper analyzes the international competitiveness of Chinese publishing industry from horizontal and vertical dimensions. The results show that, the international competitiveness of Chinese publishing industry is enhanced year by year. However, compared with the USA, the UK, Germany and other developed countries, it is still significantly weaker, and the gap between each other has the potential to expand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the impact of domestic and foreign shocks on the real and financial sector of BRIC countries. For this purpose, we use a structural vector autoregressive (SVAR) model over the extended period of 1997 to 2016. We conclude that domestic policy shocks have a more substantial impact on Brazilian, Indian, and Russian economy than foreign shocks, while foreign shocks have more contribution in the case of China. Interestingly, results show the negative impact of policy shocks on bank credit provided, implying its role in multiplying the impact of shocks on real variables. Surprisingly EPU of USA has a positive impact on stock markets of India and China, implying capital flight phenomenon, where investor transfer investment from risky to safer places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the United States has increasingly tried to change other governments' economic policies by threatening to punish those countries if they do not change course. To better understand the political consequences of these tactics, this paper examines how external threats influence public support for policy change in targeted states. We consider three mechanisms through which economic coercion might alter public opinion: by changing individuals' interests, by activating their national identities, and by providing them with new information about a policy's distributive effects. To test these rival explanations, we focus on the case of China–US currency relations. Using data from a survey experiment of Chinese internet users, we find strong support for the informational updating theory. Our evidence suggests that economic coercion can reduce support for policy change because it leads individuals to update their beliefs about who wins and loses from economic policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Distinct from the literature, this paper uses China's official definition of 'core interests' as a benchmark to examine three aspects of China's diplomacy in the Pacific: main interests, means to safeguard interests, and the implications for regional powers. It argues that the 'One China' policy outweighs the other aspects of China's core interests in the region. China has pursued its interests in the Pacific by three main means: visit diplomacy, economic leverage and its policy of non-interference. Though China has built stronger trade relations with the Pacific region, it still lags behind regional powers in many other aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The German economy exhibits rising service and declining manufacturing employment, but this decline is much sharper in import-competing than export-oriented branches. We first document the individual-level job transitions behind those trends. They are not driven by manufacturing workers who smoothly switch to services. The observed shifts are entirely due to young entrants and returnees from non-employment. We then investigate if rising trade with China and Eastern Europe causally affected those labor flows. Exploiting variation across industries and regions, we find that globalization did not speed up the manufacturing decline in Germany. It even retained those jobs in the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the evolution of the trilateral trade relationship between Mexico, the United States and China, and its main characteristics, from 1993 to 2020, through the application of vector autoregressive (VAR) models at different points in time. More specifically, trade links between these economies have been transformed from a first phase of little significance to a second phase with profound interrelationships since 2001, and finally to a current consolidation stage, despite the current increasingly complex environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies have proposed a large set of powerful anomaly-based factors in the stock market. This study examines the role of investor inattention in the corresponding anomalies underlying these factors and other underreaction-related anomalies. Using media coverage as a proxy for investor attention, we show that the anomalies underlying many recently proposed prominent factors are much more pronounced among firms with low media coverage in portfolio-formation periods. In addition, we find many other prominent anomalies that previous literature has attributed to underreaction also tend to perform much better among firms with low media coverage. The average Fama-French five-factor alpha spread of these anomalies is about 0.97% per month among firms with low news coverage and only 0.24% per month among firms with high news coverage. Moreover, most of the alpha spread comes from the short leg of the anomalies and from the firms that are more difficult to arbitrage. Overall, our evidence indicates that investor inattention at least partially drives many of the recently proposed factors. This paper was accepted by Haoxiang Zhu, finance. Funding: L. Tao received financial support from the National Natural Science Foundation of China [Grant 72171050], the Ministry of Education Project of Humanities and Social Sciences [Grant No. 17YJCZH161], and the University of International Business and Economics Fund for Distinguished Young Scholars [Grant No. 18JQ07]. J. Yu acknowledges financial support from the National Natural Science Foundation of China [Grant No. 71790591]. Supplemental Material: The online appendix and data are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2022.4332. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-strait relations, which are always fraught with tension, with the potential for escalation into open conflict, were eased after President Ma Ying-jeou was inaugurated. Significantly, President Ma recognized the 1992 Consensus, which served to integrate Taiwan and Mainland China in relation to economic interests and trade. The signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) allowed cross-strait relations to proceed to the next stage. Consequently, Mainland China proposed political consultations and the signing of a peace agreement. This paper argues that the greatest obstacle to military cooperation and mutual political trust between Taiwan and Mainland China involves the issue of sovereignty. This paper suggests that easing relations and cooperating on a political level is more difficult when Mainland China and Taiwan employ realist thinking. However, cooperating and reconciling politically in cross-strait relations would be possible if both sides would employ constructivist thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on data for actual and approved Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from 1989-2011, this paper explores the major trends in FDI in Myanmar, focusing on changes over time in the source and sector of investment. It argues that over the last decade Myanmar's inward FDI has become heavily concentrated in the extractive and power sectors, while investment in manufacturing, services and other secondary and tertiary sectors has been almost non-existent. This is mostly the result of a poor investment climate, including import and export regulations, a weak judicial system, currency controls and weak property rights. The paper shows that China, Hong Kong, South Korea and Thailand have been the main investors in Myanmar, while Singapore, India and Western countries invested little in the 2000s. This divergence is driven partly by the differing investment patterns of the source countries, yet also reflects commercial and geopolitical realities, sanctions and concerns over energy security. The paper then examines whether and how FDI can lead to economic development in Myanmar, and, closes by discussing the importance of recent political and economic reforms for rebalancing Myanmar's FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the current socio-economic situation in China, analyzes the process of economic development of the country in the context of historical and political processes of the past, including those that took place in the country during the second half of XX century and the first decades of the current century. The reasons for the success of economic reforms in China, which led to the social modernization of the country and turned it into a powerful economic state, are revealed in the article. Since China’s accession to the WTO in 2001, the leadership of China, realizing the benefits of free trade and openness policy, is actively offering the world new ideas and projects that should contribute to the harmonization of international economic relations and sustainable global development, strengthening China’s positions in the world. The idea of “One Belt, One Road”, proposed by the President of People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping in 2010, was positively received by the world community. Developing this concept, in 2013 the Chinese leader proposed the new projects to implement the idea of “One Belt, One Road”. In particular, these were two large-scale projects: the “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “XXI century Maritime Silk Road”. The projects are aimed at building the new trans-Eurasian economic corridors and new sea routes, which should expand China’s ability to interact with other countries and strengthen its presence around the world. Considerable attention in the article has also been paid to the analysis of the results and prospects of Ukrainian-Chinese cooperation over the past 25 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations, which have been transformed into a strategic partnership. The paper presents the importance and role of the active involvement of Ukraine in such a global project as the concept of “One Belt, One Road”, which would allow the realization of the geopolitical, scientific, technical, intellectual and economic potential of Ukraine on a fuller scale. The deepening of cooperation between Ukraine and China would lead two sides on the path of sustainable, long-term development and would contribute to the prosperity of the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assessing China's exchange rate regime The IMF Articles of Agreement forbid a country from manipulating its currency for unfair advantage. The US Treasury has been legally required since 1988 to report to Congress biannually regarding whether individual trading partners are guilty of manipulation. One part of this paper tests econometrically two competing sets of hypothesized determinants of the Treasury decisions: (1) legitimate economic variables consistent with the IMF definition of manipulation – the partners’ overall current account/GDP, its reserve changes and the real overvaluation of its currency, and (2) variables suggestive of domestic American political expediency – the bilateral trade balance, US unemployment and an election year dummy. The econometric results suggest that the Treasury verdicts are driven heavily by the US bilateral deficit, though other variables also turn out to be quite important. In 2005 China announced a switch to a new exchange rate regime. The exchange rate would be set with reference to a basket of other currencies, with numerical weights unannounced, allowing a movement of up to ± 0.3% within any given day. Although this step was originally accepted at face value in public policy circles, scepticism is in order. The second econometric part of the paper evaluates what exchange rate regime China has actually been following. We use the technique introduced by Frankel and Wei (1994 ): one regresses changes in the value of the local currency, in this case the RMB, against changes in the values of the dollar, euro, yen and other currencies that may be in the basket. We find that within 2005, the de facto regime remained a peg to a basket that put virtually all weight on the dollar. Subsequently there has been a modest but steady increase in flexibility with some weight shifted to a few non-dollar currencies – but not those one might expect. In any case, the weight on the dollar was still fairly heavy in 2006. The paper tests whether the decline in the implicit weight on the dollar is related to the pressure from US officials. It also considers whether the increase in flexibility that we have seen, small though it is, has been gradually accelerating, at a rate that would suggest the likelihood of some genuine flexibility in the not-so-distant future. — Jeffrey A. Frankel and Shang-Jin Wei [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - This paper examines the challenges facing China's employment relations after its WTO accession and consequently, the implications for further reform. Design/methodology/approach - Theoretical questions are considered in relation to the debate on globalization vs the nation-state over political, economic and social issues. By examining the challenges from both internal and external sources, the paper investigates the impact on the employment relations system at both macro- and micro-levels. Findings - The major finding of this paper is that the current system of employment relations system in China is in the process of transformation towards a "hybrid" model combining authoritarianism and neo-corporatism. Originality/value - This paper provides the most recent analysis on the impact of WTO accession on the changing pattern of employment relations in China. It helps people who are interested in transitional economy in general and in China in particular to have a better understanding about the transformation of employment relations system under the influence of different forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four decades have passed since the European Union and People's Republic of China have established bilateral trade relationships. The EU-China relations context has changed dramatically in recent years. China's interest in Europe is expanding to new areas, both geographically (Central and Eastern Europe and Southern Europe) and in terms of content (e.g. the increase of Chinese investment in Europe). This paper aims to analyze trade flows between China and the EU member states in Central and Eastern Europe in the framework of the EU-China trade partnership and how these countries can be considered a strategic partner in EU-China trade relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the evolution of the US-China economic relations from their complex, strong, multi-dimensional co-dependency, built up along many decades, to their growing disengagement and rivalry, following the lose-lose option for a trade war. The analysis places the trade tensions against the backdrop of the international production structured into global value chains and production networks, stressing upon the inadequacy of the policies adopted by the two actors, primarily by the US, and demonstrating why the consequences of the conflict are expected to be negative. The clash of the two world economic giants, which has unrolled since the begining of 2018, but has intensified especially in its second part, has disrupted not only the two rival economies, but also their other partner countries and the world economy as a whole. As such, in its final part, the paper focusses on the expected consequences of the trade war for the economies, companies and populations of the US, China, South-East Asia and the EU, concluding that the US-China trade war will have no winners and recognising its real rationale as the scramble for the economic and technological dominance of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, the debate about Sino-Russian relations is on the rise and draws the attention of many international analysts and policy makers. With bilateral cooperation increasing in recent years, an evident rapprochement is now occurring. This article aims at emphasising the common economic and geopolitical interests behind this new-era relationship, taking into account the recent economic and security pressures coming from the U.S. that created a common ground for the two countries, as well as the historical key-role played by trade and investment and by the energy link. Furthermore, the paper will argue the implications that this strategic economic and political partnership has on the transition in the balance of power in a unipolar world (currently led by U.S.) towards a more complex alignment. Having large natural resources, huge territory and a numerous population, both countries remain geopolitical forces in today's world. After the sanctions, Russia is currently building a strong economic partnership with China (through the Far East Initiative). It is our opinion that this new global power dynamics that sees China and Russia increasingly supporting each other on the world stage could moderate U.S. global influence leading to a new international equilibrium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The greatest dynamical change on a planetary scale has been brought about by China's „New Silk Road" or BRI-initiative. It has already succeeded to create a phase shift in international relations for peace and progress through „win-win" cooperation, instead of geopolitics and conflict and has established new metrics of economic progress. By applying long-term investments into the physical economy, assisted by new credit institutions (along with the BRICS), BRI has changed fundamentally the productivity platform of whole regions of the world, which were heavily underdeveloped, rather than focusing on short-term monetarist profit. The BRI-initiative has become the largest cross-country infrastructure and industrialization program, that has ever existed on the planet. It is quickly moving towards becoming a World Landbridge, interconnecting all continents and peoples, offering „win-win" cooperation for human development. China's BRI-policy offers China's own experience of lifting 700 million people out of poverty to other nations and contributes greatly to realizing globally the most fundamental human right to development, as defined by the UN Charter. At the center, China has taken the lead in science, technology and fundamental research to resolve scientific and technological problems which are holding back global economic and industrial development. Like the Old Silk Road, which promoted civilizational progress by the exchange of knowledge, technologies and cultures, the New Silk Road dynamic enables the development of the creative potential of mankind as the real source of wealth. It is of crucial importance for all European nations, to join this process and reinvigorate its own spirit of innovation, progress and creativity, which made Europe great before. The paper will show how this approach provides the basis for durable peace, including a fruitful dialogue of civilizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues the positions of the global trade partners and war trade enemies, the United States and China and how their actions are changing the worldwide trade relations. China is becoming a great power and its expanding economy imposes a threat to the Western monopolized international system. US imposes tariffs on import products but this doesn't mean trade decreases, it only shifts the markets. Partnerships are being built, new trade relations are getting shaped. The paper contributes to understanding the aspects of the trade war. As the conflicts continue, both these economic powers will bring uncertainty in the global trade market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The landscape of post-colonial development is marked by deepening dependency of the developing states on the core states consisted mainly of western developed countries. The continuous widening of the north-south divide is not surprising given that the discourse on international relations has been dominated by western ideologies of realism, liberalism and constructivism, resulting in an insufficient attempt to examine international relations from a non-Westphalian perspective. Through the implementation of the Washington Consensus, developing countries are being forced to follow the development model of liberal democracy designed by the West, for the benefit of the West. This paper attempts to investigate an alternative approach from a Chinese historical structural perspective. By highlighting the key tenets of Confucianism, this paper aims to contribute towards a non-Western international relations discourse that is based on moral values. Attempts by China to provide assistance to the "poor south" are marred by accusations of neo-colonialism. In order to fulfil its great power responsibility, China needs to incorporate these Confucian values into its Beijing Consensus so that the global south can abandon their dependency on the West and truly set the stage for south-south cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the relations between the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and China from a historical perspective. To do this it addresses the genesis and content of DAC's "altruistic paradigm" and China's "realist paradigm", highlighting their differences. It also analyses DAC's efforts and failure to co-opt China into the effective aid agenda: while China refuses to become a donor - citing its Southern identity - the DAC is resistant to recognising China as a co-operator with different responsibilities. The paper goes on to illustrate how, in order to survive "unfair competition", the DAC incorporates elements from China and the South into its narrative and cooperation practices. Lastly, China's move towards a more assertive foreign policy is explored along with the dynamic of relations between the DAC and China - between competition and convergence - in an uncertain international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US-China Trade War has made relations between the two countries undergo the most difficult period in the past 40 years. It not only affects the growth of the world's two largest economies but also that of the world economy. The paper presents and analyzes shortterm, medium-term and long-term goals of the United States for China in line with China's response. Some initial conclusions are drawn thereby. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese rare earth export policies currently result in accelerating its depletion. Thus adopting an optimal export trade selection strategy is crucial to determining and ultimately identifying the ideal trading partners. This paper introduces a multi-attribute decision-making methodology which is then used to select the optimal trading partner. In the method, an evaluation criteria system is established to assess the seven top trading partners based on three dimensions: political relationships, economic benefits and industrial security. Specifically, a simple additive weighing model derived from an additive utility function is utilized to calculate, rank and select alternatives. Results show that Japan would be the optimal trading partner for Chinese rare earths. The criteria evaluation method of trading partners for China's rare earth exports provides the Chinese government with a tool to enhance rare earth industrial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]