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The ten Southeast Asian economies will announce the formation of an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) on 31 December 2015. The AEC aspires to deliver an integrated market and production base with the free movement of goods, services, capital and skilled labour. However, member economies are still a long way from achieving an integrated production space as they have not yet fulfilled all the stipulated targets set in the 2007 AEC Blueprint. A possible explanation for the current state of economic integration is the presence of conflicting domestic economic interests in member countries. This paper reviews the literature on this issue and synthesizes main observations from selected country studies examining the nature o f these conflicting interests. It concludes by providing key policy recommendations for fostering domestic consensus in the respective countries studied in this special issue so that they may support the implementation of their respective commitments as well as deeper ASEAN economic integration beyond 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on data for actual and approved Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from 1989-2011, this paper explores the major trends in FDI in Myanmar, focusing on changes over time in the source and sector of investment. It argues that over the last decade Myanmar's inward FDI has become heavily concentrated in the extractive and power sectors, while investment in manufacturing, services and other secondary and tertiary sectors has been almost non-existent. This is mostly the result of a poor investment climate, including import and export regulations, a weak judicial system, currency controls and weak property rights. The paper shows that China, Hong Kong, South Korea and Thailand have been the main investors in Myanmar, while Singapore, India and Western countries invested little in the 2000s. This divergence is driven partly by the differing investment patterns of the source countries, yet also reflects commercial and geopolitical realities, sanctions and concerns over energy security. The paper then examines whether and how FDI can lead to economic development in Myanmar, and, closes by discussing the importance of recent political and economic reforms for rebalancing Myanmar's FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four regional trading agreements have now set a goal of a "single market". These are the EU, CARICOM, ASEAN, and CER agreements. However, in none of them is the goal well defined. This paper defines a single market in terms of the concepts of economic integration. An area is completely integrated if the Law of One Price holds for all commodity and factor markets. The paper examines the conditions which are necessary for the Law to hold. It then measures the progress towards this goal in seven regional trading agreements. It examines the steps ASEAN needs to take if it is to be a single market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the deadline for the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) approaches, the Philippines has yet to complete the implementation of its commitments in the AEC Blueprint. While it is true that the government has implemented most of them, these policy reforms have yet to make an impact on the economy. This paper examines the country's performance in terms of its commitments in the AEC by identifying the gaps between those commitments and actual implementation. It also examines the domestic economic conflicts that have hampered Philippine policy reform efforts, focusing on the automobile industry. The conflicts may be due to a lack of common economic interests among firms in the industry as well as because of the lack of coherence of domestic policies that have limited, if not negated, progress towards economic integration. Domestic conflicts have created an industry that has failed to develop as a major exporter as well as a source of employment and income for the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the end of 2015 draws nearer, the prospect of meeting all the goals of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) Blueprint appears dimmer by the day. The literature identifies two prominent gaps in ASEAN's journey towards an economic community as defined by its own vision. First, the extensive literature on the AEC, and this includes the scorecard designed to monitor the implementation of its goals, suggests that there appears to be a gap between commitments and the achievements of the AEC Blueprint targets. Second, attaining a "free flow of services" as stated in the AEC goals, is also hampered by a gap between commitments in liberalization and actual practice. The objectives of this paper are twofold. First, it seeks to review the gap between commitments and practice in Malaysia. Second, it aims to examine domestic conflicts that may constrain Malaysia's services liberalization efforts in ASEAN. A key question considered in the analysis is the source or sources of these conflicts. Is the conflict confined to the private sector or is the government conflicted from within in terms of services liberalization? In other words, are there certain policies that may negate or off-set liberalization efforts? The key finding in this paper shows conflicting objectives in government policies to be the main reason for the slow pace of liberalization thus far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the evolution of the US-China economic relations from their complex, strong, multi-dimensional co-dependency, built up along many decades, to their growing disengagement and rivalry, following the lose-lose option for a trade war. The analysis places the trade tensions against the backdrop of the international production structured into global value chains and production networks, stressing upon the inadequacy of the policies adopted by the two actors, primarily by the US, and demonstrating why the consequences of the conflict are expected to be negative. The clash of the two world economic giants, which has unrolled since the begining of 2018, but has intensified especially in its second part, has disrupted not only the two rival economies, but also their other partner countries and the world economy as a whole. As such, in its final part, the paper focusses on the expected consequences of the trade war for the economies, companies and populations of the US, China, South-East Asia and the EU, concluding that the US-China trade war will have no winners and recognising its real rationale as the scramble for the economic and technological dominance of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brunei-Indonesia-Malaysia-Philippines East ASEAN Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA) is one of a number of sub-regional "growth polygons" in Southeast Asia that was established in the early 1990s to help accelerate the process of regional integration among the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). However, these sub-regional zones include the less developed parts of Southeast Asia, and therefore face significant developmental challenges. This paper seeks to understand how BIMP-EAGA has addressed these challenges in accordance with the principles of developmental regionalism; that is, activities that are particularly oriented to enhancing the economic capacity and prospects of lesser-developed countries with a view to strengthening their integration into the regional economy, and thereby bringing greater coherence to overall regional community building. This article examines how BIMP-EAGA has pursued developmental regionalism through various initiatives and measures aimed at enhancing inter-related development capacities: technocratic, institutional, industrial, infrastructural, human and sustainable development. There have been successes but also failures in BIMP-EAGA, as evidenced by the persistent lack of progress in achieving substantial sub-regional development cooperation. This paper discusses the reasons for these outcomes, and makes a number of recommendations to give BIMP-EAGA new direction and purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fifteenth century witnessed Ming China expanding its interactions with areas to the south—areas which we today refer to as Southeast Asia. This involved overland political expansion, the gradual incorporation of Tai polities, as well as their economic exploitation. The twenty-year incorporation of the Dai Viêt policy was also part of this process. In the maritime realm, following the early fifteenth-century sending of massive armadas in an attempt to achieve a pax Ming in the region, the Ming court made efforts to ban maritime commerce by non-state players. This paper examines the effects that these various Ming policies had on Southeast Asia in the political, economic, technological, and cultural spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since the policy of economic renovation (Doi Moi) was initiated in 1986, comprehensive domestic reforms and proactive economic integration have been major pillars of Vietnam's economy. Deepening cooperation and integration through the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) framework lies at the centre of Vietnam's trade and investment liberalization agenda. Any domestic reforms undertaken in the lead up to the announcement of the AEC by the end of 2015 should engage the ongoing economic restructuring process as well as the country's growth paradigm. Reforms will also entail narrowing the development gap between Vietnam and more advanced ASEAN economies. The Vietnamese government has to weigh adjustment costs from reforms and greater liberalization as well as ensure that benefits are distributed among a diverse set of stakeholders in the domestic economy. Past experiences have shown that stakeholders can be sensitive to adjustment costs and accompanying uncertainties. This paper focuses on three key issues related to managing consensus during the community-building process: (i) increasing consultation with stakeholders during reforms; (ii) building community awareness of potential changes; and (iii) mitigating adverse impacts of reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Singapore's progress in implementing the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and tries to explore whether the city-state has encountered any domestic conflict whilst doing so. It concludes that being a highly trade- and FDI-dependent economy, it is in Singapore's national interest to be a part of the AEC. It is one of the leading ASEAN countries to implement the AEC initiatives. When examining domestic conflicts, Singapore presents a unique case as the city-state has long been exposed to the competitive forces of globalization, well before the development of the AEC. The country adopts non-protectionist measures to manage competitive pressures from the global economy. Almost full employment and a low incidence of poverty also minimize the negative impacts of liberalization. Case studies of the electronics and aviation sectors highlight how these two sectors are adjusting to liberalization and competition from the global economy, including the AEC. With respect to the electronics sector, which is an integral part of regional production networks, Singapore is continually progressing up the value chain. In the case of the aviation sector, the city-state continues to meet global and regional challenges through cooperative arrangements with the aviation industries of other countries and by upgrading and expanding its air services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) is Thailand' s current priority and the AEC Blueprint is being progressively implemented in the country. However, different domestic economic interests have contributed to the slow pace of implementation. Three case studies--the agricultural sector, the logistics industry, and the mobility of medical professionals--are used to illustrate this. To move the AEC beyond 2015 and to enhance consensus-building during the community-building process, this paper puts forth the following policy recommendations: (i) the Thai government should enhance awareness of the community-building process and convey more details about the AEC to stakeholders and the general public; (ii) closer consultation and more integrated relationships between the government and stakeholders should be fostered; (iii) the government should formulate policies to improve the competitiveness of the affected stakeholders and industries to reduce the adverse impact from the AEC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a conceptual study that attempts to analyse the possible effects of the development of the Kra Isthmus Canal on ASEAN relations. The Kra Canal would constitute a mega-project, a passageway that would connect the Andaman Sea and the Gulf of Thailand at the Isthmus of Kra, Thailand. Although the proposed Kra Canal is projected to provide many economic and trade benefits to Thailand, and to the region as a whole, steps toward its development have yet to be taken. There has been much debate over the costs for trade, the costs for the environment, national and regional security concerns, as well as major concerns related to political and economic relations in the region. Therefore, one of the main purposes of this study is to contribute to the debate on the possible impact of the development of the Kra Canal on ASEAN's regional relations. In particular, it proposes that the development of the Kra Canal could threaten regional solidarity as it would physically divide maritime Southeast Asia from mainland Southeast Asia, which would ultimately result in an economic, cultural and political divide of ASEAN itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia to China. With the exception of some government-linked companies, most investments from Southeast Asia have been dominated by the region's overseas Chinese businesses. In addition to cheap labour costs, large domestic market and growing economy, China has provided business opportunities to investors from Southeast Asia thanks to their geographic proximity and ethnic connections, at least during the initial investment period. However, the network effects seem to decline soon after. As the Chinese economy becomes more globalised and more competitive, the success of foreign investment in China will increasingly depend on business competency rather than ethnic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road initiative aims to connect Asia, Africa, Europe, and their near seas. This paper considers China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The Maritime Silk Road is a major component of the “Belt and Road” development framework announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in late 2013. The “Belt and Road” offered by China, is a platform for China’s and partner countries new engines of growth. The Silk Road (One Belt) and Maritime Silk Road (One Road) initiatives are inclusive and seek the same goal of win-win situation through joint construction, by following the same principles and connecting three continents. Beijing has promoted the beginning of a long series of dialogues and projects that have involved more than twenty Countries by now, from the Chinese coast, to Europe, following the Indian Ocean, reaching African markets, and crossing the Suez Canal. The route has been proposed as an economic instrument to help its own growth, but also to modernize ports and infrastructures of the Countries that have been taking part in it. The Initiative does not have political or military aims, as it has always been stated, but it has been pursuing a peaceful plan, addressed to Chinese wealth as much as to the worldwide growth. The programme has indeed been based on a win-win approach, which is one of the five principles of pacific coexistence, included in the UN Charter: mutual respect, equality, keeping promise, mutual benefits, and the win-win approach itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on the decision of the internal arbitral tribunal in the case brought against China by the Philippines. He cites several arbitration cases including that of Argentina and Uruguay relating to a pulp and paper mill, the Rainbow Warrior case between France and New Zealand, and the Russian Federation and China's dispute settlement. Other topics discussed include China's reasons for not honoring the tribunal's claim for jurisdiction and opposing interests in the South China Sea.

The paper frames the trade relationship between China and Malaysia within the context of ASEAN and the impending RCEP. Specifically trade potentials are derived for the bilateral partnership within the two structures to identify whether China's external options under the RCEP affect her relationship with Malaysia. Potentials for trade expansion between China and Malaysia, estimated through a three-dimensional panel gravity model, are found to be marginally lower under the RCEP structure relative to ASEAN. More importantly, trade potentials appear exhausted for major products traded under both contexts. This suggests a change (decline) in the trade posture of the China-Malaysia partnership, as relative advantages are most likely to be altered under the expanded matrix of Chinese relations with RCEP members. In coping with the larger matrix structure, both nations should innovate new forms of bilateral cooperation, beyond trade, to enhance their strategic partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance gained by Southeast Asian countries as emerging economies since the nineties has converted their markets in significant targets for Argentinean exports. Our aim in this paper is to identify the characteristics of the relation between Argentina and its main trade partners in Southeast Asia since 1989. In order to achieve this goal we will analyze the commercial and also the political dimensions. Our interest is to define if the trade relation was accompanied by an attempt of political rapprochement, and if the trade increase can be understood as a part of an Argentinean foreign policy towards diversification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of data on flows and stocks refutes the argument that China and Southeast Asia are engaged in a zero-sum competition for foreign investment. Although Southeast Asia appears to have lost out to Chinese-manufactured exports in global markets, this has been balanced by substantial increases in exports of components to China itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a selective guide for researchers working in the field of Australia's relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and its member nations. Inclusion of background and current sources which are ongoing publications.

Examines the United States contractual arrangements in some Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries. U.S.-Thai contractual arrangements; Selected case studies of U.S. collaboration in Thailand; Non-equity contractual arrangements.

This essay aims to deepen our comprehension of the economic ethics of different peoples in Asia, as well as realizing a degree of cultural relativism, in order to enhance amicable economic associations. It counterbalances the conventionally strong West-oriented views which regard exotic features of non-Western economies as backward and illogical elements that disturb smooth and orthodox development and, hence, should be eradicated. The author, first, recalls a number of facts which depict the eruptive economic transformation in Asia. He, then, criticizes the imposition of Western-style development and exploitation without excluding Japan's colonialism in Taiwan and Korea, and pleads for multiple forms of development and modernity. Economic transactions should be analysed in relation to sociocultural aspects, and, therefore, communities and ethics groups play a substantive role between the public and private sectors, the market, and individuals. For instance, small farmers in Southeast Asia, struggling with the weakness of tenant farmers and pressures of the market mechanism, developed ingenious and participatory forms of survival, increasingly supported by non-governmental organizations. Case studies from Thailand, Malaysia, and the Philippines give a vivid picture of these activities. Because the developing economies are composed of market and non-market sectors, reasonable attention should be given to the ethics beyond market principles, with particular emphasis on community as foundation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the changes that took place in the 1950s and 1960s in Japan's perception of and policies toward Southeast Asia, and clarifies how Japan's road to economic re-entry into the region was paved. By re-examining various views about the region expressed by Japanese political leaders, bureaucrats, business officials, and renowned academics, the author seeks to demonstrate that most of the key concepts that now guide Japan's economic policies toward the region, such as economic development, a common market, and regional co-operation, were coined, and gained influence, as early as the 1950s. Following the Yoshida government's effort to enhance Japan's economic ties with South and Southeast Asian countries, the Kishi government hammered out a concrete formula for Japanese economic re-entry, based on a trinity of war reparation payments, economic development and economic co-operation. Prime Minister Kishi visited various countries in Asia in 1957, presenting his proposal for a 'Southeast Asian Development Fund' as a vehicle for promoting industrial development of the region. Although his proposal foreshadowed the initiative Japan would take in support of the 'developmentalist regimes', which would emerge later in the region in the 1960s, it failed to win the support of the 'developmentalist regimes', which would emerge later in the region in the 1960s, it failed to win the support of either the USA or the leaders of Asia. None the less, Kishi's idea was crystallized in the founding of two important government-funded organizations engaged in economic co-operation (i.e. OECF and AOTS), and a government-sponsored research institute specializing in Asian studies (IDE). At the political level, Kishi's policy was ultimately put into effect by the Satõ government when it hosted the first Ministerial Meeting on Southeast Asian Development in Tokyo in 1966, which marked the beginning of both Japan's full-fledged commitment to support the USA in [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note addresses the question of the social base of new authoritarianism and sketches out new directions for future research. In Europe and the United States, this question has led to highly controversial debates between two camps. One side argues for a class analysis and sees a revolt of the disenfranchised and poor behind the electoral success of the right-wing populists. The other side draws on the concept of the Imperial Model of Living and focuses on a cross-class alliance in the North, defending their unsustainable consumption pattern, which rests on the exploitation of resources, sinks, and cheap labor from the South. It will be argued that a view from Southeast Asia - especially data from Thailand and the Philippines - has the potential to challenge some assumptions of this debate and add important insights. Here, a rising middle-class has been in the focus of the debate on democratization in the 1980s/1990s. Starting with the Asia Crisis in 1997/1998, the rise of the new authoritarianism has also been linked to middle-class mobilization. Finally, due to the proximity to China and historical links, the re-orientation of middle-classes towards China provides insights into the micro processes behind the shift in the global economic system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note investigates the nature of Taiwan's economic links with Southeast Asia. While it is assumed that the economic links are driven by investment and formal trade agreements, we identify a more intertwined dynamic of "deep integration" through Global Value Chains (GVCs). We first examine the macro data of Taiwanese direct investment and bilateral trade with ASEAN member countries. Next, we discuss "the trade-investment-service- IP nexus " through the case of the textile and apparel industry in Taiwan, which evolved with the GVC led by brand marketers in advanced countries, cementing economic linkages between Taiwan and Southeast Asia. We then explore new patterns of Taiwanese development through exporting "good enough innovations " and "total solutions " in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a joint press statement from the meeting of senior officials of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the European Union in May 1995. Range of economic issues addressed by the meeting; Key recommendations on economic issues; Implications on regional economic policy.

Twenty years of slow growth and depression in Japan had a strong impact on relations with Southeast Asia. An explosion of public debt to 235 per cent of GDP has greatly reduced the ability of Japan's government to manoeuvre and has shrunk its overseas development assistance (ODA) contributions to the lowest levels of major donors. While its population was ageing, markets shrinking, and corporations restructuring, Japan became more inward- looking. East Asia, at the same time, was catching up and now represents the world's most dynamic market. Today, Southeast Asia is not only the base for Japan-centred production and supply chains, but the focal point of future-oriented market investment. The article will follow the stage of Japan's "lost" decades, its evolving debt crisis, and show why the country will have to focus on much closer integration with Southeast Asia in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Japanese nation-state has been building institutional capacity in Southeast Asia to foster, in effect, the regionalization of the Japanese developmental state, or a governed interdependence of the Japanese state, ASEAN member states and Japanese capital throughout the region.

ASEAN has formulated a planned integration among its ten member nations and has challenged its citizens to embrace a regional identity. This article raises and attempts to answer the following questions: How might ASEAN develop strategies to enable citizens in transitioning from nation-state mentalities to regional and possible cultural citizenry? How will the regional and national governing bodies facilitate the necessary empowerment of diverse populations to form an ASEAN identity? What sorts of affiliations will engender the necessary social capital to develop civic-minded people with a sense of belonging together? How might education play a role in this process? These questions are raised on the basis of the argument that the call for ASEAN identity delivers a challenge to construct dynamic institutions and foster sufficient amounts of social capital. The underlying assumption is that the creation of a regional identity is of primary special interest to ASEAN and the intent of the Vision policy document was to reassert the belief in a regional framework designed as an action plan related to human development and civic empowerment. Accordingly, these assumptions will be the basis for recommendations and strategies in developing a participatory regional identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the economic relations between Southeast Asian countries and China. Promotion of trade and investment with China by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations; Uncertainty of security policy orientation; Acquisition of essential policy goals and foreign policy autonomy.

Presents a study which examined China's accession to the World Trade Organization and the proposed Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN)-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA). Overview of trade and investment relationships between China and ASEAN countries. Demand-side potential and opportunities of ASEAN-China FTA; Impact of the special and differential treatment provision of the Uruguay Agreement on Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam.

Focuses on the creation of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in 1997 and its impact on European Union (EU)-South-East Asian relations. Argument that the renewed interest of EU in the region is driven by three principal concerns; Offer by the ASEM of greater connectivity between different activities of the EU.

The purpose of this article is to determine potential exports of Finland and Sweden to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and to compare actual exports to the potential, in order to see whether there remain untapped export possibilities in the region. This was done both for the "present" time (more exactly, for 1995) and for the next ten-year period, up till 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) exports to the United States increased over time, some of those countries became subject to antidumping duties by the United States from 1985. The cumulation proviso introduced in the Trade and Tariff Act of 1984 made the relatively smaller exporters like the ASEAN countries exposed to the antidumping measures of the U.S. International Trade Commission (ITC). By industry, iron and steel shared about half of the decisions against ASEAN. The percentage of the U.S. ITC Commissioners' affirmative antidumping decisions against the ASEAN member countries was a little higher than that against the other countries. The Democrat Commissioners tended to take more affirmative antidumping decisions against ASEAN than the Republican Commissioners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of successful economic reform, the Chinese economy has experienced spectacular growth. This in turn resulted in greater economic integration, with growing trade and investment flows between China and its neighbouring Asia-Pacific economies, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Overall, such an integration process will enhance the development potential of both sides, but separately, ASEAN countries will continue to perceive their bilateral economic relations with China in the context of their individual historical and economic realities. While Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand generally view the opening up of China as a "benevolent stimulus" to their own economic growth, Indonesia still holds some reservation and tends to focus on the competitive aspects of the resurgent Chinese economy. Before their relationship matures, China needs to show greater sensitivity towards its smaller southern neighbours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Progress on intra-ASEAN economic co-operation has been slowed down because of implementation problems and lack of commitment. Calls to take a new look at intra-ASEAN economic co-operation have occurred twice in the last five years. Prior to the Third ASEAN Summit hem in Manila in 1987, there was an urgency to seek for a breakthrough in intra-ASEAN economic co-operation as a response to the adverse effects of the worm recession on the ASEAN economies. However, by 1987, all the ASEAN economies had recovered, which led to the waning of urgency to push for intra-ASEAN economic co-operation. Then in 1990, there were calls to introduce new and bold initiatives to intra-ASEAN economic co-operation, once again with little concrete results. The case for taking a new look at intra-ASEAN economic co-operation rests on the assessment that it is imperative, feasible and desirable to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies trade relations between the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Burma. Historical background; Trade patterns in ASEAN; Burma's trade intensity index with ASEAN; Balance of trade; Low level of trade between Burma and ASEAN countries; Issue of whether the economies of the ASEAN nations and Burma are competitive or complementary.

Examines the impact of the United States policy mix on the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN) economies in 1980-1984. Growth rates and commodity prices; Structure of the aggregate demand; Overview on the performance of industrial economies which participate in the annual Economic Summit.

Provides an overview on the trade relations between the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United States. Basic indicators of the complementarity of resources between the ASEAN countries and the U.S.; Trends in the ASEAN-U.S. trade; Protectionism and other trade policy issues.

Discusses the transfer of technology to the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN) region by the United States transnational corporations (TNC). Contribution of TNC investors to increasing the technological capabilities of Third World nations; Usefulness of technology transfer to a recipient; Overview on the ASEAN economies; Concept of appropriate technology.

Summarizes the 5th meeting of the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN)-European Economic Community (EEC) Joint Cooperation Committee in Cha-Am, Thailand. Overview on ASEAN-European Community (EC) relations; Follow-up of the 5th ASEAN-EC Ministerial Meeting in Dublin; Progress report on the implementation of the cooperation agreement; Commercial and economic cooperation.

Examines the shares of inter and intra-industry transactions in the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN)-Economic Community (EC) trade from 1974 to 1982. Share of ASEAN-EC trade in the total EC trade; Commodity composition of ASEAN-EC trade; Country and commodity-specific intra-industry trade shares.

Examines the possibility of trade conflict between Japan and the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Failure to address issues of dependence and interdependence between the two trade partners; Comparison of trade deficits that may cause regional trade friction.