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Copyright of Trans-Pasando Fronteras is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Central Asia, the hub of natural resources, has been the battleground of international power politics among the big powers since long. In order to have influence in the region, the Russian and the British Empires indulge in the "Great Game". However, it ended with the collapse of the Russian empire. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 created an unexpected power vacuum in Central Asia followed by a fierce competition between the big three, Russia, China and US. This competition is commonly known as "The New Great Game" in the present day international politics. The rich energy resources are usually considered the main reason of the renewed interests in the region and provide principal motivation for Russia, China and US. However, the role of energy resources is usually overstated. This paper will identify which other factors along with energy resources should be considered in order to have a broader and comprehensive understanding of the present Geo-political scenario in the Central Asia. Using the Neo-Realist approach, this paper will first analyze the significance of the Central Asian states, how they provoke strategic competition between great powers and how pipeline politics translate it. Finally, the paper will analyses the competing interests of Russia, China and US and the strategies adopted by each for the achievements of its objectives. It will be concluded by stating that how Russia, China and US struggle to attain, keep and enhance power and that energy resources are just a mean to this supreme objective. It will also conclude by asserting that although the great powers behave aggressively and self-interestedly they may find a minimum degree of cooperation to tackle common concerns such as a growing radical Islamism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of civic protest and opposition politics in changing the dynamics of the relationship between Zambia and China at the top leadership and working class levels. It looks specifically at how the workers' plight became elevated to the top agenda and became a major issue for the two countries' diplomatic and strategic engagement. It takes the view that China does not always play the dominant role, but is at times compelled to engage in strategic negotiations to maintain a satisfactory relationship with African governments, suggesting that African countries have resources they can use to strengthen their bargaining positions at the negotiating table. The paper concludes that contrary to much scholarship, China does not always play the dominant role with African countries. It suggests that African governments, leaders and communities can and do actively engage in political and community actions that influence their relationships with China. The paper looks specifically at the role that workers' protest, opposition politics and civil society have played in changing the dynamics of the relationship between Zambia and China, at both the leadership and working class levels. On the basis of the Zambian case, it suggests that African countries have significant resources that they can leverage to bargain and advance their national priorities when negotiating with China and to exercise leadership in that relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociología Histórica is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policies by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China has undergone a series of rapid changes that have turned it into a great power with prospects for global leadership. Its rise has not only opened up the possibility that, for the first time in the last two centuries, a non-Western country could once again rise to the top of the international order. The changes in China over the past four decades have also refuted a considerable number of assumptions and arguments held from different angles of the social and political sciences. This paper will analyze how the rise of China has debunked some of the main paradigms and theories in the field of International Relations, democratization, and globalization. The present study concludes that the multidimensional implications of China's rise were not, to a large extent, anticipated by some of the mainstream theories of these disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the coming into power of President Xi Jinping in China in 2012, an important objective of Beijing's foreign policy has been to modify the international order to correspond with China's rising power and to fulfill the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation and becoming a superpower. As a superpower, China is expected to bear the responsibilities of providing public goods, maintaining stability, and upholding the norms and values that are respected by other states. This paper examines the Chinese attempt to emerge as a key player in international affairs and use two case studies of China's policy towards the South China Sea and its international responses to the Covid-19 pandemic to argue that Beijing has, to some extent, fallen short of the duties of a superpower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objectives of the present paper are to elaborate on the EUChina Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), its provisions, advantages and potential risks, and to detach various standpoints of relevant actors, related to this agreement. The ad referendum CAI, complemented by additional documents by the European Commission, underscores that it goes well beyond the investment protection issues, usually addressed in bilateral investment treaties and it additionally includes rules for: a better market access for the EU companies, a fairer investment environment in China and sustainable development. Despite its support by the European Commission, there has been formulated a strong criticism of the deal from various directions, both European and non-European. Besides, the conclusion of the pact induced not only tensions at the extra-EU level, but also intra-EU. The largest two obstacles to the adoption of the treaty are the conflicting interests of the EU Member States and the opposition of the European Parliament. Therefore a common position is needed inside the EU. The research is complemented by an analysis of the broader circumstances of rising FDI protectionism worldwide, under the increased complexity of the system of international relations and recent trends, harmful to multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The object of the paper are the border regions of Siberia as a part of the planned China-Mongolia-Russia economic corridor in China's foreign policy initiative "One Belt One Road". The aim of the study is to reveal the nature of the interaction of these regions with the outside world to determine the ways of their development within a common economic space of the corridor. The study is based on the analysis of foreign investment flows to the border regions using macro- and microeconomic methods. The volume foreign capital goes mainly to mining, while other industries are dominated by small enterprises formed by foreign citizens, not corporations. In these areas, intermediary business prevails, which does not require increased human capital. China is gradually replacing other counter-partners in the use of natural resources, including mineral and forest ones. The problems of development of the border regions in common economic space of the corridor due to similar resource specialisation and weak development of the embedded economy have been identified. With the development of transit infrastructure, it is necessary to develop local industries integrated into large projects and capable of using this infrastructure to expand sales markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to explain the 50 years of the political-economy Indonesia-Uruguay diplomatic relations. The study shows that although there are some interests but both countries have not demonstrated yet any significant endeavors to intensify the bilateral relations. The paper found that both have many to offer to strengthen economic cooperation. The paper also found that lessons learned from China and India experiences could be adopted to strengthen Indonesia-Uruguay trade relations. But however there are still pending matters, conventional problems that impeded bilateral trade, and lack of interest by both government officials. The study suggests that this positive momentum and this golden jubilee Indonesia-Uruguay diplomatic relations could be the right moment towards further strengthening the bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For some years now, China has been investing in mega infrastructure and natural resource projects in Latin America, and in Argentina in particular. These investments share the «north-south» characteristics that Argentina, as a dependent economy, has had over the years as a recipient of foreign investment. In addition to the multiple consequences that this type of relationship has in economic matters, they play a fundamental role in political ecology at the international level. The aim of this paper is to reflect on the environmental consequences of the relations between China and Argentina from the cases of land grabbing presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The construction of a positive international image is profoundly correlated with advancing one's national interests abroad. Influencing foreign audiences and creating multisided links with countries of interest, is the main objective of public diplomacy. In the highly interconnected XXI century, countries have increasingly invested in that practice, assisted by major technological advancements. China is not an exception. The current paper will examine in which ways the latter conducts public diplomacy and through which actors. The study will also try to showcase the evolution and challenges that took place in this domain. Afterward, the case study of Greece will be considered, presenting the Chinese actors engaging in the country, the practices they use, and how the bilateral relationship has been affected. The essay will conclude with estimating the total effectiveness of the practices, possible challenges that exist, and several insights for future reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The landscape of post-colonial development is marked by deepening dependency of the developing states on the core states consisted mainly of western developed countries. The continuous widening of the north-south divide is not surprising given that the discourse on international relations has been dominated by western ideologies of realism, liberalism and constructivism, resulting in an insufficient attempt to examine international relations from a non-Westphalian perspective. Through the implementation of the Washington Consensus, developing countries are being forced to follow the development model of liberal democracy designed by the West, for the benefit of the West. This paper attempts to investigate an alternative approach from a Chinese historical structural perspective. By highlighting the key tenets of Confucianism, this paper aims to contribute towards a non-Western international relations discourse that is based on moral values. Attempts by China to provide assistance to the "poor south" are marred by accusations of neo-colonialism. In order to fulfil its great power responsibility, China needs to incorporate these Confucian values into its Beijing Consensus so that the global south can abandon their dependency on the West and truly set the stage for south-south cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In response to the high unemployment rates of university graduates, Asian governments are encouraging their universities to develop a more practice-oriented curriculum. The aim is to provide better-qualified graduates, who will meet the needs of industry. The Duale Hochschule Baden-Wuerttemberg (DHBW) supports this development, through internationalizing cooperative education programs at Asian universities, based on its successful study model. This paper focuses on comparing the DHBW with two Asian universities: Walailak University in Thailand and Southeast University in China. Descriptive case studies for the two universities, using a multiple case design, were mapped to the key success factors of the DHBW, in particular achieving practical experience and the role of industry. The data for the case studies originated from semi-structured interviews in a focus group setting with 36 academics, government officials, cooperative education bodies and industry representatives. The aim was to assess the opportunities and limitations for implementing the DHBW model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on the international order. The analysis focuses mainly on the role of China, the country where the epidemic originated and the main protagonist of the global transformations of recent decades. Among the possible future scenarios, our reflection contextualizes the role of the Asian giant in the framework of an international order already affected by major processes of political and economic rebalancing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Myanmar has crafted a neutral foreign policy since its colonial years to avoid leaning too much on any foreign power, but a spiraling political crisis at home is pushing it toward China as a buffer against international outrage. Myanmar faces charges of genocide against the Rohingya. China has backed Myanmar in the UN. In fact, China is in a similar situation. China is grappling with international criticism over perceived repression of ethnic Uighur people. Myanmar is exposed to various words and loud in the international community. So Myanmar wants to improve relations with China and is turning into an active cooperative attitude as a strategy to secure a friendly army. This paper shows how the diplomatic relations between Myanmar and China are changing, and how Myanmar's foreign strategy toward China is approaching. Also this article analyzes the outlook of diplomatic relations and the implications of the current situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's first ever white paper publicly outlining its policy toward the greater Middle East affirmed Beijing's support for the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, as well as an independent Palestinian state based on pre-1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. Beijing's support for Palestinian independence stands in stark contrast and apparent tension with its oppression of its Uyghur minority, who, like the Palestinians, aspire to an independent state of their own in present-day Xinjiang. What explains China's continued support for an independent, Muslim-majority Palestinian state despite its brutal crackdown of its own Muslim minority at home? Drawing on the literature on sovereignty and self-determination, I argue that these policy positions are not inconsistent, and can indeed by reconciled. As a doctrinal matter, international law has differentiated between permissible self-determination claims in the context of decolonization on the one hand, and impermissible secessionist claims on the other. In its foreign relations, China has consistently highlighted this distinction and characterized Xinjiang as an integral part of Chinese territory, with the necessary implication that Uyghur self-determination claims are irredentist in nature. Whatever the legalities, in practice, China has managed to reconcile these policies due in no small part to its significant economic and political leverage and its framing of its Uyghur policy as a security issue immune from criticism. By maintaining this careful balancing act, China has facilitated--or at least eliminated one possible roadblock to--the creation of a greater role for itself in the Middle East, while not abandoning its historical support for the Palestinians or emboldening secessionist movements at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the Mexican foreign policy actions made during the six years term of Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018) in the face of China’s growing power and global influence, while both countries were aiming to become global players. The emphasis lies on convergent areas of opportunity and divergent critical assumptions. The scope of bilateral agreements signed between Mexico and China will be analyzed based on the events, diplomatic speeches and academic research papers. This work demonstrates and concludes that most agreements did not prosper satisfactorily due to an internal context in Mexico mired by corruption scandals, social violence and institutional fragility as well as the long-era of U.S. hegemonic role in Latin America. These internal and external factors prevented China from negotiating the scheduled agenda they had envisioned toward Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Pelješac bridge construction project was awarded to the Chinese company China Road and Bridge Cooperation (CRBC) in January 2018, the Sino-Croatian relations reached a new high point. Since then, and contrary to Croatia's past activity and interest, Croatia not only opted to more actively participate in the "17+1" cooperation framework, but even stepped forward by hosting the latest "17+1" summit, held in April 2019. The rekindled relations have since been, on the surface, bursting with possibilities regarding investment, exchanges of personnel, and cooperation on various levels. However, years of neglect, especially on the Croatian side, had created a situation in which Croatia is critically falling behind in experts, Chinese-speaking talents, and various aspects of knowledge needed to support this level of cooperation. Furthermore, judging by the press releases and the lack of clarifications from the Croatian government regarding the short-term decisions and the long-term direction the renewed Sino-Croatian friendship is taking, general understanding of how concepts such as the "17+1" or the Belt and Road Initiative actually reflect on Croatia with regards to their influence on the wider regional and global circumstances is also lacking. This paper analyses the width of the uneven approach China and Croatia are taking in the development of their relations and will attempt to address the issues and challenges that could arise from this unevenness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Currently, the confrontation between two global giants, the United States and China, in trade and technology advancement and hegemony in international politics is escalating. The possibility of a Sino-U.S. economic "war," or the so-called "new Cold War," not only indicates the escalation of this confrontation but also symptomizes the international order's transformation as a result of the change in power balance and rise of a challenger against the existing United States–led international liberal order. Most IR specialists focus on the prospects of this confrontation and its uncertain worldwide circumstances and are concerned about its impact on East Asian/Asia Pacific regional circumstances. Among them, prospects regarding regionalism and regional institutions in Asia seem pessimistic. However, Asian regionalism was activated following the decline in United States' power and rise of China as a global power, and the international liberal order's retreat became visible toward the end of the 2000s. Furthermore, even under the uncertain situations created by the Sino-U.S. confrontation, regional powers, including China, Japan, and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), are promoting their multilateral approach by proposing and advancing various regional frameworks. This indicates that each regional power is adopting the "institutional hedging" strategy to ensure that their individual interests are satisfied and the regional order is comfortable for themselves. This paper verifies that regionalism and regional institutions have become important as measures of regional power for countries' institutional hedging strategies to overcome the challenges posed by the beginning of regional uncertainties and that Asian regionalism is more active today than ever before. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With China continuing to make economic forays into Central Asia, attention has simultaneously turned to Russia's privileged position in the region. A cursory glance through many articles concerned with the 'Russia - Central Asia - China' dynamic provides a misleading impression that Beijing's strengthened ties with the countries of Central Asia are coming at the expense of Moscow's influence. This paper will show that events, conventionally characterized as breakthroughs in the 'China - Central Asia' relationship in the last four to five years, are in fact part and parcel of larger economic trends that began long before the inking of the energy and trade deals. The reality of China's growing economic influence in Central Asia is not disputed. What this paper will argue is that despite the heralded dislodging of Russia by China, Russia will continue to play a substantial role in the region through a combination of energy, culture, and military bonds that run much too deep for Beijing to sever in the short to medium term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses five recent contributions to the study of the relations between China and Latin America: (1] Hearn & León-Manríquez, 2011; (2) Fornés & Philip, 2012; (3) Fung & García-Herrero, 2012; (4) He, 2012; and (5) Strauss & Armony 2012. These five books on China, Latin America and the Western Hemisphere are reviewed in light of the question of whether the relationship promises a re-ordering of the region or a repetition of old patterns. Similar to an earlier review essay by Nicola Phillips, which this paper builds on, we observe that studies lack historical context and analysis of deeper repercussions, that the Chinese perspective is very much underrepresented, and there is a lack of differentiation between national and regional identities, in that Latin America is disaggregated into national units while China is treated as a monolithic unitary actor, which is increasingly inadequate, as it diversifies its approaches and interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the large-scale investments of both China and the EU in climate-change mitigation and renewable-energy promotion, the prevailing view on China-EU relations is one of conflict rather than cooperation. In order to evaluate the prospects of cooperation between China and the EU in these policy fields, empirical research has to go beyond simplistic narratives. This paper suggests a conceptual apparatus that will help researchers better understand the complexities of the real world. The relevant actors operate at different levels and in the public and private sectors. The main message of the paper is that combining the multilevel governance and value-chain approaches helps clarify the multiple relationships between these actors [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: International collaboration (IC) is essential for the advance of stem cell research, a field characterized by marked asymmetries in knowledge and capacity between nations. China is emerging as a global leader in the stem cell field. However, knowledge on the extent and characteristics of IC in stem cell science, particularly China’s collaboration with developed economies, is lacking. Methods and Findings: We provide a scientometric analysis of the China–Canada collaboration in stem cell research, placing this in the context of other leading producers in the field. We analyze stem cell research published from 2006 to 2010 from the Scopus database, using co-authored papers as a proxy for collaboration. We examine IC levels, collaboration preferences, scientific impact, the collaborating institutions in China and Canada, areas of mutual interest, and funding sources. Our analysis shows rapid global expansion of the field with 48% increase in papers from 2006 to 2010. China now ranks second globally after the United States. China has the lowest IC rate of countries examined, while Canada has one of the highest. China–Canada collaboration is rising steadily, more than doubling during 2006–2010. China–Canada collaboration enhances impact compared to papers authored solely by China-based researchers This difference remained significant even when comparing only papers published in English. Conclusions: While China is increasingly courted in IC by developed countries as a partner in stem cell research, it is clear that it has reached its status in the field largely through domestic publications. Nevertheless, IC enhances the impact of stem cell research in China, and in the field in general. This study establishes an objective baseline for comparison with future studies, setting the stage for in-depth exploration of the dynamics and genesis of IC in stem cell research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on data for actual and approved Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from 1989-2011, this paper explores the major trends in FDI in Myanmar, focusing on changes over time in the source and sector of investment. It argues that over the last decade Myanmar's inward FDI has become heavily concentrated in the extractive and power sectors, while investment in manufacturing, services and other secondary and tertiary sectors has been almost non-existent. This is mostly the result of a poor investment climate, including import and export regulations, a weak judicial system, currency controls and weak property rights. The paper shows that China, Hong Kong, South Korea and Thailand have been the main investors in Myanmar, while Singapore, India and Western countries invested little in the 2000s. This divergence is driven partly by the differing investment patterns of the source countries, yet also reflects commercial and geopolitical realities, sanctions and concerns over energy security. The paper then examines whether and how FDI can lead to economic development in Myanmar, and, closes by discussing the importance of recent political and economic reforms for rebalancing Myanmar's FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When ASEAN celebrated its fiftieth anniversary, it was asked if an organization founded on principles appropriate for the 1960s remains relevant today. Its critics point to the organization's recent failures to indicate that continued reliance on the "ASEAN Way" puts it on the road to irrelevance. Its defenders argue that the peace and stability that ensued since the Association's formation are testimony that the ASEAN formula works. Both conclusions are based on what commentators on either side of the debate believe ASEAN's role should be. This paper argues that an assessment should, instead, be based on what its members want it to do, expressed through policy announcements and documents like the ASEAN Charter. It should also consider the totality of its mandate from diplomacy to economics. Viewed in this way, the grouping has accomplishments to be proud of, but also some failures to regret. The 'ASEAN Way', upheld steadfastly by its member countries' leadership, has been instrumental to both its successes and failures. Overall, while ASEAN may not live up to the expectations of its critics, its achievements in some areas do suggest its continued relevance even under vastly changed circumstances, both domestic and external. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Overall, the relations between the USSR and the People's Republic of China, the most powerful states of the communist world, were not at all satisfactory to the communist leaders in Moscow and Beijing. Historical documents reveal that the failed relations were about to degenerate into an armed conflict at some point. The paper is intended to highlight the key aspects in the history of the relations between the USSR and the People's Republic of China during the 1949-1991 period, and to bring to the fore the causes of the poor cooperation, a failure that further aggravated the negative image of the communist states during the Cold War period. The significant feature of the present research is the fact that it was conducted considering the history of international relations, the main research method being the analysis of relevant documents relating to the Sino-Soviet relations between 1949 and 1991. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese soft power can be assessed in many aspects because there are several tools in which soft power can manifest. This article seeks to assess the efficiency of China's soft power using four tools from the perspective of public diplomacy. The analysis helps us to better understand the efficiency of foreign public communication tools. The paper is mainly qualitative research from collected secondary materials, following Mark Leonard's (2002a) concept of three dimensions of public diplomacy. The tools considered are: the Confucius institute (cultural institutes); Belt and Road initiative summit 2017 (international events); China central television/CCTV (media); International Students (financial aid for researchers and students). The analysis uses the three dimensions of public diplomacy: daily communication, strategic communication, and long-term communication. There is no indication that any of the selected four tools resonates with any of the three dimensions of public diplomacy. Some tools resonate more than others with a particular dimension of public diplomacy, but nothing is set in place. The media use daily communication quite effectively. International events are more so in strategic communication. Both international students and the cultural institute have an advanced role in long-term communication. However, the three dimensions are important to asses expected outcomes in foreign relations. A single tool could not effectively serve all concerns for getting support within the international community. The limitations of a tool can curb its appeal for a particular dimension, while advantages of the same tool spring in another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been recognised that the actors involved in crafting and implementing China's foreign policy are not always in agreement. This paper argues that the prioritisation of commercial outreach over purely political objectives in Africa has led to a shift in influence from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) to the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM). To that end, the paper examines the rising prominence of China Exim Bank's concessional loans as a foreign policy instrument in Africa along with the process through which they are negotiated and implemented. Using the case of Angola, this paper shows how despite formal institutional equality, the MOFCOM is playing a far more influ- ential role than the MFA is in defining the direction of China's foreign policy toward Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Today the established cooperation between China and Kazakhstan has reached the strategic partnership level. Also, the two neighboring countries are partners in the international large-scale projects as the SCO and the New Silk Road Initiative. This paper claims that these projects are mostly lead by China. Moreover, it is argued that the SCO is aimed to solve the security issues and the New Silk Road Initiative embodies the economic agenda of the bilateral relations. Kazakhstan's role and position is significant due to different reasons, while the Kazakhstani public remains cautious about the Chinese activity in Kazakhstan. The two named mechanisms are eventually focused on economical and cultural leadership of China among the secured multilateral cooperation in the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Complex interdependence refers to the multiple channels of interaction and agenda in interstate relations, which involve domestic (public and private) stakeholders and nonmilitary issues. Since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) came into being, most analyses have largely focused on infrastructure development. The BRI not only has the potential to impact a host government's socioeconomic agenda but also its overall bilateral relationship with China. It is therefore imperative to measure the progress and prospects of China's Belt and Road projects in the Philippines, in line with Beijing's strategic goal to deepen complex interdependence with partner‐states, against the BRI's five major dimensions of cooperation: (a) policy coordination, (b) infrastructure development and connectivity, (c) trade and investment facilitation, (d) financial coordination and integration, and (e) people‐to‐people ties and connectivity. These, together with the examination of China's BRI projects in other Asian countries as modes of comparison, are crucial in assessing probable outcomes in the Philippines. The paper includes policy recommendations based on possible pitfalls and risks that may hamper the advancement of the Belt and Road projects in the Philippines and Sino‐Philippine bilateral interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considerable uncertainty surrounds the intentions and aspirations of rising powers, particularly the extent to which they are status quo or revisionist. How a new power behaves with some of the weakest members of the international system provides a useful indicator of how it will go on to behave as it emerges as a Great Power. In this paper, India's engagement with East Africa is analysed. East Africa offers a particularly rich ground for conducting such an analysis: it comprises some of the world's poorest countries with which India has had a long history of foreign relations, and has also attracted considerable involvement in recent years by China (another major power on the rise). While the central focus of the paper is on India's East Africa foreign policy, China's presence in the region offers an important point of comparison that helps us identify some of the unique features of India's pathway to power. The analysis generates several interesting findings on India's negotiation strategy as a rising power, its willingness to provide leadership, and a set of development ideas that it offers as a potential alternative to not just the Washington Consensus but also the Beijing Consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is both modest and ambitious. The modest goal is to show that intercountry adoption should be considered by ethicists and healthcare providers. The more ambitious goal is to introduce the many ethical issues that intercountry adoption raises. Intercountry adoption is an alternative to medical, assisted reproduction option such as in vitro fertilization (IVF), intracytoplasmic sperm injection, third party egg and sperm donation and surrogacy. Health care providers working with assisted reproduction are in a unique position to introduce their clients to intercountry adoption; however, providers should only do so if intercountry adoption is ethically equal or superior to the alternatives. This paper first presents a brief history of intercountry adoption. The second section compares intercountry adoption with medical alternatives. The third section examines the unique ethical challenges that are not shared by other medical alternatives. The final section concludes that it is simplistic for a healthcare provider to promote intercountry adoption unconditionally; however, in situation where intercountry adoption is practiced conscientiously it poses no greater ethical concern than several medical alternatives. This conclusion is preliminary and is intended as a start for further discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written on the occasion of marking the 30th anniversary of the reform and opening-up process starting in 1978 which ushered in a new historical phase of both China's own development and China's interrelation with the world, the paper asserts that international law has played a unique role in this process through facilitating an increasingly broader and deeper mutual engagement and interaction between China and the world. The paper reviews both the benefits China has gained from its engaging with and using international law and the contribution made by China to international law in a wide range of areas covering international commerce and trade, environment protection, climate change, combating transnational crimes, human rights, disarmament, etc. In view of the ongoing significant changes both China and the world order are experiencing, the paper foresees a more important and conducive role for international law in China's future development and presents recommendations for China's better interaction with international law. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses China's recent engagement with Zambia, examining especially Chinese hiring practices, methods of business organisation and the labour conditions maintained by Chinese-operated construction and mining firms. Moving beyond existing analyses which remain focused solely on Chinese trade, aid and investment, this study begins to explore the micro-level of Chinese ventures, arguing that the continued employment of co-nationals as well as the generally substandard labour conditions maintained by Chinese firms lead to the offloading of Zambian workers into the country's burgeoning informal economy. There, newly emerged Chinese businesses stand to threaten local entrepreneurs who lack the resources necessary to parry Chinese competition. The result is a rapidly growing national unemployment rate and an increasing number of Zambians left struggling to sustain their livelihoods. This paper further argues that the characteristics defining China's engagement with Zambia are not particular to the Zambian context alone, but are rather abiding characteristics of overseas Chinese businesses in general. The paper ultimately calls for a policy framework regulating Chinese business activities in Zambia, lest the negative consequences of the Sino-Zambian partnership prevail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how China's success in economic development negatively influences civil liberties and democracy as practiced in the West, and asks why the growing economic interdependence between China and the global economy enables China to intervene in the political conduct of leading democracies but not vice versa. Empirically, the paper examines cases of Chinese foreign relations behaviour in which China uses its economic connections with various leading industrial democracies to bend their international political behaviour regarding visits by the Dalai Lama. It also highlights how economic interests relating to the Chinese market make multinational corporations vulnerable to Beijing's political pressure, and analyses why international capital is easily lured to cooperate with the Chinese repressive state to curb freedom in and outside China. It argues that the new political economy of globalisation in the post-Cold War era explains the rise of this kind of dictator's diplomacy, and that post-Tiananmen China has greatly contributed to the shaping of a new political economy characterised by state-market collaboration in promoting material prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The foreign policy of Costa Rica has always been characterized by its emphasis on pacifism and human rights. As one of the few nation states lacking an army, it has carefully constructed an image of peace and democracy in a region historically plagued by political turmoil. This small Central American nation has taken advantage of the soft power created by taking a high moral ground on issues of international relations. The present paper undertakes a critical discursive analysis of the second Arias administration. By focusing on the presidency of the former Nobel Peace Prize winner, it is possible to analyze the press releases, speeches, and other government statements released during an exemplary period of Costa Rican diplomatic history. The transfer of recognition from Taipei to Beijing provides a brief glimpse at the neo-realist strategy being pursued by the Arias administration behind the veil of innocence provided by the co-optation of human rights, human security, pacifist, and cosmopolitan discourses. Moreover, the strategic importance of the government's human rights rhetoric is revealed through a detailed analysis of the process leading up to and directly following the recognition of Beijing through the application of a constructivist model of norm socialization, the Parallel Cycles Model of Norm Socialization. The paper concludes with a discussion of the possible application of the two-pronged method of critical discourse analysis combined with a constructivist interpretation of norm socialization to the foreign policy of other Latin American countries and its possible contribution to an improved understanding of the internal dynamics of this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - This paper sets out to consider the scale and scope of the value relationship functions of trading partners and of their connected relationships created in a cross-cultural framework. Design/methodology/approach - Using a previously-developed framework of relationship and network functions the paper presents the findings from a database of connected relationships. The perceived importance of relationship functions are compared for buyers and sellers from Europe and China. Findings - It was found that direct functions are more important than indirect functions. There are some differences in perceived importance of functions for buyers and sellers. There are also cross-national differences in ratings across a range of functions. It is speculated that differences are driven by cultural differences, differing degrees of internationalisation, length of relationships and nature of home market mechanisms. Research limitations/implications - Further research is needed to explain how desired and actual relationship functions vary under different market and relationship circumstances and the implications of discrepancies between what suppliers and customers perceive their important functions are and what their counterparts perceive and desire. Future research should also consider the dysfunctions of relationships. Research comparing different parts of China, arguably more diverse than many European countries, should also be undertaken. Practical implications - The differences between the Chinese and European samples are less than expected. This indicates that business models of relationship functions developed for Western business may be more applicable to China than originally thought and there may be more common ground in international business than has been previously indicated. Originality/value - The paper simultaneously considers the cultural and role differences of relational functioning. The findings are highly generalizable. This enables application of the findings to a diverse range of international business relationships and the possibility for managers to re-evaluate their international relationship management strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses several toponyms in Chinese sources, which may possibly be identified with Armenia. First, Aman country, which can be found in the "History of the Later Han" (compiled 3rd–5th centuries) and in the "Account of the Wei Dynasty" (compiled between 239 and 265), is discussed, and it is suggested that there are reasons for an identification, though doubts remain. Armenia was well known by the Mongols and the "Korean Worldmap", which originates in Chinese geographical scholarship during the Mongol period and depicts possibly even Greater and Lesser Armenia. Another source of that period that mentions Armenia is "Muslim Prescriptions" (Huihui yaofang), which names Armenian materia medica known in China. Finally, two other Chinese geographical texts of the 16th and early 18th century that deal with Armenia and the Caucasus region are discussed. This paper shows that Armenia was described in Chinese texts since at least the Mongol period, and that China had a profound knowledge of the geographical situation in Western Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarises preliminary findings of a contextually rich case study that explores the link between globalisation and security. Following a broad-based and multidisciplinary widener's approach, the paper explores the strategic aspects of the migration of the Taiwanese semiconductor industry to China as part of the globalisation processes. Based on a triangulation of interviews and secondary data analysed thus far, the paper first explores the drivers of industry migration and the means by which Taiwanese state regulations are violated by related business operations. It then contends that these profit-driven activities have triggered multi-layered strategic challenges for Taiwan and the USA involving technological and defence security. Four inter-linked aspects of the strategic ramifications are analysed: (1) industrial base concerns; (2) technological risks associated with the dual-use nature of chip technology and the foreign supply of critical chips; (3) concerns reinforced by mainland Chinese institutional reforms and perceptions; (4) risks reinforced by the Taiwan factor. The paper concludes by calling for an embrace of a widener's approach to the study of security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article revisits principles of international relations theory, with emphasis on the influence of geopolitics on Chinese strategic thinking. China has published the fourth Defense White Paper of the country in 2004 entitled "China's National Defense in 2004," which contended that factors of uncertainty, instability and insecurity are on the increase in China. The white paper raised the debate on whether economic interdependence discourages conflict within the advanced world.

Focusing on the resilience of distinctive local consumption cultures, this paper challenges some of the more sweeping claims that have been advanced in the name of ‘globalization’. Thinking about a ‘globalizing’ rather than a fully ‘globalized’ world encourages us to examine the deeply contested nature of the concept and to explore the geographically uneven nature of recent economic, political and cultural transformations. This paper approaches globalization as a site of struggle rather than as an established fact, emphasizing the need for empirically grounded studies of the impact of ‘globalization’ on consumer cultures in different geographical contexts. The paper examines the way that producers have ‘customized’ their products for different markets (drawing on evidence from China and South Africa). It then reviews case study evidence from three contrasting consumption cultures: consumption and ‘public culture’ in India, ‘consumer nationalism’ in China, and ‘artful consumption’ in Russia. The paper concludes by identifying some current debates and outlining some directions for future research, including a re-emphasis on consumption and material culture; an exploration of consumption as social practice; the delineation of commodity-specific consumption cultures; and some reflections on the political, ethical and methodological issues that are being raised in contemporary consumption research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a symbol, bupingdeng tiaoyue (Unequal Treaties), that has received no attention in the current literature on the role of political ceremonies and symbols in China's national awakening and the formation of Chinese nationalism. This paper aims to repair this omission by tracing how the term acquired a strongly symbolic role and by analyzing the form, content, function and impact of the bupingdeng tiaoyue rhetoric. First, this paper examins Chinese nationalism by looking at the discourse on the Unequal Treaties as employed by various forces in Chinese history. Second, the shared experience of the Guomindang (GMD)-Communists (CCP) with the Unequal Treaties reveals further details about a highly strained and precarious relationship in the United Front from 1924 to 1927. Part of the vocabulary, style, rhetoric and argumentation of the Unequal Treaties discourse became integrated as a perpetual element in the common inheritance of Chinese-ness. Third, the discourse on the Unequal Treaties alerts us to the continuing relevance of the subtle distinction between the political state and national culture, a distinction that both the GMD and the CCP have attempted to obliterate. Fourth, China's experience with the Unequal Treaties suggests that the spread and interpretation of international law can only take place on a particular nation's own terms. Fifth, this paper seeks to focus attention on China's positive role in the development and crystallization of international law against imposed treaties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question of proselytism as an active practice of shaping other people's identities. Specifically, it looks at the identity discourse promoted by ethnic Chinese evangelicals and compares it to that of Jehovah's Witnesses. Both Christian churches proselytise among contemporary transnational migrants from the People's Republic of China (PRC) in Europe, each making use of a sophisticated organisation adapted to the transnational practices of these migrants. Yet while evangelicals promote a transnational ethnic identity quite compatible with the secular discourse of the global Chinese migrant, Jehovah's Witnesses promote an anti-secular, non-ethnic cosmopolitanism. As a result, global Chinese evangelical ties more easily become part of global migratory and business networks. The paper is based on fieldwork among Chinese evangelical organisations and Jehovah's Witnesses in Italy, Hungary, Russia, and the United Kingdom, supplemented with interviews in the United States (the headquarters of many Chinese evangelical organisations) and a survey of printed and online resources used in proselytising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"How to select the best partners" is an important decision for oil importing countries to ensure their energy security. However, amid global changes of a magnitude not seen in a century, decision making is something involving high uncertainty and high complexity. In this paper, linking data with empirical logic and expert judgment, fundamentals such as China's import demand for crude oils of different quality, export capacity of resource countries, and trade price are reviewed; and non-fundamentals such as international sanctions, diplomatic relations, channel risk, and investment cooperation are modeled with crude oil trade in globalization and bloc confrontation scenarios. On this basis, a model system for the optimization of China's crude oil import portfolio based on data-driven scenario analysis is built, which can be served as an effective tool to support decision making. The study shows that China should focus on four regions: countries surrounding China, the Gulf States, the Amazon countries of South America, and central and western Africa. In particular, in order to realize China's oil supply security in the scenario of Bloc Confrontation, in addition to Russia, Iran and Venezuela, China should pay more attention to Brazil, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, UAE, Kuwait, Angola, Guyana and Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]