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Evaluates the various factors that influence the relationship between mainland China and Taiwan. Details on international factors; Factors originating in mainland China; Factors arising from developments within Taiwan.

Examines issues surrounding the national unity and territorial integrity of Taiwan. Significance of national reunification of China and Taiwan; Discussion on the civil war started by the Kuomintang; Position of the Chinese government regarding the settlement of the Taiwan question.

This study examines whether the pacifying effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) on territorial disputes between adversarial dyads is conditional upon the dyads' past experience of military cooperation. I built a political economy model and conducted a logistic regression analysis on the newly coded bilateral FDI data between adversarial dyads and the existing dataset by merging the rivalry data established by Thompson [51] and the territorial disputes data collected by Lee and Mitchell [42]. I found that when bilateral FDI flows between adversarial dyads reach a certain level the pacifying effect of FDI is stronger for adversarial dyads with past military cooperation. I also found that while past military cooperation has a pacifying effect in general, past military cooperation that occurred more recently has a stronger pacifying effect than those that occurred a while ago. Moreover, based upon the theoretical model and empirical findings in this paper, I investigated the political implications for Tsai Ing-wen's "New Southbound Policy" and Taiwan's approach to the territorial dispute issues in the South China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely recognized that Taiwanese democrat Wan-chu Lee, a so-called half-mainlander who spent a good part of his career in China, was in general in favor of democracy in his coping with the national issue. However, this paper argues that his understanding of the Chinese nation is primarily a cultural nation and he gave this cultural identity an authentic reading that is not to be transcended by his promotion of democracy. Despite that the prospect for democracy was aborted by the actual development in China, his identification with cultural China never faded away. This paper traces the evolution of his cultural identity and how he was able to stay with it throughout his career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to develop a theoretical framework that associates 'socialization' with the English School's elaboration of 'international society' and then applies it to the assessment of China's socialization in East Asian international society in post-Cold War era by using two indicators, namely internalization and institutionalization. Case studies, on the one hand, indicate that China has highly internalized regional common interests and rules into its political discourse. On the other hand, China has a high degree of institutionalization regarding with South China Sea dispute while remain a relatively low degree in dealing with the Taiwan issue. China tends to settle the dispute over Taiwan unilaterally. However, by examining recent trends, China has implicitly accepted US role in cross-strait relationship and also has downplayed the use of force as an instrument by enhancing its economic ties with Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that in the post-democratization era, the Taiwanese state devotes itself to creating a comprehensive division of labor with China in favor of Taiwan. Both the Democratic Progressive Party and Kuomintang (the Chinese Nationalist Party) administrations have endeavored to re-intervene in fields like research and development to strengthen and upgrade industrial competitiveness. The Ma administration tries to adopt a policy of globalization with comprehensive engagements with China. However, political costs come with the efforts in deepening and institutionalizing such a unique relationship. On the domestic front, the redistribution effect of the trade pact buttresses opposition forces to request a halt to further integration. To cope with the rise of China in hard times, the Taiwanese state chooses to adopt two-track policies to re-intervene into economic spheres of influence while searching for political compromise with China. From this aspect, the power of the Taiwanese state is not shrinking in the era of globalization. It requires more subtle ways to enhance capacities to co-exist with social forces on domestic soil, and promote trust with major international players in the region. The state power is thus transformed and readjusted in a more complicated manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The PRC-Taiwan diplomatic rivalry has not spared the South Pacific islands, a region only rarely mentioned within a Western strategy for Asia. This paper argues that the PRC and Taiwan have, since the 1970s, become players in their own right in Oceania, raising new variables in an uneventful area. Beijing and Taipei have made energetic efforts out of all proportion to draw such tiny islands to either camp. The elusive reasons are dissected herein. Wary of Western hegemony, the region's leaders have turned to Asia for offers of trade and aid, and have played the PRC and Taiwan against each other. This paper seeks to: explain Beijing's and Taipei's goals in lands that yield seemingly negligible gains; show how such activism has impacted Oceania; determine the region's perceptions and reactions; portray the relative position of all players; and point out future problems. The study is divided into contentious points crystallized over time: Cold War decolonization and the Chinese/Taiwanese arrival; aid, trade, and investment; fishing disputes; the role of China's navy; the region's nuclear-free zone; UN and South Pacific Forum dialogues; and the region's social economic, environmental ethnic, and security concerns. The study concludes that the supremacy of Chinese and Taiwanese global commercial considerations aims to demand a specific institutional-geopolitical alignment in Oceania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After President Jimmy Carter took office, ROC Ambassador James Shen sensed the storm forthcoming that would cause the withdrawal of U.S. recognition of the ROC/Taiwan. In response, he assembled a small team of advisors among Chinese-American academics to advise him on how to minimize the damage to Taiwan from the impending disaster. He solicited their views on what ideas or damagelimiting measures that should be transmitted to those members of Congress who were known for their friendly sentiments and goodwill toward Taiwan. This article presents the observations of one of the participants about this traumatic process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the puzzling phenomenon that authoritarian governments are perceived to be more responsive than democratic governments. By comparing China and Taiwan by both large-N statistical analyses and in-depth case studies, we show that the answer lies in the differences between democratic and authoritarian institutions. First, failing to elect one’s preferred candidate in democracies predisposes voters to critical assessment of government responsiveness. There is no such predisposition in authoritarian countries where elections are nonexistent or nominal. Second, elections incentivize democratic leaders to over-respond to certain groups. There is no such mechanism in authoritarian countries. Third, the solid and clear legitimacy established by electoral victories shield democratic leaders from particularistic demands made through unconventional channels. Without such legitimacy, authoritarian leaders are compelled to cement legitimacy by increasing responsiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In “Diversionary Dragons, or ‘Talking Tough in Taipei’” (Journal of East Asian Studies 9, 3: 369-398), Yitan Li, Patrick James, and A. Cooper Drury presented a newly created data set to show that Chen Shui-bian used independence rhetoric and confrontation with the mainland as a diversionary tactic in the face of domestic political difficulties. In the present exchange, Jonathan Sullivan challenges the authors’ understanding of how the Democratic Progressive Party used the Taiwan independence issue-and the authors’ interpretation of independence- and raises questions about the coding of press coverage as a means of identifying underlying preferences. The authors respond, concluding that the future use of such diversionary tactics is by no means foreclosed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study applies framing analysis to online news in China by examining how two mainstream websites in Mainland China, www.people.com.cn (hereafter People) and www.sina.com.cn (hereafter Sina), frame Taiwan's 2004 presidential election and how the presence of news frames varies within the same website as well as between these two websites. Factor analysis gauges four distinguished news frames: conflict, game, ideology and military consequences. Within websites, game and ideology frames are more perceptible than the other two frames. Between websites, the conflict frame is more salient in Sina than in People. The author suggests that generic frames and issue-specific frames can be detected simultaneously. In China, online news frames are identical with the frames underlying traditional mainstream media when it concerns coverage on Taiwan. This study also verifies the validity of the deductive approach in the identification and measurement of news frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Taiwan, as well as the US, have failed to adapt new practices in response to the paradigmatic changes in the sources and nature of the China­Taiwan conflict. Reflecting the tremendous political and social changes in Taiwan, China, and the world that have occurred during the past 10–15 years, the most prominent source of the China­Taiwan conflict has shifted from power to identity. This article discusses the change of social identity in Taiwan and the re-emergence of nativistic nationalism in the PRC identity. The authors suggest that policymakers on all three sides could begin to re-think the Taiwan issue by taking advantage of the ideas and methods pioneered by experts in the rapidly growing field of conflict analysis and resolution. In this article, the authors apply concepts related to identity used by practitioners in the field of conflict resolution to look at the deeper cultural issues of identity and suggest some more appropriate methods for intervention and resolution of this deeply rooted conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many security analysts believe advances in information technologies are producing changes in economy, government, and society that make information warfare an important aspect of the conflict between China and Taiwan. This study introduces the concept of information warfare and finds that Chinese and, to a lesser extent, Taiwanese strategists have developed distinctive approaches to it. Despite limited technological resources and a reputation for political constraints on innovation, China made early efforts to adopt technologies, organizational forms, and strategies to facilitate information warfare. In the event of war, Beijing hopes to disrupt advanced Taiwanese and American network-dependent economies, governments, and militaries while protecting access to the more limited information it requires. Taiwan is building information warfare capabilities by drawing on both its advanced information technology firms and US assistance. American policymakers should take steps to prevent the emergence of information warfare in the context of the cross-strait rivalry from undermining deterrence and crisis stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the Chinese leadership, defence of a 'thick' notion of sovereignty serves to enhance its legitimacy, deflect criticism of its domestic policies and to resist outside involvement in the Taiwan issue. Yet, since the People's Republic initially opened up in the 1970s, China's strict sovereign prerogatives have gradually eroded. Today, the nexus where defence of Chinese sovereignty meets the imperative of engaging the outside world defines both the limits and the possibilities of enmeshing China within international society. The challenge for the international community is to understand the dynamics of China's sovereignty-integration nexus and to identify policies that will strengthen Beijing's commitment to international peace and stability. In this regard, China's participation in UN peacekeeping operations is often overlooked as an area of interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the political and economic condition of China after the death of Deng Xiaoping. Jiang Zemin as Deng's personal choice; Lawmaking in China; Political tensions happening in China; Brief information on how Taiwan became a part of China; Taiwan and the international community.