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The author comments on the decision of the internal arbitral tribunal in the case brought against China by the Philippines. He cites several arbitration cases including that of Argentina and Uruguay relating to a pulp and paper mill, the Rainbow Warrior case between France and New Zealand, and the Russian Federation and China's dispute settlement. Other topics discussed include China's reasons for not honoring the tribunal's claim for jurisdiction and opposing interests in the South China Sea.

Based on data for actual and approved Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from 1989-2011, this paper explores the major trends in FDI in Myanmar, focusing on changes over time in the source and sector of investment. It argues that over the last decade Myanmar's inward FDI has become heavily concentrated in the extractive and power sectors, while investment in manufacturing, services and other secondary and tertiary sectors has been almost non-existent. This is mostly the result of a poor investment climate, including import and export regulations, a weak judicial system, currency controls and weak property rights. The paper shows that China, Hong Kong, South Korea and Thailand have been the main investors in Myanmar, while Singapore, India and Western countries invested little in the 2000s. This divergence is driven partly by the differing investment patterns of the source countries, yet also reflects commercial and geopolitical realities, sanctions and concerns over energy security. The paper then examines whether and how FDI can lead to economic development in Myanmar, and, closes by discussing the importance of recent political and economic reforms for rebalancing Myanmar's FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper the authors discuss China's strategic interest in expanding its relations with Cambodia. The authors note that China believes Cambodia is important for China to project greater influence in the Southeast Asia region and to act as a buffer between China's rivals. The article also notes that a relationship with Cambodia could also weaken the United States' hegemony. Such diplomacy on China's part and its increasing regional power could cause some concern for other traditional hegemonic countries.

Historical studies of Burma-China relations have emphasised warfare, seen from the perspective of Chinese sources. One commonly studied event is the thirteenth-century Mongol invasion of Bagan. Burmese sources describe the flight of King Narathihapate (1257-87) from the Mongols, thus earning the Burmese epithet 'Taruppye'. 'Tarup' now refers to the Chinese, but the identities of the people and region to which the term applies have not been constant. This paper discusses the question of the identity of ' Tarup' in the Burmese chronicles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fifteenth century witnessed Ming China expanding its interactions with areas to the south—areas which we today refer to as Southeast Asia. This involved overland political expansion, the gradual incorporation of Tai polities, as well as their economic exploitation. The twenty-year incorporation of the Dai Viêt policy was also part of this process. In the maritime realm, following the early fifteenth-century sending of massive armadas in an attempt to achieve a pax Ming in the region, the Ming court made efforts to ban maritime commerce by non-state players. This paper examines the effects that these various Ming policies had on Southeast Asia in the political, economic, technological, and cultural spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of its 40th anniversary, this article analyses how the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has sought to deal with the problem of drug production, trafficking and consumption in Southeast Asia. Reviewing more than three decades of cooperation, it asks whether an international regime against the illicit trafficking and abuse of drugs has been established in the region under the auspices of ASEAN. In particular, the paper discusses the ASEAN and China Cooperative Operations in Response to Dangerous Drugs (ACCORD) as an attempt to create a framework of multilateral cooperation. It argues however that it is still premature today to characterise existing regional consultations as a working anti-drug regime. The existing cooperative structure has remained a loose forum for information sharing despite the strong Chinese involvement that has deepened consultations since the late 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the position of the United States as de facto global hegemon, China is a rising power in the world. As Chinese power grows, the projection of Chinese influence will be felt most acutely in Southeast Asia. Whether to accommodate, contain or resist China will depend on future developments that none can foresee, including Chinese ambitions, the policies of other international players (the U.S., Japan), and the cohesion or fragility of the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN). This paper argues that in deciding how best to deal with China, two factors that will influence the countries of Southeast Asia are their own long histories of bilateral relations with China and their own differing conceptions of how foreign relations should be conducted. This is to argue that history and culture are central to any understanding of the likely future shape of China-Southeast Asia relations. Only by taking history and culture into account will analysts be in a position to predict how the mainland and maritime states of Southeast Asia are likely to respond to a more powerful, confident and assertive China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]