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Building on the findings of Cedefop/ReferNet thematic perspectives for EU Member States, Norway and Iceland, this synthesis report identifies recent trends and policy developments in Europe on the initial and continuous professional development of VET teachers and trainers. The report points to the different types of VET teachers and trainers in Europe; their evolving and complex role in mastering new technologies, supporting the integration of refugees, identifying and supporting learners at risk of early leaving, and understanding changing labour market needs, to empower and equip students with skills for the future. Their qualifications and opportunities for continuous professional development vary across countries but the challenges policy-makers face in supporting them are shared. The report concludes with key messages for designing effective policies in Europe. [This research paper was produced by Cedefop's Department for VET and skills.]

In assessing the current and future role of universities in the nation-states in which they are chartered and funded, it is useful to ask, When are universities societal leaders as societal and constructive change agents, and when are they followers, reinforcing the existing political order? As discussed in the book, "Neo-Nationalism and Universities: Populists, Autocrats and the Future of Higher Education," the national political history and contemporary context is the dominant factor for shaping the leadership or follower role of universities -- what I call a political determinist interpretation. We often think of contemporary universities, and their students and faculty, as catalysts for societal progress -- the Free Speech and Civil Rights movements, Vietnam War protests, the anti-Apartheid movement, Tiananmen Square, and more recently the pro-democracy demonstrations in Hong Kong. Universities can be, and have been, the locus for not only educating enlightened future leaders, but also for opposing oppression and dictatorships. But universities have also proved over their history to be tools for serving the privileged, and reinforcing the social class divisions of a society; they also have been factories for errant theories that reinforce the worst of nationalist tendencies. Universities are both unique environments for educating and mentoring free thinkers, entrepreneurs, and citizens with, for example, a devotion to social change, or for creating conformists -- or all of the above. How might we assess whether universities are followers or leaders in their societies? This essay considers this question, offering a framework for evaluating the follower or leader role, and with particular attention to the emergence or, in some cases, re-emergence of neonationalist leaders and autocratic governments.

Hong Kong and Singapore are island city-states that exude the complicated tensions of postcolonial nationalism. Both are influenced directly or indirectly by the long shadow of China's rising nationalism and geopolitical power and, in the case of Hong Kong, subject to Beijing's edicts under the terms of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration. Both have productive economies dependent on global trade, and each has similar rates of population density--Hong Kong's population is 7.4 million and Singapore is home to 5.8 million people. It remains to be seen whether Hong Kong's peripheral nationalist identity will be retained, or whether the increasingly assertive influence and control by mainland China will prevail and fully assimilate Hong Kong. But it is apparent that Hong Kong is at a turning point. Throughout 2019, protesters filled the streets of the city, worried about declining civil liberties, specifically Beijing's refusal to provide universal suffrage as promised previously in law and the disqualification of prodemocracy candidates, along with the growing control of Hong Kong's government and universities by Chinese central government designates and fears of an ever-expanding crackdown on dissent. Singapore provides a less dramatic but relevant example of the tension caused by the influx of foreign national students and academics who often displace native citizens, combined with government-enforced efforts to control dissent in universities. And like Hong Kong, the long shadow of China influences the role universities are allowed to play in civil society. The following is an excerpt from the book "Neo-Nationalism and Universities: Populists, Autocrats and the Future of Higher Education" (Johns Hopkins University Press) that explores the implications of nationalist movements on universities in Hong Kong and Singapore. In both, university leaders, and their academic communities, value academic freedom and the idea of independent scholarship. Yet the political environment is severe enough, and the opportunity costs great enough, that they, thus far, remain generally neutral institutions in a debate over civil liberties and the future of their island states. The exception is the key role students have played in the protest movement in Hong Kong, but for how long?

We exploit a large exogenous shock to study the determinants of college attendance and the role played by one's environment. We analyze whether, and how quickly, adolescents' college plans are adapted, explore factors leading to the adjustment, and examine how these factors ultimately impact later educational attainment. Using differences across East German cohorts induced by the timing of the German Reunification (a change for the East from state socialism to capitalist democracy), we show that shortly after relative to before that time, college plans among high-school students increased substantially, which was followed by sizable increases in the completion of the college entrance certificate five years later. Our analysis sheds light on the elasticity of beliefs and preferences of different cohorts of youths in the case of a large shock. Perceived educational returns, economic preferences ("consumerism") and sociopolitical attitudes ("individualism") adapt quickly in response to the shock and are directly linked to changes in plans and outcomes. Cohorts closer to critical educational junctions at the time of Reunification, however, adjusted their plans to a much lesser extent. While they similarly updated the expected returns to education, they exhibited a slower adjustment in their preferences relative to younger cohorts. [Funding for this report was provided by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR) and the German Research Foundation (DFG) through CRC TR 224 (project C01).]

As one of the world's fastest-growing economies, Bangladesh aims to become a middle-income country by 2021 and a high-income country by 2041. To attain these goals, the country must face global challenges head on by strengthening existing industries and preparing itself for industries that have yet to emerge. To do this, it must tap the full potential of its human capital. Although Bangladesh made strides in access to education during the Millennium Development Goals era, poor girls continue to fall behind despite their ambitions to lead the country to change--a gap that affects their work outcomes once they leave school. The skills that Bangladesh's youth need to thrive in a world of rapid technological advancement will require a response by policymakers and practitioners alike. This policy paper unveils the barriers to educational opportunities for rural girls in Bangladesh, focusing specifically on science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education. It reflects upon a survey of 500 rural secondary-level schoolgirls, 100 parents, and 75 teachers from 30 rural schools of the district of Gazipur. The study identified barriers to STEM education at three levels--individual, institutional, and societal--that revealed both systemic and socio-cultural issues that actors in policy and practice can tackle. It provides clear recommendations for action and examples of practices that have started to fill the gap globally. If Bangladesh is to accomplish its goals and tap the potential of all its youth for rapid development, breaking the barriers to STEM education for all children is a key place to start. [This report was co-authored with Amanda Braga.]

President Barack Obama recently announced a proposal to eliminate tuition charges at community colleges so that everyone can easily complete the first two years of a university education. At the same time, the administration is creating new regulations to curb the worst abuses of for-profit universities. This suggests that the country has reached a turning point regarding access to higher education. There is a practical limit to privatization, and the countries that have privatized their higher education systems most aggressively, such is the case of the United States, are now reaching it. One country where the increase in university tuition has reached the limit of what the public will tolerate is Chile, where the most deliberate and comprehensive university privatization experiment in the world was carried out and where the most intense student protests calling for greater access have occurred, bringing this issue to the forefront of the nation's political discourse. Indeed, President Michelle Bachelet has recently promised to make higher education free of charge. This essay examines the recent history of Chilean universities and current debates regarding tuition and inequality that reflect a similar discussion in the US regarding whether higher education is a public or private good, and who should pay for it. A bibliography is included.

This paper examines the personal and societal choices that will shape the kind of country Canada will become. It is argued that Canadian policymakers' current approach to work, family, and urban life is based on patterns and associations that were developed in an earlier time and no longer reflect Canadians' experiences in the 2000s. Recent trends in Canadian home and family life, workplaces, and cities are analyzed, and policy challenges resulting from significant social changes in each of these areas are identified. It is argued that policymakers must address the following sets of choices when formulating the policies that will shape education in Canada in years to come: (1) striving for work-life balance or crafting policies based on the belief that life is only at work; (2) sharing responsibilities for intergenerational well-being needs with families or adopting policies based on the belief that families are solely responsible for meeting those needs; (3) accepting the notion that life "without work" matters or basing policies on the principle that everybody must work; and (4) acting as if "space matters" (spending on physical and cultural infrastructures, investing in public services, deciding land use and housing policies, redesigning local, province and federal governance, enabling democracy). The consequences of selected policy decisions based on each of these choices are explored. The bibliography lists 46 references. Five reference tables are appended.(MN)

In Canada and elsewhere, the shift from more horizontal models of governance and toward a more organized, diverse, and empowered civil society has sparked renewed interest in citizen involvement. The various dimensions of citizen involvement in policy processes are as follows: (1) mobilizing interest; (2) claims making; (3) knowledge acquisition; (4) spanning and bridging; (5) convening and deliberating; (6) community capacity building; (7) analysis and synthesis; and (8) transparency and feedback. These dimensions play various roles in the following stages of the policy process: (1) problem identification; (1) priority setting; (3) policy formation and design; (4) passage of policy instruments; (5) implementation; and (6) evaluation. An analysis of the adequacy of Canada's existing political institutions in providing for the dimensions of citizen involvement in each of these stages reveals that those institutions are not assuming as effective a part in citizen involvement as they might. Possible types of reforms to address this problem are as follows: (1) improving existing institutions and processes and developing institutionalized mechanisms for funding citizen involvement; (2) creating a new institution for citizen engagement, such as a civic forum; (3) changing culture within government; and (4) investing in civil society, including by promoting strong associational networks and supporting capacity building in voluntary organizations. (Contains 100 references.) (MN)

This paper summarizes the literature across disciplines and cultures that examines the possibility of a "fearless society." The author presents various theories and critical methodologies that critique this literature and yet support its inherent impulse of the Fearlessness Principle. The author suggests, despite the problems of interpretation of a "fearless society," the concept is essential to a future unifying vision for humanity, sanity and sustainability in the 21st century. This paper serves to develop a critical literacy of fear and fearlessness knowledge (i.e., fear management/education), as part of a 25 yr. long project, initiated by the author. (Contains 1 figure and 26 footnotes.) [This paper was published by the In Search of Fearlessness Research Institute.]

Monitoring the Future is an ongoing program of research intended to assess the changing lifestyles, values, and preferences of American youth. This publication, from the occasional paper series, describes a study that monitors drug use and potential explanatory factors among American secondary school students, college students, and young adults. The study aims to monitor drug use and related factors in order to provide social indicators of historical change, to distinguish the three types of change (age, period, cohort), and to analyze results at both individual and aggregate levels. Eleven specific objectives of the study are described and each is explained, including its logic and rationale, relevant theory, literature cited, and progress. Objectives 1 through 3 concern drug use and potential explanatory factors; Objective 4 distinguishes which kinds of change are occurring for various types of drug use; Objectives 5 through 9 study the causes, consequences, and developmental patterns associated with types of change in drug use; and Objectives 10 and 11 list additional methodological, policy, data-sharing, and other objectives. (Contains 11 footnotes, 3 figures, and 1 table.) [For "Monitoring the Future Occasional Paper 64," see ED494064.]

This study unearths and examines rich models of learning in which multiple institutions collaboratively play a role in promoting civic education. Using historical and ethnographic case study analysis, this paper addresses the research question: What is the role of community in civic education? Specifically, the author examines Hull House and the pioneering social settlement work of Jane Addams at the turn of the 20th century; democratic education for social change put into practice during the civil rights movement by Myles Horton, Septima Clark, Bernice Robinson, and others at the Highlander Folk School; and the Neighborhood Learning Community in St. Paul, Minnesota, a network of community institutions, schools, and higher education institutions which applies the lessons from Hull House and Highlander in its efforts to create a neighborhood culture of learning. Short overviews of these cases are given, as well as detailed lessons for the role of community in civic education. The cases in this study present important historical and contemporary models where educators commit to making change over longer periods of time; place a deliberate emphasis on comprehensive, relational, and public education; make learning relevant to people's everyday lives; recognize the creative powers of diversity through public work; utilize the talents and instincts of non-professionals; foster reciprocal relationships; and embrace flexibility and trust in the messiness of democracy. [This paper was produced by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE), University of Maryland.]

Despite the growing ideological divisions, there has been a surprising political convergence on some issues related to urban policy, social services, and housing. From the spread of charter schools and school choice to the expansion of home ownership through financial deregulation, it is apparent that liberals and conservatives agree. Yet these points of agreement hide or exacerbate racial and economic segregation, and geographically concentrate its deleterious consequences. The Obama Administration's embrace of urban charter schools and school choice is emblematic of this convergence, yet in fact, charter schools are even more segregated than regular public schools. Despite lack of evidence of their efficacy, and strong empirical support for benefits of school integration, Administration officials fail to describe the achievement gap as a reflection of metropolitan segregation. Establishing racially homogenous charter schools in urban neighborhoods, even where charter schools are successful, is but the latest example of what George Romney's allies dismissed as "gilding the ghetto." George Romney had a better approach. He understood that the suburbs themselves must be desegregated so that disadvantaged children could attend predominantly middle class schools in their own neighborhoods. He was defeated in his efforts, and partly because of this defeat, the achievement gap between black and white children has not narrowed nearly as much as it might have done in the last half century. It is unlikely to narrow much further without revisiting the imperative of residential integration in the metropolitan areas. (Contains 126 endnotes.)

This paper examines the decision of Hurricane Katrina evacuees to return to their pre- Katrina areas and documents how the composition of the Katrina-affected region changed over time. Using data from the Current Population Survey, we show that an evacuee's age and the severity of damage in an evacuee's county of origin are important determinants of whether an evacuee returned during the first year after the storm. Blacks were less likely to return than whites, but this difference is primarily related to the geographical pattern of storm damage rather than to race per se. The difference between the composition of evacuees who returned and the composition of evacuees who did not return is the primary force behind changes in the composition of the affected areas in the first two years after the storm. Katrina is associated with substantial shifts in the racial composition of the affected areas (namely a decrease in the percentage of residents who are black) and an increasing presence of Hispanics. Katrina is also associated with an increase in the percentage of older residents, a decrease in the percentage of residents with low income/education, and an increase in the percentage of residents with high income/education. (Contains 35 footnotes, 6 figures, and 7 tables.)

It is estimated that approximately 3 million students are enrolled as international students, and it is possible to project that this number may reach more than 7 million by 2025. As global demand exceeds the supply, competition is building for the best of these students. Some countries (or regions) clearly envisage the opportunity this represents and have been strongly stimulating student mobility. There is a race for "brains", be it for professors at the end of their careers looking for new professional opportunities and/or the opportunity to return to their native countries, or for researchers at the beginning of their careers, looking for a place that might offer them a better future, or even for students, who seek more appealing alternatives. How will Brazil fare in this competition for talent? If it is to internationalize its higher education study programs, Brazil must deal with a number of practical problems, including a lack of specific policies and guidelines. Bureaucracy, for instance, is one major problem. A foreigner who comes to live in Brazil faces many obstacles, mainly due to the bureaucracy involved in everything from getting a Visa through the Federal Police office, to opening up a bank account, renting an apartment, registering at school, amongst many other processes and regulations that make it difficult for anyone to come and live in Brazil. One rarely finds a course offered in English or Spanish in a Brazilian university and the selection of faculty are normally held in Portuguese. Currently, there are no plans or projects at either the federal or state level, to address these obstacles. This should be a major concern to all who hold positions of responsibility in the educational process, as Brazil is not keeping pace with higher education reforms found globally. The internationalization movement is growing, and Brazil must actively seek reforms to keep pace with economic competitors.

In July 1995, the University of California's Board of Regents voted to ban consideration of race and ethnicity in admissions and employment--a ban that was extended to all state agencies when the voters of California approved Proposition 209 in November 1996. This paper discusses the national controversy over affirmative action and analyzes the experience of the University of California as a case study in how an elite public university responded to the end of nearly three decades of affirmative action. It concludes that profound social and demographic change in American society since the 1960s, especially the growth of income inequality, requires a rethinking of affirmative action, and of how the goal of diversity can be achieved in elite public universities. (Contains 23 notes.)

Educators must work together to ensure that every American young person has access to the skills and experiences needed to become a full participant, can articulate their understanding of how media shapes perceptions, and has been socialized into the emerging ethical standards that should shape their practices as media makers and participants in online communities. A central goal of this report is to shift the focus of the conversation about the digital divide from questions of technological access to those of opportunities to participate and to develop the cultural competencies and social skills needed for full involvement. Schools as institutions have been slow to react to the emergence of this new participatory culture; the greatest opportunity for change is currently found in afterschool programs and informal learning communities. Schools and afterschool programs must devote more attention to fostering what we call the new media literacies: a set of cultural competencies and social skills that young people need in the new media landscape. Participatory culture shifts the focus of literacy from one of individual expression to community involvement. The new literacies almost all involve social skills developed through collaboration and networking. These skills build on the foundation of traditional literacy, research skills, technical skills, and critical analysis skills taught in the classroom. The new skills include: (1) Play; (2) Performance; (3) Simulation; (4) Appropriation; (5) Multitasking; (6) Distributed Cognition; (7) Collective Intelligence; (8) Judgment; (9) Transmedia Navigation; (10) Networking; and (11) Negotiation. (Contains 81 sources.) [This paper was written with Katie Clinton, Ravi Purushotma, Alice J. Robison, and Margaret Weigel.]

In quoting Ivan Illich's observation that "people who have been schooled down to size let unmeasured experience slip out of their hands," the author of this article contends that this is what is happening in education --- that we are being assimilated and schooled "down to size." Unmeasured experience, he says, is slipping out of our hands as a result, and this slippage is what needs to be resisted. Education should never be thought of as an "intervention," though resistance to it must be. To resist, the author maintains, is to intervene. The author writes that to be critical means to develop a deep cultural analysis that might provide the foundation for meaningful action in the work of education. Accomplishing this means to resist current trends toward further professionalization and specialization in the field. Intellectual work is an act of creative resistance to the pressures of specialization that are endemic to school and university work. When we can resist what works long enough to reflect on what matters, we will experience a regime change. (Contains 1 footnote.)

The burgeoning literature on youth civic engagement points to many different ways in which youth can contribute to the democratic life of communities, institutions, and the larger polity: voting, advocacy, service learning, community-university partnerships, and youth organizing, to name just a few. Hampton, however, represents a case where the city itself has taken responsibility to help institutionalize youth engagement. Hampton, a city in the Hampton Roads area of the Virginia coast near Norfolk, provides the most ambitious case to date to institutionalize youth civic engagement across the city in ways that have much in common with other models. None, of course, is without its problems, and much needs to be done in the coming years to make these systems more robust. Together, however, they provide a map of possibilities for how the city--and city government--can be a dynamic generator of democratic public work, co-production, and problem solving. (Contains 1 figure and 35 endnotes.) [This working paper was produced by the Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning & Engagement (CIRCLE).]

This paper discusses public libraries in the United Kingdom (UK) from a social and political point of view and examines race issues outside the UK. Part 1 addresses understanding race and class oppression, including moving away from a Eurocentric approach, features of racism, social and economic exclusion, the language of exclusion/liberation, roots of racism, combating racism in the United States, manifestation of racism in the UK, and racism and the law. Employment of black workers is described in Part 2, including the library field, the role of the Library Association, and the culture of change. Part 3 covers the black community perspective, including community librarianship, empowering local communities, and research projects. Part 4 discusses problems and solutions, including equal opportunity, commitment of managers, the role of Equalities Officers, barriers to change, the need to fight institutionalized racism, and anti-racism. Tools for change are discussed in Part 6, including perspectives on combating racism, recommendations of the Roach and Morrison study, Commission of Racial Equality standards, Lawrence Inquiry recommendations, the government's Social Exclusion agenda, library standards, empowering staff, changes at the British Broadcasting Corporation, the Best Value process, the Quality Leaders Project, and the Local Authorities Race Relations Information Exchange. Part 6 presents the conclusion and recommendations. (Contains 132 references.) (MES)

This situational analysis on vocational education and training in Kosovo provides an assessment of the key issues on that topic before the postwar rebuilding effort starts and also identifies short-term priorities, points to medium and long-term requirements, and recommends measures for the short-term that can be considered and carried out by the European Agency for Reconstruction. Sections are entitled "Introduction,""Objective,""General Education,""Labor Market Reform and Training,""Management Training,""Higher Education," and "Conclusion and Followup."The following items are appended: (1) lists of contacts in various education and training sectors; (2) a description of the information and computer science library network project; (3)construction and local development proposals; (4) a draft concept note; (5) cost estimates of recommended education and training measures; and (6) a February 2002 paper "A Strategy for Vocational Training. Supporting the Unemployed and Job-Seekers in Kosovo: Enhancing Employability" from the United Nations Mission in Kosovo Transitional Department of Labour and Social Welfare. (MN)

The New Approaches to Lifelong Learning (NALL) project is a Canada-wide 5-year research initiative during which more than 70 academic and community members are working collaboratively within a framework of informal learning to address the following issues: informal computer-based learning, recognition of prior learning, informal learning in a variety of social locations, learning within marginalized or disadvantaged cultures, and learning about school-to-work transitions. The NALL project's primary objective is to identify major social barriers to integrating informal learning with formal/nonformal learning and certification and to support new program initiatives to overcome such barriers. The NALL project's focus is on the informal and nonformal learning practices of people involved with the Growing Jobs for Living Project (GJOBS) in the Quinte bioregion, located on the north shore of Lake Ontario in Canada. These learning practices are related to the principles and practices of environmental adult education, feminist adult education, and transformative learning. The global and ideational contexts of some of the major socio-environmental changes and problems that have affected the Quinte bioregion and been a catalyst for GJOBS were examined. The methods used to study the informal learning practices of GJOBS participants were reviewed. The major outcomes of the study were discussed from the standpoint of their relationship to the broader field of adult education. (Contains 25 references.) (MN)