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Social trust and political trust are, amongst others, key social capital factors. This paper examines the accuracy of their measurement and comparability across different time periods. Multiple-group confirmatory factor analysis (MGCFA) is performed and different levels of measurement invariance (configural, metric and scalar) are tested. Data used are from European Social Survey for the years 2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008, in relation to Spanish citizens. Factor means for social and political trust are compared across time in Spain. Political and social trust show stability across time, except in 2004 with a higher level of political trust and 2006 with a higher level of social trust in Spain. Comparison with traditional composite scores shows the inaccuracy of such measurement for data comparison across time. Finally, consequences of using inaccurate measurements, and methodological recommendations concerning model fit structural equation models are delineated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political responsibilities of women in local governments of 155 town councils across Spain. The main objective is to examine the situation of female politicians within municipal governments, focusing on the division of power roles (vertical segregation) and the different areas of government (horizontal segregation). We suggest that the gender roles/stereotypes approach may explain the situation of women in formal politics and the inequalities that we have found in these local governments. This approach is combined with the power theory. Thus, a key factor in explaining this situation may also be the dominant role of men in traditional power structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The variance in electoral magnitude and in district malapportionment is relevant to understand the political consequences of the spanish electoral system. This paper proposes a threefold classification of districts into subsystems and validates it by its diverging results in fractionalization and proportionality. The inequality of electoral magnitudes places a special overrepresentation bonus on certain parties; and the same happens with malapportionment. Both things accumulate into a geographical electoral price which results in a conservative bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A crucial issue in the European Union (EU) is which policies should be regulated by EU and which ones by national governments. Given this situation it is interesting to study the citizens' preference for the level of political decision making. The interest of the paper is mainly empirical, which consists in the creation of a measure for supranationalism decision making from different measured policies and to study how personal variables affect the level of political decision. A combination of Item response theory (IRT) and structural equation modeling (SEM) will be used. IRT is useful to discover whether a cumulative scale for different policies exists, and SEM will be used as validity of the supranationalism scale. Multiple group Confirmatory Factor analysis taking into account invariance tests will be used to compare the differences within gender, age, education and political trust with supranationalism scale. A whole model combining all these predictors and the supranationalism scale can be done using multiple input multiple cause-MIMIC models. The application is based on Spanish data from the European Social Survey. Differences in education and age on the level of political decision making are found. The combination of IRT and SEM methods it of great interest in the case is the researcher wants to fulfill both goals, creating the construct for supranationalism and validation of the model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes over, from an empirical perspective, one of the classic concerns of normative theories of democracy: political community size and citizen participation. Although it focuses on voter turnout, this paper makes a simple question: why and how the political body size can influence the political behaviour of its residents. For this purpose, we examine, from an aggregate approach, the relationship between "size" and turnout in different types of elections in Andalusia, in the period 1999-2011. Our ecological analysis of participation, by using multi-regression techniques, shows that population size is the main "civic" characteristic of localities. However, other characteristics of local contexts, such as income and subsidized agrarian population, are positively related to participation. Our results suggest that individual theories of voting behaviour should also take into account the contextual factor when offering their conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper seeks to confirm the hypothesis according to which political consumerism can be considered a form of political participation that cosmopolitanism is helping to develop. After analysing the theoretical implications of this hypothesis, the study presents an operationalization of cosmopolitanism which shows its greater presence among those individuals who have bought or boycotted products for ethical, political or environmental reasons. This is followed by a further verification of the association between cosmopolitanism and political consumerism, controlling for the effect of the main socio-demographic variables on the latter. The study confirms the hypothesis that political consumption can be regarded as a form of political participation related to cosmopolitanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When voters cast their ballot, are they choosing a candidate or a party? Electoral systems have a significant impact on how this question is answered in each country. As previous literature has shown, some electoral rules foster a more personal representation, while others strengthen the intermediary role of parties. In this paper I maintain that there exists a trade-off between these two types of representation. To empirically verify its existence and how it works, I have chosen local and regional elections in Spain as a case study. Given that they take place simultaneously under similar electoral systems, they can be considered a natural experiment for the study of this trade-off, which allows me to overcome the potential problems of endogeneity present in previous studies. By measuring the significance of ideological closeness and candidate evaluations in voters' decisions at each level, it is shown that the importance of personal representation increases in local elections at the expense of a less frequent use of ideological proximity as an informational shortcut, thus confirming the existence of the trade-off. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]