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Anton Lembede, who is regarded as a member of the "new Afrikans", propagated the political philosophy of Afrikanism that is premised on an exclusive idea of "Afrika for the Afrikans." On the other hand, A.P. Mda's idea of "broad nationalism" pursued an inclusive idea of Afrika. This paper seeks to foreground Lembede's exclusive idea of Afrika in contrast to Mda's idea of "broad nationalism" and inclusive idea of Afrika. We will rely on the historical and comparative method and the Afrikan-centred theoretical paradigm. There are several findings which this paper has deduced. The first one is that the political and intellectual relationship between Lembede and Mda has eventuated in the epochal emergence of the antagonism between two Afrikan political philosophies of national liberation in conquered Azania. These philosophies are Afrikanism and broad nationalism. The second one is that the intellectual legacy of Lembede is a marginalised study in South African scholarship especially on the figures of the Black Radical Tradition. The third one is that the broad nationalism of Mda was transformed into the Azanian political tradition by Robert Sobukwe and Steve Biko. The last one is that the triumph of Mda's idea of Afrika must triumph has contributed to the disastrous dominance of nonracialism in South Africa at the expense of the racial nationalism of Lembede. This nonracialism has taken the form of the Congress/Charterist nonracialism of the African National Congress and its Tripartite Alliance and the Azanian nonracialism of the Pan-Africanist Congress and the Black Consciousness Movement. The fundamental objective of this paper is a call for the replacement of these naïve and dangerous forms of nonracialism with the uncompromising racial nationalism of Lembede, so that Africa's cause can triumph as he envisioned it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media plays an important role in how journalists gather and report news. To understand journalists' professional environment, we examine the networks of journalists on Twitter who cover politics for U.S. newspapers in conjunction with a sample of journalists who completed a survey. By combining both their network data and survey responses, we examine the distribution of journalists' ideology (n = 264) and journalistic values (n = 247); and using the network data, we examine the directional relationships between journalists working at large and small papers (n = 4,661). We find that journalists tend to form connections with those who share similar journalistic values. However, we find little evidence that journalists build professional relationships based on similarity in political ideology. Lastly, journalists at larger media outlets are more likely to be central in journalists' Twitter networks, providing evidence that journalists look to other journalists at larger outlets for direction in news coverage. Our evidence provides unique insights into how social media illuminates journalists' professional environment and how that environment may shape news coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the extent to which interdisciplinary (HASS, i.e. non-STEM) factors—in particular, accounting, stakeholder management and accountability—enable, influence and motivate large human exploration ventures, principally in maritime and space fields, utilizing Columbus's and Chinese explorations of the 1400s as the primary setting. Design/methodology/approach: The study analyzes archival data from narrative and interpretational history, including both academic and non-academic sources, that relate to two global historical events, the Columbus and Ming Chinese exploration eras (c. 1400–1500), as a parallel to the modern "Space Race". Existing studies on pertinent HASS (Humanities and Social Sciences) and STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) enablers, influencers and motivators are utilized in the analysis. The authors draw upon the concepts of stakeholder theory and the construct of accountability in their analysis. Findings: Findings suggest that non-STEM considerations—politics, finance, accountability, culture, theology and others—played crucial roles in enabling Western Europe (Columbus) to reach the Americas before China or other global powers, demonstrating the pivotal importance of HASS factors in human advancements and exploration. Research limitations/implications: In seeking to answer those questions, this study identifies only those factors (HASS or STEM) that may support the success or failure in execution of the exploration and development of a region such as the New World or Space. Moreover, the study has the following limitation. Relative successes, failures, drivers and enablers of exploratory ventures are drawn almost exclusively from the documented historical records of the nations, entities and individuals (China and Europe) who conducted those ventures. A paucity of objective sources in some fields, and the need to set appropriate boundaries for the study, also necessitate such limitation. Practical implications: It is observable that many of those HASS factors also appear to have been influencers in modern era Space projects. For Apollo and Soyuz, success factors such as the relative economics of USA and USSR, their political ideologies, accountabilities and organizational priorities have clear echoes. What the successful voyages of Columbus and Apollo also have in common is an appetite to take risks for an uncertain return, whether as sponsor or voyager; an understanding of financial management and benefits measurement, and a leadership (Isabella I, John F. Kennedy) possessing a vision, ideology and governmental apparatus to further the venture's goals. Originality/value: Whilst various historical studies have examined influences behind the oceangoing explorations of the 1400s and the colonization of the "New World", this article takes an original approach of analyzing those motivations and other factors collectively, in interdisciplinary terms (HASS and STEM). This approach also has the potential to provide a novel method of examining accountability and performance in modern exploratory ventures, such as crewed space missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The circulation of knowledge poses new questions to the scholarship on eugenics in the Habsburg Empire. Focusing on imperial networks and the cognitive management of imperial diversity, this paper analyses three cases of imperial circulation of eugenic knowledge. It shows that the actors, institutions, and geographies of such circulation varied substantially, depending on the practices out of which the particular type of eugenic knowledge emerged and the functions it served. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses de-legitimisation and Eurosceptic attitudes in Turkey as reflected in newspapers during the COVID-19 pandemic between 15 March 2020 and 30 May 2021. Easton's (1975) specific support about concrete policy outcomes and Scharpf 's (1998) output-oriented legitimisation theories are utilised in testing the hypothesis on de-legitimisation of EU-rope in both pro and against government media in relation to EU-rope's policies towards the "fight" against COVID-19 since Euroscepticism influences the political discourse in general regardless of political or ideological position. In the paper, EU-rope is used, instead of European Union (EU) and Europe as two different terminologies, since the analysed newspapers utilise EU and Europe interchangeably. Five newspapers are included in the analysis for this study: Hürriyet, Sabah, Karar, Gazete Pencere and BirGün based on their political and ideological stances. In the research, online archives of the newspapers are utilised, and in each newspaper the op-eds are excluded from the analysis. The main focus is given to the news - headlines on Europe and the EU. Keywords that are looked for in newspapers are EU, Europe, vaccine, BioNTech, Sinovac, Coronavirus, COVID-19, and the pandemic. It has been observed that, regardless of political ideologies and the position of newspaper at the left-right political spectrum, Euroscepticism became a common attitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence suggests that, on average, younger citizens in advanced industrial democracies tend to have different policy preferences to those aged 65 and over. Population ageing and relatively lower levels of electoral participation among young people amplify the political voice of older citizens and contribute to policymakers being more responsive to their preferences. This paper presents qualitative evidence on whether young adults and older Australians recognise a need to increase young people's influence on policymaking in the context of intergenerational inequality. The paper considers possible responses to this need, such as voting age reform. Results indicate that there is reasonable support, including from the older participants, to enhance young people's political voice and influence over policymaking. Growing awareness of intergenerational inequality in ageing democracies may make public opinion more favourable towards voting age reform and other measures to increase the political voice of young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The recent pandemic disrupted the way in which businesses transact with each other. In response to maintaining cleanliness in business-to-business (B2B) settings, artificial intelligence (AI)-enabled robots have been adopted as substitutes for cleaning personnel, yet their implications remain largely underexamined. This study aims to examine B2B buyer responses to cleaning information notices (human vs AI-enabled agent) placed at either the entry to the premises or the sales counter, thereby adding to the nascent literature in this line of inquiry. Design/methodology/approach: Three field experiments were conducted across diverse B2B businesses (wholesalers in Studies 1–2 and a commercial business in Study 3). To achieve greater empirical rigor and generalizability, this research used diverse stimuli across different B2B settings. In addition, the results ruled out alternate explanations and shed light upon political ideology as a boundary condition. Finally, a single-paper meta-analysis confirmed H1, consolidating the established effect. Findings: Featuring over 1,000 B2B buyers, the results show that politically liberal B2B buyers express greater preference for human over AI-performed cleaning while labor-orientated buyers are indifferent. Importantly, this effect is driven by greater relaxation associated with humans, which in turn, increases their future patronage and referral intent. Originality/value: The results enrich the collective knowledge of the adoption of AI-enabled robots, reinforcing for marketing practitioners and businesses that the reliance on human-based outcomes remains a preferred touchpoint in B2B settings, particularly for liberals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have studied political ideology and polarization in many different contexts since their effects are usually closely related to aspects and actions of individuals and societies. Hence, being able to estimate and measure the changes in political ideology and polarization is crucial for researchers, stakeholders, and the general public. In this paper, we model the ideology and polarization of 28 countries (the 27 EU member states plus the UK) using Facebook public posts from political parties' Facebook pages. We collected a three-year dataset from 2019 to 2021 with information from 234 political parties' Facebook pages and took advantage of the EU parliament elections of May 2019 to create our models. Our methodology works across 28 countries and benefits from being a low-cost running process that measures ideology and polarization at a high-resolution time scale. The results show our models are pretty accurate when validating them against 19 individual countries' elections as ground truth. Moreover, to make our results available to the research community, stakeholders, and individuals interested in politics, the last contribution of our paper is a website including detailed information about the political parties in our dataset. It also includes the temporal evolution of our ideology and polarization estimations. Therefore, our work delivers a novel tool that uses Facebook public data to create country metrics useful for different purposes. To the best of our knowledge, there is no prior work in the literature offering a solution that measures the ideology and polarization of all EU + UK countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper used the three-dimensional discursive analysis of Fairclough as a premise on the political and power ideologies involved in the images and the visual grammar of Kress and Leeuwen to unveil the representational, interactive, and compositional choices undertaken to disseminate the notion of resistance against racial inequality and injustice through the interaction of multimodality and resemiotization. It sought to identify the visual meta-functions and sub-meta-functions in the selected images of anti-racist/-injustice rallies and which of these (sub-)meta-functions re-semiotize the anti-racial movement, Black Lives Matter, into its basic elements, namely, Black Men/Women/Futures Matter or other movements. It also attempted to document how social practices are disseminated and redefined using visual grammar features in the selected images. Three out of thirty-seven chosen news images from CNN world news coverage, ordered vertically, were discussed in the paper. Results showed that the images confirm the presence of four processes: action (highest), symbolic, reactional, and speech (lowest). It also illustrated that the hegemony of political symbolic representations is strengthened or recontextualized through religious, social (gender issues-LGBT), and ethnic (Australian aboriginal groups) orientations. Lastly, the images showed that the socio-anti-racist practice is legitimized through purging the racially discriminative symbolisms (Iconoclasm) of dominant ideology by an eligible participant. The study concluded that although the representational structures (action, reactional, and symbolic processes), interactive patterns, and compositional systems appeared to be utilized somewhat equally, the micro-meta-function subcategories (contact, vertical/horizontal angles, modality, informational value, and salience) were distinguishing factors in meaning making and resemiotization among the selected news images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the temporal, spatial and structural linkages between the informal economic enterprises (IEEs) that have grown and spread in Bulawayo, the second largest city in Zimbabwe, and their formal economic counterparts, as well as the impact of the IEEs on the shaping and restructuring of the urban economy. To achieve this, the paper deployed a mixed methods approach which utilised survey and phenomenological case studies on the formal and informal economic enterprises in Bulawayo. The results of this study highlight the linkages between the informal and formal economic enterprises and the impact of political and economic ideology on such linkages, illustrating the spatial layering and patterning of both formal economic enterprises and IEEs in Bulawayo. The main contribution of this paper is its exposition of the impact of political and economic policies of the Zimbabwean nation-state on urban economic enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individuals inadvertently allow emotions to drive their rational thoughts to predetermined conclusions regarding political partiality issues. Being wellinformed about the subject in question mitigates emotions' influence on humans' cognitive reasoning, but it does not eliminate bias. By nature, humans tend to pick a side based on their beliefs, personal interests, and principles. Hence, journalists' political leaning is defining factor in the rise of the polarity of political news coverage. Political bias studies usually align subjects or controversial topics of the news coverage to a particular ideology. However, politicians as private citizens or public officials are also consistently in the media spotlight throughout their careers. Detecting political polarity in the news coverage of politicians rather than topics adds a new perspective. Determining the best approach for detecting political polarity in the news relies on the news delivery method. Data types such as videos, audio, or text could summarize the news delivery methods. Text is one of the most prominent news delivery methods. Text pattern recognition and text classification are well-established research areas with applications in many multidisciplinary domains. We propose to use deep neural networks to detect ideology in news media articles that cover news related to political officials, namely, President Obama and Trump. Deep network models were able to identify the political ideology of articles with over 0.9 F1-Score. An evaluation and analysis of deep neural network performance in detecting political ideology of news articles, articles' authors, and news sources are presented in the paper. Furthermore, this paper experiments on and provides a detailed analysis of newly reconstructed datasets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the motives behind the Czechoslovak scheme "Russian Action", which granted thousands of Russian "migr"s residence and financial support in Czechoslovakia during the 1920s and 1930s. In particular, it looks at the efforts to bring to Czechoslovakia Russian civil war refugees living in Constantinople. Historians have conventionally focused on Prague as the home to intellectual and cultural exiles from Russia and have also decreed that the "migr" policies of Czechoslovakia were driven principally by the humanitarian concerns of a liberal and democratic government. This article looks, instead, at the regime's deep-seated political motives, in particular its plans for a future, Bolshevik-free Russia, reconstructed under its guiding hand. In so doing, it raises questions about Czechoslovakia's self-image, ideology and place within the international hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the existence of Yugoslavia (1945–1991), the leading political ideology of "brotherhood and unity" had to be manifested in all forms of cultural life. Promoting the physically capable body as part of a larger cultural movement, Yugoslavia witnessed the transformation of physical daily regimens into mass bodily spectacles performed at stadiums, called sletovi, demonstrating the power of mass-choreographed discipline. Similarly, Yugoslav choreographers were encouraged to develop a distinct performance aesthetic based on stylization as a rhetoric for modernization, using folk dance as a medium to showcase and promote the collective body of the people through choreographed folklore spectacles. Focusing on these two case studies that exemplify how mass choreography was used as a strategy to choreograph the Yugoslav society, this paper analyzes how political ideologies and their constructions through physicality supported the Yugoslav state project, thereby pointing to the present-day remnants of these aesthetics in the post-Yugoslav republics, evident in mass protests. By utilizing archival and choreographic analysis, I demonstrate how movement and dance impacted the public understanding of unity and helped the creation of a Yugoslav socialist society, drawing from Andrew Hewitt's thesis on "social choreography". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of ideology in literary and political texts is the concern of any critical study including critical stylistics. The current paper deals with the ideological positioning of Joe Biden's and Bill Clinton's inaugural addresses. The researchers adopt one toolkit called negation with its various categories of Critical Stylistics, as suggested by Jeffries (2010) in order to uncover the ideologies that are hidden in the presidents' inaugural addresses. To explore the ideology in each category of negation, qualitative and quantitative approaches are adopted. The findings reveal that negating steers the text in an effective way, especially in eht syntactic category. What is more, since these are inaugural addresses, most of the ideologies are positive such as unity, democracy, and indiscrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the concepts of culture and identity within the context of the Fundamental Law of Hungary. The first part focuses on the relationship between the state and culture, both from a conceptual and an ideological point of view. The second part examines how references to culture and identity appear in the Fundamental Law. It is argued that by juxtaposing the two terms in Article R, the Fundamental Law seeks to broaden the meaning of constitutional identity, to include a historical-cultural dimension, and make it a rhetorical topic useful for the construction of exclusivist arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The authors examine the role of CEO political ideology in the credit rating process. Design/methodology/approach: This study adopts a quantitative method with panel data regressions using a sample of 5,211 observations from S&P 500 firms from 2001 to 2012. Findings: The authors find that firms run by Republican-leaning CEOs, who tend to have conservative political ideologies, enjoy more favorable credit ratings than firms run by Democratic-leaning CEOs. In addition, the association between CEO political ideology and credit ratings is more pronounced for firms with high operating uncertainty, low capital intensity, high growth potential, weak corporate governance and low financial reporting quality. Finally, the authors find that CEO political ideology affects a firm's cost of debt incremental to credit ratings, consistent with debt investors incorporating CEO political ideology in their pricing decisions. Research limitations/implications: Leveraging CEO political ideology, the authors document that credit rating agencies incorporate managerial conservatism in their credit rating decisions. This finding suggests that CEO political ideology serves as a meaningful signal for managerial conservatism. Practical implications: The study suggests that credit rating agencies incorporate CEO political ideology in their credit rating process. Other capital market participants such as auditors and retail investors can also use CEO political ideology as a proxy for managerial conservatism when evaluating firms. Social implications: The paper carries practical implications for practitioners, firm executives and regulators. The results on the association between CEO political ideology and credit ratings suggest that other financial institutions could also incorporate CEO political ideology in their evaluation in their evaluation of firms. For example, when evaluating audit risk and determining audit pricing, auditors may add CEO political ideology as a risk factor. For firms, especially those that have Democratic-leaning CEOs, the authors suggest that they could reduce the unfavorable effect of CEO political ideology on credit ratings by improving their corporate governance and financial reporting quality, as demonstrated in the cross-sectional analyses. Finally, this study shows that CEO political ideology, as measured by CEOs' political contributions, is closely related to a firm's credit ratings. This finding may inform regulators that greater transparency for CEOs' political contributions is needed as information on contributions could help capital market participants perform risk analyses for firms. Originality/value: Credit rating agencies release their research methodologies for determining corporate credit ratings and identify managerial conservatism as an important factor that affects their risk assessments. The extant literature, however, has not empirically investigated the relation between credit ratings and managerial conservatism, which, according to behavioral consistency theory, can be proxied by CEO political ideology. This study provides novel empirical evidence that identifies CEO political ideology as an important input factor in the credit rating process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Derechos y Libertades is the property of Dykinson SL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Speculative fiction is based on one main question: what if? This paper addresses the question of how audiences interpret such interrogative. In particular, our main interest lies in knowing how the different political ideologemes that may inhabit speculative fiction are signified. Thus, in this study we have focused on the genre of dystopia. To this end, a total of five focus groups were carried out. Specifically, the ideologemes tested in the reception study belong to socialism, conservatism, neoliberalism, liberalism and religious fundamentalism. The significance of these ideological values is empirically grounded in extensive qualitative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Illiberalism emphasizes traditional values and national sovereignty over liberal democratic ideals, which can lead to the erosion of democratic norms and institutions. Against this background, the paper investigates the relationship between illiberalism and various political and social factors in Romania, taking into account a particular context (the Russian invasion in Ukraine). Romania has experienced a rise in illiberal attitudes and the spread of populist and nationalist rhetoric, which is particularly concerning given its strategic location as a member of the European Union and NATO, and its proximity to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This study aims to investigate the associations between various attitudes, news consumption habits, and perceived exposure to misinformation, and how these factors relate to levels of illiberalism in Romanian society. Given the increasing prominence of illiberal and populist ideologies globally, a nuanced understanding of these relationships is critical. The study employs a quantitative approach, leveraging an online survey to collect data from a sample of 1000 Romanian citizens. Soft quotas were used to ensure a diverse representation across age, gender, and education levels. Data collection was carried out by Dynata, a globally recognized market research firm, between March 1–9, 2022. Our analysis, informed by multiple regression models, uncovers complex relationships between trust in institutions, attitudes towards Russia and Ukraine, news consumption habits, perceived misinformation, and demographic factors in shaping illiberal perspectives. By providing a comprehensive understanding of the contributing factors, this study aims to inform public discourse and policy-making processes on how to address illiberal tendencies in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the primary elections of the PanHellenic Socialist Party (PASOK) which were held on 5th and 12th of December 2021. Six candidates run for the position of the president in the first round and two runners-up in the second. As mentioned in the literature, there is a dearth of primary elections studies relative to general elections. The latter attract the attention of mass media for the obvious reason: they determine who or which party will govern the country or any other political entity. Nevertheless, there is a growing literature on primary studies. There are three aspects researched in this literature: (a) primary elections systems, (b) why a political party decides to hold primary elections and (c) the selection criteria of candidates and voters. This paper uses the existing literature to analyze some facets of the history of PASOK's primary elections, emphasizing the most recent one of 2021. The most important conclusion emerging from this analysis is that ideology did play a role, particularly the candidates' stance on their possible collaboration with the right-wing or the left-wing parties, which has been a controversial issue in the last decade. Another important conclusion is that PASOK voters opted for a younger candidate primarily because they wanted to get out of the current stalemate of PASOK's low performance in general elections. As predicted from the literature, the competition between the six candidates resulted in a large turnout on the ballot date even though other factors played a positive role such as very good weather and a wide media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uttar Pradesh is one of the significant political spaces that offers a genuine academic analysis to Electoral Geography students. This political space interestingly presents the electoral dynamics rooted in many socio-cultural variants and has a more significant bearing on the electoral behavior of the masses in Uttar Pradesh. In this respect, the present paper organizes its conceptual design to correlate the electoral behavior of voters of Uttar Pradesh with the effects of the elements of culture and social structure. Primarily, this paper analyses the factors that control electoral behavior. It includes demographic politics, religion, cultural symbols, language, social stratification (Caste and sub-caste), rural–urban divide, and identity politics. These are the dominant factors in the social space of Uttar Pradesh that essentially controls the electoral behavior. The tendencies involved in the recent elections are observed in terms of electoral mobilization by political parties in Uttar Pradesh. The spatiality of populism, media campaign, caste alliance, religious sentiments, nationalistic issues, and leadership traits is the emerging trends utilized in the multiparty political democracy in Uttar Pradesh. Hence, the article is an ethnographic exploration of the relations between politics and social stratification, religion, and caste/community in Uttar Pradesh. This paper aims to examine the implications of cultural mobilization on these lines. Further, it observes how power has been transferred from parties that claim to favor social justice and subaltern politics like Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party to Bhartiya Janta Party. This paper is generally based on secondary and archival sources; census data and electoral data are extracted from Newspaper reports, census, and the Election Commission of India. Primarily, It is a qualitative study where descriptive and analytical methods are applied. Arguments are framed through case studies and electoral data reports. The quantitative aspect of the analysis is represented through diagrams, graphs, and election statistics. The study shows that the evolution of the politics of Uttar Pradesh shows a visible sign of polarization mainly on the communal lines. Issues relating to the development of the region and its people are often sidelined in the face of communal division. Other factors like the ideology of the political party, local issues, caste, gender, and personality of the candidate intervene but with marginal effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic culture involves diplomatic ties, geopolitical orientation and political ideology involving the military. India's strategic culture orientates pro-nationalist policies, emphasizing the business progression of a specific class, discriminating in exercising minority rights, and imbalancing diplomatic ties with neighbouring states for regional hegemony. Indian leadership, from Jawaharlal Nehru to Narendra Modi, has kept regional dominance as a primary Indian strategic objective. More importantly, the Indian strategic community has carefully maintained narrative linking insurgencies with its neighbours, especially Pakistan. A cross-sectional analysis of Indian political doctrines explains how internal security challenges of India are shaping its strategic culture and stance towards Pakistan. It includes contextualizing the concept of strategic culture and modelling Indian strategic culture to the scope of research. The impact of Indian strategic culture on Pakistan is multi-dimensional, ranging from combat capabilities to international presence at international forums like the UN and FATF. The research proposes policy options and action points for Pakistan. The paper establishes three fundamental aspects. First, the Indian strategic thoughts are rooted in Kautilyian discourse. Second, linking Pakistan with insurgencies in India. Third, with the rise of Hindutva through the BJP with a conducive geostrategic environment, India has resorted to an offensive-defensive strategy towards Pakistan. With these interpretations, the research paves the way for identifying policy options for Pakistan while considering Pakistan's national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, most studies on Filipino Architecture concentrate solely on the history and aesthetics of its structures. Apart from their historical significance, these structures can also serve as a window into the political and cultural ideologies of a region or a nation. In this sense, the researchers hope to examine how Filipino Architecture, particularly Malolos Architecture, symbolizes our Filipino identity. The paper begins by analyzing three heritage houses that are included in the Malolos Historic Town Center, and then examines the Filipino aesthetics, politics, and ideology that these heritage houses embody. Using the framework for studying Filipino Architecture developed by Edson Roy Cabalfin, as well as selected ideas of Gerard Lico, this paper is divided into three sections: (a) a discussion on Malolos Architecture as a monument of Filipino aesthetic, (b) a discourse on Malolos Architecture as a political symbol, and (c) a discussion on Malolos Architecture as a reflection of the ideologies of Filipino society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to assess whether a difference or mismatch between individual political ideology and predominant political views in society is a significant determinant of the intention to migrate in Latin American countries. Design/methodology/approach: The authors use data from the 2018 Latinobarómetro Survey and conduct logit regressions using intention to migrate as the dependent variable and political ideology mismatch as the independent variable. The authors control for a large set of demographic, economic, and social variables. The authors also conduct Propensity Score Matching to control for potential endogenous effects produced by observable characteristics as well as a commonly used sensitivity analysis known as Rosenbaum's bounding approach. Findings: The authors find that political ideology mismatch is a significant determinant of the intention to migrate in Latin American countries but not symmetrically. The authors find that positioning to the right of predominant views in society is associated with voicing an intention to migrate, but positioning to the left of those views is not. Originality/value: Not much has been said about the role of individual political ideology as a push migrating factor. The paper contributes to fill that gap. The paper also contributes to the discussion about the political ideology of Latin American immigrants and how that ideology may have an effect on internal politics in the host countries. Peer review: The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-01-2022-0028. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the politics of Brexit has created a particular challenge for intellectuals in Wales because although for the most part they have been interested in forging cultural connections with Europe and the rest of the world, they were forced to accept in June 2016 that not only a majority of British voters decided to leave the European Union, but also that a majority of Welsh voters had done so, so that there was a disconnect between Wales's intellectuals and its population as a whole. Going on from here the paper argues that establishing diversity, cosmopolitanism and interculturalism as typical aspects of Welsh culture, which has long been practised by Welsh intellectuals and writers, has more recently been taken up as part of the process by which Brexit was symbolically challenged within Wales. A key component of this commitment to a form of cultural politics that is both nationalist and also politically progressive in Wales has been its literature, which through various material means has been constructed and framed along these lines. Focusing first on specialist book series, then on literary festivals, thirdly on sites of literary tourism in Wales and finally on literary prizes, the paper explores ways in which qualities of cosmopolitanism and interculturalism have been embedded in that literature and hence in the wider culture. In turn, it suggests that establishing these characteristics as intrinsic features of the national culture has provided Welsh intellectuals with some means of overcoming the gap between the intelligentsia and the wider population created by Brexit and so enabling a reconnection between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2021 local government elections (LGE) in the Republic of South Africa once again delivered hung metropolitan municipalities – a phenomenon that became common following the 2016 LGE results. The City of Cape Town is, however, a metropolitan municipality that has experienced coalition governance since the early 2000s, while the rest of South Africa's metropolitan municipalities were governed by the ruling African National Congress from 1994 to 2016. The 2021 LGE delivered coalition governments across the majority of metropolitan councils, namely: City of Tshwane (the capital), City of Johannesburg (Africa's economic hub), Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality, City of Ethekwini, and Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. This paper provides a conceptualisation of 'coalition governance and politics', and key characteristics of this phenomenon in South Africa and globally. Conceptual and operational understandings of coalitions is crucial given their increasing prevalence in South Africa. Areas of cooperation, compromise, consensus and divergence among the prospective coalition partners in South Africa are also examined in the article (based on political party electoral performance trends, political ideology, policy preferences and leadership personalities and qualities). Such factors are important because they determine the likely feasibility, efficiency, effectiveness and sustainability of coalition governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologija/Sociology: Journal of Sociology, Social Psychology & Social Anthropology is the property of MOD International and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper attempts to understand war reporting of the 2022 Russia-Ukraine conflict from Western, Asian and an African news media during the first two weeks of the war, from 24 February to 11 March 2022. A descriptive content analysis has been made of the war frames as reported online by New York Post (USA), Global Times (China) and The Citizen (South Africa). These communication entities used different news frames in their narrative of this international conflict dictated along differences in ideological orientation and considerations of their target audience. The themes of conflict, human impact, economic consequences, attribution of responsibility, sources and tonality serve as the basis for the content analysis. New York Post labelled the "invasion" as a "war" in which crimes were committed throughout Ukraine, South African Citizen news framing was less vicious, while Global Times simply characterized the invasion as a "crisis". In general, the New York Post's coverage of the Russia-Ukraine conflict largely emphasized the Ukrainian victims of the war and depict Russia as the aggressor. Global Times on the other hand promoted the China's potential role as a mediator, while The Citizen of South Africa sought to maintain the country's neutral stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America has been usually portrayed as an ill geographical space, with no possibility of healing in order to change its current destiny. It is also frequent to think about the crises and setbacks that accompany its history. This essay studies interventions of Latin American intellectuals and publicists who, between the end of the 19th century and the 1920s, resorted to the image of disease --and other associated medical notions-- to explain the tragic destinies of the region and thus defined a repertoire of ideas that seem to have endured. The paper focuses on two moments because of their importance in the emergence of repertoires of ideas, images and metaphors. On the one hand, the 1898 war between Spain and the United States, and European imperialism as a backdrop; on the other, the Great War and its effects, overlapping with the setting of the Latin-American centennials (1910-24), the Mexican Revolution (1910) and the Reforma Universitaria (University Reform, 1918), which began in Argentina but created a university movement in other Latin American countries. Therefore, as a general argument, theis paper argues that it is feasible to organize a body of texts produced in different Latin American countries between the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th that has formed an interpretative repertoire, which operates as a matrix to characterize the Latin American region and associate its destiny to notions such as disease, condemnation, impossibility and failure. Particularly, the paper highlights how references to illnesses in literal and metaphorical senses show the overlap between notions such as disease-conquest-colonization and diseaseimperialism-European decadence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The founders of the secular Turkish Republic, the Kemalists used secular nationalist education to build a secular Turkish nation and to create their own version of modern pro-Western secular Turkish citizens. This paper argues that Turkey's current ruling party, the AKP (Justice and Development Party) has been using the same system of education to create its own desired citizens with Islamist Populist ideals. This has been done without changing the secular principles of the constitution and laws on national education since there are several constraints that would prevent AKP to have open and declared pro-Sharia changes to the law. Thus, unlike many other Islamists in the other parts of the world, the paper shows that the AKP has chosen to undermine the secularity of the system, constitution, and law in an ad hoc, gradual and undeclared fashion. The paper concludes by noting that no matter the change in political actors and their ideologies, education is monopolized by the state for political purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Autonomous weapon systems" (AWS) have been subject to intense discussions for years. Numerous political, academic and legal actors are debating their consequences, with many calling for strict regulation or even a global ban. Surprisingly, it often remains unclear which technologies the term AWS refers to and also in what sense these systems can be characterised as autonomous at all. Despite being feared by many, weapons that are completely self-governing and beyond human control are more of a conceptual possibility than an actual military reality. As will be argued, the conflicting interpretations of AWS are largely the result of the diverse meanings that are constructed in political discourses. These interpretations convert specific understandings of AI into strategic assets and consequently hinder the establishment of common ethical standards and legal regulations. In particular, this article looks at the publicly available military AI strategies and position papers by China and the USA. It analyses how AWS technologies, understood as evoking sociotechnical imaginaries, are politicised to serve particular national interests. The article presents the current theoretical debate, which has sought to find a functional definition of AWS that is sufficiently unambiguous for regulatory or military contexts. Approaching AWS as a phenomenon that is embedded in a particular sociotechnical imaginary, however, flags up the ways in which nation states portray themselves as part of a global AI race, competing over economic, military and geopolitical advantages. Nation states do not just enforce their geopolitical ambitions through a fierce realpolitik rhetoric but also play around with ambiguities in definitions. This especially holds true for China and the USA, since they are regarded and regard themselves as hegemonic antagonists, presenting competing self-conceptions that are apparent in their histories, political doctrines and identities. The way they showcase their AI-driven military prowess indicates an ambivalent rhetoric of legal sobriety, tech-regulation and aggressive national dominance. AWS take on the role of signifiers that are employed to foster political legitimacy or to spark deliberate confusion and deterrence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recerca is the property of Universitat Jaume I and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main aim of this paper is to investigate the administrative procedural and litigation aspects of judicial review of governmental actions under the scope of the political question doctrine in Hungary. Governmental actions, due to their political nature, are usually excluded from judicial review, which means that an important safeguard of rule of law does not apply to them. As a result, serious constitutional concerns arise, especially when these decisions, in addition to their political nature, have a legal nature, too, or are administrative adjudicative ones. In these cases, procedural safeguards are even more important. The paper therefore examines such borderline cases in the practice of the Hungarian administrative courts and of the Constitutional Court regarding the existence of judicial review in these cases. The research has not comprehensively covered judicial practice, but focuses only on some characteristic decisions. In addition to examining court cases, the paper covers the statutory background and the theoretical foundations as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dacoromania Litteraria is the property of ACADEMIA ROMANA Filiala Cluj-Napoca Institutul de Lingvistica si Istorie Literara "Sextil Puscariu" and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

India has altered its military stratagem under the Modi government from nuclear deterrence to offensive defence. The constant use of offensive defence in the milieu of deliberate political aggression against Pakistan and victimization of the Muslim community in India is making Indian military doctrine a hostage of hyper-nationalistic politics of Hindutva. Since its rise to power, the BJP government has conflated anti- Muslim and anti-Pakistan approaches. Pakistan remains a crucial factor in its domestic, diplomatic, and foreign policy rhetoric. The internal discord and surge of violence against the Muslim population, as evident by 2020-riots in north-eastern New Delhi, are indicative of vigorous reforming of the national identity of India dominated by Hindutva ideology. Therefore, this paper addresses Hindu nationalism, which arose as a political ideology and caused an insecure environment for Indian Muslims while becoming precarious for Pakistan. It infers that Hindu nationalism, along with its assimilation approach towards minorities, is gradually asserting exclusionary conception of a state where cultural and political centrality of Hindutva has become a core theme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Haidé: Estudis Maragallians is the property of Biblioteca de Catalunya and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura is the property of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Iberian Journal of the History of Economic Thought is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Lingüística Hispánica is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Gerrymandering, the drawing of electoral boundaries for political advantage, is a controversial political topic. Previous theoretical work has treated gerrymandering as a one‐stage strategic game against nature, but this paper treats drawing districts as the first stage in a two stage game where parties subsequently compete for undecided voters within districts. In a laboratory experiment, subjects overwhelmingly engage in gerrymandering, which maximizes their probability of winning a majority of the districts and maximizes their expected payoff. However, the subjects self‐report being opposed to the practice in politics regardless of their own political ideology. When forced to draw the electoral map behind a veil of ignorance, the subjects indicate a clear preference for symmetric maps although not the map with the highest theoretical expected payoff. Additionally, while subjects overspend in second stage competition, average spending is similar across electoral maps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article gives an historical and analytical account of post-1967 Islamist intellectual production in the Arab-Muslim world and the ways it shaped political ideology in the region. By discussing Islamist approaches and debates with regards to the "secular" and secularism in the Arab-Muslim world the paper tries to answer mainly two research questions: what the perceptions over secularism were after the 1967 Naksa, and how intellectual transformations were applied on political identities, ideologies and strategies by some Islamist parties, occasionally leading to cross-ideological synergies. Using conceptual history, we divide post-1967 into two broad periods, while we argue that Islamist thought copiously appropriated notions of the secular with, however, many limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Radicalisation of young people is a gradual process. Emptiness in a form of distrust has spread into all areas of human life (work, family, church, etc.) and has led to indifference and passivity. This, coupled with young person's disintegration in terms of values and norms (disintegration) and social isolation (disorganization), prompts some sort of revolt. Losing footing in many life situations, the young person resorts to expressions of anger, which, if left unresolved, gradually grows into aggression and violence. The paper aims to identify and describe the sources of anger and frustration of young radicals in Slovakia. It also outlines the most common targets of their aggression. Close attention is paid to Slovak conscripts (Slovenskí branci), one of the radical groups in Slovakia. The Slovak Ministry of Defence regards this paramilitary group as a security threat. The theoretical part of the paper is based on works of sociologists who introduce the concept of indifferent society (Lipovetsky 2008) and examine barriers that hinder young people's integration (Durkheim 1973). Defining aggression and violence that originate in anger is based on Arendt's study (2004). The empirical part of the paper is a result of the qualitative research conducted among young radicals, aged 14-17 in Slovakia in a form of case studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the Brazilian 2022 presidential elections, presenting Bolsonaro and Lula as the two frontrunners who have too many other candidates to face, who compose a third way that together joins around 30% of voting intention. Approaching the way how Bolsonaro arrived at power in the 2018 elections - when Lula could not be a candidate because he was incarcerated - this paper also discusses Bolsonaro's government so that it can be possible to understand from where Bolsonaro comes and who he is, which mistakes he is doing that justifies the low levels of popularity, especially compared to Lula. Looking forward to seeing what the best for Brazil is and based on the hypothesis that a coup led by Bolsonaro would never succeed, not because of the international support to Brazil but due to the resilience of internal defenders of the rule of law, this paper is theoretically supported on the paradigmatic theory and concludes from the scenarios structured that Lula seems to be victorious in all of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the discussion of teaching literature, one controversial issue has been whether professors should remain dispassionately objective to various political and philosophical ideologies in the classroom; or if they should influence their students with their political and philosophical views. On the one hand, some scholars argue that professors of literature cannot remain objective in their classroom because their choices of content, teaching methods, and ways of conducting classes not only reflect their ideologies but also influence their students. On the other hand, some others argue that professors should not influence their students with their political and philosophical views because the literature classroom is not a place for imposing professors' political agendas. Within this context, this paper examines the theories of teaching literature and seeks to answer this issue. Drawing on the works of Himmelfarb, Showalter, and McKeachie, this paper argues that although professors should not impose their political and philosophical views on their students targeting them as their potential followers, they must influence them to uphold the value of liberal democracy, the value of liberty, and also the value of social justice because these are the fundamental values of our society and civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization symbolizes the process of reaffirmation of faith in the markets retaining the original form and character of the sovereignty of a country. Many of us would agree that globalization, far from being any novel concept, is the extensions of the classical Comparative Cost Approach, which suggests that intervention at specialization benefits the countries sharing trade. Deregulation is the essence of this strategy which follows a significant shift in decision-making from the government to business with an increasing thrust on the market forces rather than any political ideology. Thus globalization is a means when it is conceived of as an instrument to create an integrated world economy that takes the shape of a single market and as an end when it promises to maximize the quantum of socio-economic gains of all citizens of the world as its ultimate goal. The paper attempts to study the different dimension of globalization in India by mainly, trying to locate the impact of globalization on the Indian Economy as well as social wellness and to analyze the various facts regarding the achievements of India as well as challenges faced by it in respect of globalization, to this effect, a predominantly qualitative research approach has been adopted to critically inquire into the topic at hand. Data at all stages are secondary and garnered from a variety of published sources. Conclusively, the paper tries to highlight that the benefits of globalization could be made available to all people without discrimination. This would need the government to check the practice of keeping itself away from its basic social obligations by heralding a mechanism that could strike a balance between the strategy of following market theory and the urge to look after social needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the sticker as a semiotic and ideological element in urban space, through which social groups communicate competing meanings. From a methodological point of view, starting from the character of the flâneur, walking is considered a useful tool for understanding the signifiers of the city. Thus, this paper presents a content analysis of the stickers displayed in the central area of Bucharest, documenting over a thousand stickers. Two stickers with an anticommunist message numerically dominate the other stickers in the analysis. Researching the emitters of these messages, the paper concludes that anticommunism is used by them in order to propagate far-right ideas and to glorify the Romanian legionary movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]