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Australia's new government is committed to delivering the next defence white paper in 2015. The two previous white papers took a predominantly risk-management approach to Southeast Asia, generally ignored the strategic opportunities in the region, treated it as a stand-alone region largely unrelated to developments in East Asia and failed to link Australia's policies in Southeast Asia with the broader goal of helping to ensure greater strategic stability in Asia by putting constraints on Chinese assertiveness and encouraging its peaceful rise. After offering a summary of recent Australian defence thinking on Southeast Asia, this paper outlines why managing China is the key variable when it comes to strategic stability in the region. It then examines how China's strategy and behaviour can be shaped and influenced by events and relationships in Southeast Asia, and offers some suggestions as to the role Australia can seek to play in Southeast Asia that relates to Canberra's China-focused objectives and strategic stability in Asia more broadly If that can be achieved in the 2015 defence white paper, Australia - which is often criticized for being preoccupied primarily with managing the relationship with its superpower ally the United States - will demonstrate to itself and Asia that its heavy reliance on the ANZUS treaty is no barrier to strategic creativity in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic policy uncertainty has had an important impact on trade and sustainable economic development. Especially in some specific industries, uncertainty has increased dramatically. The extant related literature mainly analyzes the nexus between uncertainty and trade across different industries and focuses less on a specific industry. Using Chinese customs data on HS 8-digit products over the period of 2000–2013, this paper first investigates the impact of both foreign economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and domestic intra-industry trade on China's mechanical and electrical product exports to 23 trading partners and applies pooled OLS regressions to conduct an empirical study. This paper finds that EPU has a significant inhibition effect on mechanical and electrical product exports; conversely, intra-industry trade can both significantly promote exports and alleviate the inhibition effect of EPU. In addition, the export impact of EPU varied with different trade patterns. It can significantly inhibit processing exports, while it has no effect on ordinary exports. The results of this paper indicate that in the context of increasing uncertainty, our findings could have far-reaching policy implications for China to build a new development pattern of domestic and international dual circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to study the dynamics and influencing factors of China-Argentina cooperation in the multilateral framework from a multidimensional theoretical perspective, in order to reveal the external thrust and internal logic of the development of Sino-Argentine relations. The four theories discussed in the paper are not opposed but complementary to each other. Together, they explain the factors that drive and hinder Sino-Argentine cooperation at the multilateral level. This article also presents a study of Sino-Argentine cooperation practices at three different levels of multilateral platforms, namely the UN General Assembly and Security Council, the G20 and the China-CELAC Forum. Cooperation between China and Argentina in multilateral mechanisms not only helps communication, understanding and coordination of positions between China and Argentina on major international issues, but also contributes to jointly enhancing the voice and influence of developing countries in international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ties between Latin America and Asia by moving beyond the homogenisation of the two regions through elevating the importance of opposition to a third party, in this case an "imperialist" and developed North. In contrast to normative analyses based on outmoded conceptions of world history, it proposes an intellectual exercise that problematises the interregional bond by placing the emphasis on heterogeneities rather than broad bush approaches that ignore the complex and diverse national and regional realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses how the rise of China will change the international system and how it will alter decisions and actions taken by the United States. As such, it will also analyse the operational implications for Europe resulting from the United States military capabilities' relocation to Asia-Pacific. This is an important topic as the European Union enters the era of new international order and faces new challenges for its security cooperation. By defining a security strategy the EU has acknowledged the importance of European cooperation as well as cooperation with the United States. Nevertheless it still examines the ways to cooperation. This paper utilises Realism -- in particular, the Power Transition Theory -- to account for China's rise and America's response to it. It combines theory with historic and contemporary actions, draws conclusions and makes recommendations. The study finds that with the United States' rebalancing of its military efforts to the Asia-Pacific, which could be compounded should the US become distracted by a crisis in East-Asia, Europeans may face a number of capability-driven operational implications as well as operational implications resulting from political differences, should they seek to undertake their own military operations. This work also analyses existing and evolving forms of security cooperation within Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the February 2000 white paper by the People's Republic of China about the relations of Mainland China and Taiwan. China's basis and prerequisite for achieving peaceful reunification; Questions involving the One China Principle in cross-strait relations; Adherence to the One China principle in the international community. INSET: PRC White Paper....

In this white paper the Chinese government assesses the security environment; defines, and elaborates on, its national defense policy including its commitment to the policy of no first use of nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances; and describes the defense situation and activities in 2006. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists and diplomats have significant differences in professional skills, activity time and work content, but they should work together. With the deepening impact of science and technology (S&T) on socio-economic development and international relations, S&T has become a crucial component of national strategies, particularly for diplomacy. There is a need for scientific evidence and advice, meaning that mastering more knowledge and skills in S&T would be helpful in negotiations. This paper analyses the ideas of S&T diplomacy, including a review of its 40-year history in China, its definition (with detailed connotations) and its characteristics. The paper focuses on the significant role of people-to-people communication in S&T, which may inform future work. Five suggestions are given to strengthen the strategic planning of S&T diplomacy: (1) A more clarified, strategic goal of future-oriented S&T diplomacy is required; (2) It is important to build a theoretical system for China to describe S&T diplomacy; (3) The creation of a global S&T cooperation map that adapts to the new type of international relations would be valuable; (4) Fairness and justice shall be maintained, while a reform of the global S&T governance system is promoted; (5) It is a must to adhere to bottom-line thinking and strengthen risk prediction and emergency responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Equatorial Guinea (EG) joined the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and Portuguese-speaking Countries (Forum Macao) in 2022, becoming the tenth member-state. This occurred during the 2022 Extraordinary Ministerial Conference, after it acceded to the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP) in 2014. Since 2015, China and EG have been intensifying their bilateral cooperation after establishing a comprehensive cooperative partnership (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, 2015). In 2019, the two countries signed a Belt and Road Initiative (B&RI) MoU during the second Belt and Road Forum in Beijing, and initiated a strategic approach for bilateral cooperation. Consequently, considering the uniqueness of EG as a Portuguese-speaking Country (PSC) and as the newest member of Forum Macao, this paper poses and answers the following research question: What will be the impact of Sino-Equatoguinean cooperation in light of EG's recent accession to FM? Methodologically, the research uses qualitative data supported by triangular referencing, including official and non-official sources, namely official statistics, academic papers, and media reports, to look into the bilateral Sino-Equatoguinean relations under the B&RI Lusophone framework, as well as the fact that EG is a CPLP member state. Accordingly, the methodologic rationale focuses on the uniqueness of EG as one of the Lusophone countries and relates it to the Chinese B&RI at three levels: domestic, regional and global. This paper is organized as follows: (1) Introduction; (2) The uniqueness of EG as a PSC; (3) The B&RI and the Lusophone Countries; (4) Cooperation between Equatorial Guinea and China; (5) Conclusion - The Future of Sino-Equatoguinean Cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mutual hostility and confrontation characterized the first two decades of relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China. This article examines the impact of the Korean War on creating and perpetuating this mutual enmity. The first half describes how the U.S. reaction to the outbreak of the Korean War and especially Chinese military intervention in the conflict removed any chance for an early reconciliation, discussing Washington's specific policies from June 1950 until the armistice in July 1953 aimed at achieving diplomatic isolation and economic punishment of China's new regime. The second half defines China's five primary postwar foreign policy goals and explains how Beijing faced strident opposition from the United States in its attempts to achieve each objective. While Washington's efforts largely failed, U.S. actions ensured that Sino-American relations would remain poisoned for fifteen more years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the interest of New Zealand of building a strong relationship with the U.S. and its accommodation of China. It examines the transformation of power in the Asia-Pacific region such as the shift of the locus of global power to Asia and the changes within the region's distribution of power. It offers the analysis of Australian National University professor of strategic studies Hugh White and Hedley Bull on the major power relations and its implications on New Zealand policy.

Evaluates the various factors that influence the relationship between mainland China and Taiwan. Details on international factors; Factors originating in mainland China; Factors arising from developments within Taiwan.

Examines issues surrounding the national unity and territorial integrity of Taiwan. Significance of national reunification of China and Taiwan; Discussion on the civil war started by the Kuomintang; Position of the Chinese government regarding the settlement of the Taiwan question.

By conducting discourse analysis on Chinese textual materials around 1962, this paper tries to inductively explore the national identities of Chinese people during the 1962 Sino-Indian border conflict. It finds that China perceived itself as a persistent and resilient nation in the ongoing fight against invasion and oppression. The predominant social discourse around 1962 showed a strong enmity and resistance toward the imperialism which was then imposed on India. These national identities have formed a natural response as maintaining a tough stance toward incursion and repression, and have contributed to China's resolution to defense its territory with resorting to military force, even though it might not be beneficial in terms of diplomatic relations and economic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has been contributing to new approaches to global governance. The Health Silk Road (HSR), a significant component of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), was proposed by China in 2016. This paper claims that HSR is a new institution introduced alongside the existing WHO-led multilateral health system, and its relationship with the existing system can be described as layering. Having explored the new development of HSR during COVID-19, this paper further argues that while HSR has its unique strength in making contributions to global health governance and economic recovery, it faces a prominent issue of securitisation in the context of China-U.S. strategic competition, suspicion of the quality of medical products and sectoral fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By conducting discourse analysis on Chinese textual materials around 1962, this paper tries to inductively explore the national identities of Chinese people during the 1962 Sino-Indian border conflict. It finds that China perceived itself as a persistent and resilient nation in the ongoing fight against invasion and oppression. The predominant social discourse around 1962 showed a strong enmity and resistance toward the imperialism which was then imposed on India. These national identities have formed a natural response as maintaining a tough stance toward incursion and repression, and have contributed to China's resolution to defense its territory with resorting to military force, even though it might not be beneficial in terms of diplomatic relations and economic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the different terms used in public diplomacy and the symbiotic relations that connect the European Union and China through culture, mobility, cultural diplomacy and soft power. The first part of the article reviews the main treaties and agreements signed between the two continents in the cultural field and explain mobility as a driver to enhance relations among countries. The main objective and central axis of the article is to examine the roles played by the cultural and creative industries in the field of international relations and diplomacy between the European Union, Spain and China through a case study: an analysis of Chinese artists in the Spanish residencies. The methodologies used are qualitative and quantitative analysis through in depth interviews with Chinese artists, a survey to artistic residencies and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) mapping. The last part of the paper offers some reflections and conclusions about the correlation between, and relevance of the cultural and creative industries for cultural diplomacy or mobility between countries, soft power and the image of a country abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 21st century, an unprecedented theoretical change in perspective took place, and non-Western theoretical approaches began to be developed as an alternative to traditional theories of International Relations. In this way, some specialists began to debate about the emergence and consolidation of a "Chinese School of International Relations", based mostly on the Asian culture. The aim of this paper is to present the main streams of international studies in China, among which the reverse, obverse and interactive approaches stand out. Likewise, it is particularly intended to understand the conception of international cooperation of each of these approaches. In addition, it is intended to highlight the evolution of international studies in China and departs from the assumption that the production and changes of the axis of international studies follow the rise and geographical position of the great powers. In the Chinese case, they have been growing in parallel with its international prominence and the attainment of great power status. The theoretical framework proposed for this research takes as a starting point the so-called non-western theories, that is, all those theories that are not part of the mainstream of the Western International Relations Theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the arrival of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States, that country began an economic and trade war with China which, in addition to the trade implications of this war, calls into question the relevance of the existence of current multilateralism. The trade policies of openness that have flourished since the 1980s seem to have come to an end. This fact forces us to rethink the U.S. and world economic agenda in an environment of uncertainty and in the face of a rival such as China, whose strength and influence is growing. Questions arise as to whether the winner will be rewarded with global economic hegemony? Or, on the other hand, will it be a situation in which two powers coexist with a shared hegemony? At this time it is not possible to anticipate who will be the winner, so the aim of this paper is to try to find trends and developments between the two countries to try to give a possible answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2009 China has been Brazil's biggest trade partner, and its important ally. However, the nationalist right that won the 2018 elections has a critical perspective of the country. This paper maps the views on China held by the new Brazilian government, both in terms of the economic arguments (protectionism of industry, fear of Chinese control of infrastructure and natural resources) and political concerns (the desire for a diplomatic rapprochement with the United States and anticommunism hostility towards Beijing). The paper claims that these positions are important for foreign policy decision-making and that they complicate relations with China, but that is also necessary to take into account more moderate views from other groups in the administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept behind the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI; formerly 'One Belt, One Road') began to take shape in 2013. Since then, this Chinese-led project has become a major plank in China's foreign relations. The BRI has grown from its basis as a vision of interregional connectivity into a truly global system, encompassing places--including many island states, territories, and cities--from the South Pacific to the Arctic, from East Africa to the Caribbean, from the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean. Islands and archipelagos are particularly prominent in the BRI's constituent 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) and Polar Silk Road or Ice Silk Road projects, but little scholarly attention has been paid to how the BRI relates to islands per se. This special section of Island Studies Journal includes nine papers on islands and the BRI, concerning such diverse topics as geopolitics, international law and territorial disputes, sustainability and climate change adaptation, international relations of autonomous island territories, development of outer island communities, tourism and trade, and relational understandings of archipelagic networks. Taken together, these papers present both opportunities and risks, challenges and ways forward for the BRI and how this project may impact both China and island and archipelago states and territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an excerpt from China's national defense white paper published on July 28, 1998, which deals with China's strait relations with Taiwan.

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows and analyses the issue of the relations between Nepal and the Ch'ing Empire from the British point of view during the last months of the Manchu authority in China. Nepal, a buffer state between India and Tibet, represented for the British an important and decisive ally in South Asia. The first part of the work will be dedicated to an analysis of the political and geopolitical status of Nepal compared to Britain and China of the Ch'ing Dynasty. The second part, which further develops the first, enters into the specifics of a tribute that the Himalayan country should have offered the Emperor P'u-i. The Hsin-hai Revolution of 1911 put an end to imperial power in China and would lead to the establishment of the republic and would resolve issues and misunderstandings between the countries. The paper pays particular attention to the correspondence between the then Nepalese Prime Minister, Chandra Shum Shere, and the British Resident in Nepal, John Manners Smith. The research takes as a benchmark the wider scenario of the period immediately following the end of the Great Game and the decline of the Manchu power. The guideline and key to interpretation of the documents reflects the perspective of the geopolitical and strategic interests of the British Empire in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relations between the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and China from a historical perspective. To do this it addresses the genesis and content of DAC's "altruistic paradigm" and China's "realist paradigm", highlighting their differences. It also analyses DAC's efforts and failure to co-opt China into the effective aid agenda: while China refuses to become a donor - citing its Southern identity - the DAC is resistant to recognising China as a co-operator with different responsibilities. The paper goes on to illustrate how, in order to survive "unfair competition", the DAC incorporates elements from China and the South into its narrative and cooperation practices. Lastly, China's move towards a more assertive foreign policy is explored along with the dynamic of relations between the DAC and China - between competition and convergence - in an uncertain international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second decade of the 21st century, Mercosur is faced with two potentially influential politico-normative proposals: the EU's and China's. This paper analyses the content and scope of these two politico-normative approaches, as well as their respective impacts on the regional bloc in the context of domestic changes in the governments of Argentina and Brazil. The paper states that Mercosur has produced two external strategies: interregional with the EU and bilateral with China. There are structural limitations to this strategy as well as some that relate to Mercosur's domestic policies, but it contains the foundations for the bloc's normative convergence with these extraregional actors and ultimately a positive-sum game. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For some years now, China has been investing in mega infrastructure and natural resource projects in Latin America, and in Argentina in particular. These investments share the «north-south» characteristics that Argentina, as a dependent economy, has had over the years as a recipient of foreign investment. In addition to the multiple consequences that this type of relationship has in economic matters, they play a fundamental role in political ecology at the international level. The aim of this paper is to reflect on the environmental consequences of the relations between China and Argentina from the cases of land grabbing presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's cultural diplomacy is mostly understood as an endeavour to build and project soft power, which draws on three sources of 'culture, political values and foreign policy' according to Nye. This paper focuses on the debates about the vehicle and agents of China's cultural diplomacy. It starts with a theoretical discussion of the competing views in the Chinese context, and develops an argument that the vehicle of China's cultural diplomacy tries to project soft power on two wheels of culture and political values, to serve the purpose of reshaping China's image away from being the 'cultural other' and 'ideological other' respectively. However, the state-led approach to driving this vehicle is generating some side effects with its sponsorship, censorship and presence in the driver's seat. Then the paper analyses the inherent tensions existing in practice both between the two sources of building soft power and between the two means of doing so, attraction and persuasion, with empirical evidence through a comparative case study of the Confucius Institutes in the US and South Korea. The finding shows that China's attempt at reshaping its image as an Eastern cultural contestant is often disrupted by its authoritarian political values, and the stateled persuasion is often reducing China's cultural attraction. Following this, the paper finishes with some recommendations regarding evolving the cultural diplomacy approach from a vertical one that is government-centred to a horizontal one that is network-based with multiple agents, and localising its practice by engaging the target audiences as stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: ‘Community of common destiny’, a new concept in China's diplomacy, has been increasingly used by the Chinese government, especially President Xi Jinping, on international occasions. Given the paucity of academic research on the concept, this paper aims to fill the gap and examine three aspects: meaning, motives and implications. Building upon the author's long observation of China's foreign policy, the paper argues that this concept of ‘community of common destiny’ is vague in meaning and loosely used by China. While initially proposed by China to mend ties with neighbouring states in the context of escalating territorial disputes, the concept constitutes part of China's long‐term strategy to maintain a peaceful ‘period of strategic opportunity’ in the first two to three decades of the 21st century to further develop itself. However, the ambiguity of the concept poses a main challenge for China to promote the acceptance of this concept by the developing world, let alone developed countries. This process demands more transparency, commitment and concrete actions from China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's first ever white paper publicly outlining its policy toward the greater Middle East affirmed Beijing's support for the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, as well as an independent Palestinian state based on pre-1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. Beijing's support for Palestinian independence stands in stark contrast and apparent tension with its oppression of its Uyghur minority, who, like the Palestinians, aspire to an independent state of their own in present-day Xinjiang. What explains China's continued support for an independent, Muslim-majority Palestinian state despite its brutal crackdown of its own Muslim minority at home? Drawing on the literature on sovereignty and self-determination, I argue that these policy positions are not inconsistent, and can indeed by reconciled. As a doctrinal matter, international law has differentiated between permissible self-determination claims in the context of decolonization on the one hand, and impermissible secessionist claims on the other. In its foreign relations, China has consistently highlighted this distinction and characterized Xinjiang as an integral part of Chinese territory, with the necessary implication that Uyghur self-determination claims are irredentist in nature. Whatever the legalities, in practice, China has managed to reconcile these policies due in no small part to its significant economic and political leverage and its framing of its Uyghur policy as a security issue immune from criticism. By maintaining this careful balancing act, China has facilitated--or at least eliminated one possible roadblock to--the creation of a greater role for itself in the Middle East, while not abandoning its historical support for the Palestinians or emboldening secessionist movements at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the Mexican foreign policy actions made during the six years term of Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018) in the face of China’s growing power and global influence, while both countries were aiming to become global players. The emphasis lies on convergent areas of opportunity and divergent critical assumptions. The scope of bilateral agreements signed between Mexico and China will be analyzed based on the events, diplomatic speeches and academic research papers. This work demonstrates and concludes that most agreements did not prosper satisfactorily due to an internal context in Mexico mired by corruption scandals, social violence and institutional fragility as well as the long-era of U.S. hegemonic role in Latin America. These internal and external factors prevented China from negotiating the scheduled agenda they had envisioned toward Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central Asia, the hub of natural resources, has been the battleground of international power politics among the big powers since long. In order to have influence in the region, the Russian and the British Empires indulge in the "Great Game". However, it ended with the collapse of the Russian empire. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 created an unexpected power vacuum in Central Asia followed by a fierce competition between the big three, Russia, China and US. This competition is commonly known as "The New Great Game" in the present day international politics. The rich energy resources are usually considered the main reason of the renewed interests in the region and provide principal motivation for Russia, China and US. However, the role of energy resources is usually overstated. This paper will identify which other factors along with energy resources should be considered in order to have a broader and comprehensive understanding of the present Geo-political scenario in the Central Asia. Using the Neo-Realist approach, this paper will first analyze the significance of the Central Asian states, how they provoke strategic competition between great powers and how pipeline politics translate it. Finally, the paper will analyses the competing interests of Russia, China and US and the strategies adopted by each for the achievements of its objectives. It will be concluded by stating that how Russia, China and US struggle to attain, keep and enhance power and that energy resources are just a mean to this supreme objective. It will also conclude by asserting that although the great powers behave aggressively and self-interestedly they may find a minimum degree of cooperation to tackle common concerns such as a growing radical Islamism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of civic protest and opposition politics in changing the dynamics of the relationship between Zambia and China at the top leadership and working class levels. It looks specifically at how the workers' plight became elevated to the top agenda and became a major issue for the two countries' diplomatic and strategic engagement. It takes the view that China does not always play the dominant role, but is at times compelled to engage in strategic negotiations to maintain a satisfactory relationship with African governments, suggesting that African countries have resources they can use to strengthen their bargaining positions at the negotiating table. The paper concludes that contrary to much scholarship, China does not always play the dominant role with African countries. It suggests that African governments, leaders and communities can and do actively engage in political and community actions that influence their relationships with China. The paper looks specifically at the role that workers' protest, opposition politics and civil society have played in changing the dynamics of the relationship between Zambia and China, at both the leadership and working class levels. On the basis of the Zambian case, it suggests that African countries have significant resources that they can leverage to bargain and advance their national priorities when negotiating with China and to exercise leadership in that relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today the established cooperation between China and Kazakhstan has reached the strategic partnership level. Also, the two neighboring countries are partners in the international large-scale projects as the SCO and the New Silk Road Initiative. This paper claims that these projects are mostly lead by China. Moreover, it is argued that the SCO is aimed to solve the security issues and the New Silk Road Initiative embodies the economic agenda of the bilateral relations. Kazakhstan's role and position is significant due to different reasons, while the Kazakhstani public remains cautious about the Chinese activity in Kazakhstan. The two named mechanisms are eventually focused on economical and cultural leadership of China among the secured multilateral cooperation in the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Complex interdependence refers to the multiple channels of interaction and agenda in interstate relations, which involve domestic (public and private) stakeholders and nonmilitary issues. Since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) came into being, most analyses have largely focused on infrastructure development. The BRI not only has the potential to impact a host government's socioeconomic agenda but also its overall bilateral relationship with China. It is therefore imperative to measure the progress and prospects of China's Belt and Road projects in the Philippines, in line with Beijing's strategic goal to deepen complex interdependence with partner‐states, against the BRI's five major dimensions of cooperation: (a) policy coordination, (b) infrastructure development and connectivity, (c) trade and investment facilitation, (d) financial coordination and integration, and (e) people‐to‐people ties and connectivity. These, together with the examination of China's BRI projects in other Asian countries as modes of comparison, are crucial in assessing probable outcomes in the Philippines. The paper includes policy recommendations based on possible pitfalls and risks that may hamper the advancement of the Belt and Road projects in the Philippines and Sino‐Philippine bilateral interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to explain the 50 years of the political-economy Indonesia-Uruguay diplomatic relations. The study shows that although there are some interests but both countries have not demonstrated yet any significant endeavors to intensify the bilateral relations. The paper found that both have many to offer to strengthen economic cooperation. The paper also found that lessons learned from China and India experiences could be adopted to strengthen Indonesia-Uruguay trade relations. But however there are still pending matters, conventional problems that impeded bilateral trade, and lack of interest by both government officials. The study suggests that this positive momentum and this golden jubilee Indonesia-Uruguay diplomatic relations could be the right moment towards further strengthening the bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"How to select the best partners" is an important decision for oil importing countries to ensure their energy security. However, amid global changes of a magnitude not seen in a century, decision making is something involving high uncertainty and high complexity. In this paper, linking data with empirical logic and expert judgment, fundamentals such as China's import demand for crude oils of different quality, export capacity of resource countries, and trade price are reviewed; and non-fundamentals such as international sanctions, diplomatic relations, channel risk, and investment cooperation are modeled with crude oil trade in globalization and bloc confrontation scenarios. On this basis, a model system for the optimization of China's crude oil import portfolio based on data-driven scenario analysis is built, which can be served as an effective tool to support decision making. The study shows that China should focus on four regions: countries surrounding China, the Gulf States, the Amazon countries of South America, and central and western Africa. In particular, in order to realize China's oil supply security in the scenario of Bloc Confrontation, in addition to Russia, Iran and Venezuela, China should pay more attention to Brazil, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, UAE, Kuwait, Angola, Guyana and Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: "Neglected Tropical Diseases" (NTDs) affect millions of people in Africa, Asia and South America. The two primary ways of strategic interventions are "preventive chemotherapy and transmission control" (PCT), and "innovative and intensified disease management" (IDM). In the last 5 years, phenomenal progress has been achieved. However, it is crucial to intensify research effort into NTDs, because of the emerging drug resistance. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), the term NTDs covers 17 diseases, namely buruli ulcer, Chagas disease, dengue, dracunculiasis, echinococcosis, trematodiasis, human African trypanosomiasis, leishmaniasis, leprosy, lymphatic filariasis, onchocerciasis, rabies, schistosomiasis, soil-transmitted helminthes, taeniasis, trachoma, and yaws. The aim of this study is to map out research and development (R&D) landscape through patent analysis of these identified NTDs. To achieve this, analysis and evaluation have been conducted on patenting trends, current legal status of patent families, priority countries by earliest priority years and their assignee types, technological fields of patent families over time, and original and current patent assignees.Main Body: Patent families were extracted from Patseer, an international database of patents from over 100 patent issuing authorities worldwide. Evaluation of the patents was carried out using the combination of different search terms related to each identified NTD. In this paper, a total number of 12,350 patent families were analyzed. The main countries with sources of inventions were identified to be the United States (US) and China. The main technological fields covered by NTDs patent landscape are pharmaceuticals, biotechnology, organic fine chemistry, analysis of biological materials, basic materials chemistry, and medical technology. Governmental institutions and universities are the primary original assignees. Among the NTDs, leishmaniasis, dengue, and rabies received the highest number of patent families, while human African trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness), taeniasis, and dracunciliasis received the least. The overall trend of patent families shows an increase between 1985 and 2008, and followed by at least 6 years of stagnation.Conclusion: The filing pattern of patent families analyzed undoubtedly reveals slow progress on research and development of NTDs. Involving new players, such as non-governmental organizations may help to mitigate and reduce the burden of NTDs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With China continuing to make economic forays into Central Asia, attention has simultaneously turned to Russia's privileged position in the region. A cursory glance through many articles concerned with the 'Russia - Central Asia - China' dynamic provides a misleading impression that Beijing's strengthened ties with the countries of Central Asia are coming at the expense of Moscow's influence. This paper will show that events, conventionally characterized as breakthroughs in the 'China - Central Asia' relationship in the last four to five years, are in fact part and parcel of larger economic trends that began long before the inking of the energy and trade deals. The reality of China's growing economic influence in Central Asia is not disputed. What this paper will argue is that despite the heralded dislodging of Russia by China, Russia will continue to play a substantial role in the region through a combination of energy, culture, and military bonds that run much too deep for Beijing to sever in the short to medium term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses five recent contributions to the study of the relations between China and Latin America: (1] Hearn & León-Manríquez, 2011; (2) Fornés & Philip, 2012; (3) Fung & García-Herrero, 2012; (4) He, 2012; and (5) Strauss & Armony 2012. These five books on China, Latin America and the Western Hemisphere are reviewed in light of the question of whether the relationship promises a re-ordering of the region or a repetition of old patterns. Similar to an earlier review essay by Nicola Phillips, which this paper builds on, we observe that studies lack historical context and analysis of deeper repercussions, that the Chinese perspective is very much underrepresented, and there is a lack of differentiation between national and regional identities, in that Latin America is disaggregated into national units while China is treated as a monolithic unitary actor, which is increasingly inadequate, as it diversifies its approaches and interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: International collaboration (IC) is essential for the advance of stem cell research, a field characterized by marked asymmetries in knowledge and capacity between nations. China is emerging as a global leader in the stem cell field. However, knowledge on the extent and characteristics of IC in stem cell science, particularly China’s collaboration with developed economies, is lacking. Methods and Findings: We provide a scientometric analysis of the China–Canada collaboration in stem cell research, placing this in the context of other leading producers in the field. We analyze stem cell research published from 2006 to 2010 from the Scopus database, using co-authored papers as a proxy for collaboration. We examine IC levels, collaboration preferences, scientific impact, the collaborating institutions in China and Canada, areas of mutual interest, and funding sources. Our analysis shows rapid global expansion of the field with 48% increase in papers from 2006 to 2010. China now ranks second globally after the United States. China has the lowest IC rate of countries examined, while Canada has one of the highest. China–Canada collaboration is rising steadily, more than doubling during 2006–2010. China–Canada collaboration enhances impact compared to papers authored solely by China-based researchers This difference remained significant even when comparing only papers published in English. Conclusions: While China is increasingly courted in IC by developed countries as a partner in stem cell research, it is clear that it has reached its status in the field largely through domestic publications. Nevertheless, IC enhances the impact of stem cell research in China, and in the field in general. This study establishes an objective baseline for comparison with future studies, setting the stage for in-depth exploration of the dynamics and genesis of IC in stem cell research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]