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In this paper, 28 aftershock sequences are selected, which are distributed in different areas including north China, southwest of China, northwest of China, Taiwan area, Turkey and Greece. In order to investigate the characteristics of these sequences along with different temporal and spatial coordinates, each sequence has been divided into dozens of segments called ``sub-sequences''. The ETAS (Epidemic Type Aftershock Sequences) model is applied to each ``sub-sequence'', and therefore the vectors of parameters of ETAS could be evaluated. Another model named LR (Logistic Regression) model is used to seek the correlate relation between the parameters of ETAS applied to every earthquake ``sub-sequence'' and seismicity. All the analyses and estimations imply that the characteristic of decay of aftershock sequences in different temporal and spatial domains seems to be characterized by the parameters of the ETAS model applied to some aftershock sequences or ``sub-sequences'', and there are some proportional correlate relations between the evaluation of LR model and the occurrence probability of the succeeding strong seismic energy release. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the problem of non-cooperative fishing between Mainland China (MC) and Taiwan (TW) as well as the effects of rising sea surface temperature (SST) on the grey mullet fishery. The results show that Taiwan can expand its fleets to a greater extent when facing an imperfectly elastic demand for fish than when facing a perfectly elastic demand. In addition, when consumer welfare is included in the determination of the size of fleets, fleet size can expand more than when profit is considered alone. It is also shown that the expansion of the fleets in MC and the rising SST cause the rent obtained from the TW fishery to decline, and that Taiwan may partially offset such an adverse effect by adjusting the fleet size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a comparative study of the law of assembly between the People's Republic of China (PRC) vs. the Republic of China (ROC). The comparison is achieved by looking at how these two Chinese societies structure police powers during assembly, procession, and demonstration -- textually and contextually. Particularly, it investigates how the forces of history, constitution, and politics converge to define and shape the Law of Assembly. This comparative project is conducted to understand the relative development of police powers in the two Chinese societies, which once were linked by history and culture and are now divided by geography and ideology. In a still larger context, this research employs comparative policing to expose and explicate how the police in two closed societies, the ROC (Confucianist) and the PRC (Socialist), come to terms with social protests and political challenges, and suggests how to balance the forces of reform and control with the use of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reexamines American policy toward China, Taiwan, and their ambivalent bilateral relationship, focusing on the period since Washington's shift from strong (but not unconditional) support of Nationalist China to the role of balancer in the early 1970s, particularly on the most recent period under George W. Bush. We analyze the relationship from a strategic triangular perspective. The China-Taiwan-US relationship is triangular in the sense that each actor's relations with the other two depend on its relations with the third. It is strategic in its focus on security. The United States has been the consistent "pivot" of this triangle, having better relations with both "wings" than they have with each other. Washington has retained this structurally advantageous position partly because of its disproportionate strategic weight, and partly because of the inherent difficulties Taipei and Being have had forging a cooperative bilateral relationship. This structure has been quite stable since the Cold War, as Washington has periodically shifted its balance from one wing to the other without altering the triangle's basic configuration. Yet so long as the configuration is maintained, the basic problem on which the triangle is based - the contested independence of Taiwan - cannot be resolved. This creates a sense of national identity frustration that will continue to generate attempts at resolution, either by Taiwan's declaration of independence or China's forced reunification (or both). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to illuminate the interactive relationship between domestic politics and external policy in Taiwan's mainland China policy after the 2000 presidential election. Following the logic of Putnam's two-level games, this paper demonstrates how the newly elected President Chen Shui-bian adopted an ambiguous and evasive approach as well as frequently shifted positions in his dealings with the mainland China issue due to the constraints of his pro-independence constituents and a vigilant, anti-independence Beijing. Employing Knopf's three-to-three games as well as Puchala's issue politicization, it further shows how Taiwan's opposition parties--the KMT, the PFP, and the NP--as well as Chen's political rivals, took advantage of Chen's inability to break the Strait impasse by initiating active engagement with Beijing in order to gain political advantages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taiwanese-managed factories in Vietnam treat workers better than in China. This paper seeks to explain this unexpected phenomenon. Four factors are seen to contribute to this difference: the two country's household registration systems, the living arrangements of workers in these factories, the behavior of the two nations' trade unions and, crucially, the role played by the two governments. This comparative study concludes that intervention by the state is critical in improving labor conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of a single-owner who owns the opposing interests of a dispute has been suggested in the literature to make the Coase Theorem operational in resolving dispute. This paper points out that the idea implicitly assumes the existence of an overriding authority, e.g., the Courts, to implement the solution. When such an overriding authority does not exist, a different rationale must be employed to make the single-owner apparatus work. This insight is explored and then applied to help resolve the Taiwan Strait Conflict. Specifically, a‘One China, Two Republics’ policy is proposed and its implications illustrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether China will become democratic is an interesting question with significant practical implications. This paper draws on the experiences of other Confucian societies (mainly Taiwan and South Korea) to show that it will be very difficult for China to become democratic anytime soon. Basically, in a Confucian society, people live in collectivities with stringent hierarchical structures. Such a feature is not conducive to democratization. In the cases of Taiwan an South Korea, cultural change, the emergence of a pluralistic social order following economic development, and foreign influence may have all contributed to their transition to democracy; however, more important is the quasi-pluralistic social order -- namely, ethnic and national identity cleavages in Taiwan and regionalism in South Korea in clearing the hurdle placed by the Confucian culture, Unfortunately, in China, no ready-made quasi-pluralistic social order exists, and other factors conductive to democratization may not be forthcoming soon, rendering the prospect of democratic transition in the foreseeable future quite bleak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The search for status, or more correctly, the desire to maintain status, lies at the heart of the Republic of China on Taiwan's (ROC) foreign policy. This is particularly so vis-à-vis its official state-to-state relations. In this regard, the ROC has been constrained by a conscious policy by the People's Republic of China (PRC) to try and marginalize Taiwan on the international stage. Due to objective realities, Taiwan has had to become satisfied with maintaining official state relations with small states only. All, with the exception of the Vatican, are in the developing world, with a number in Africa. This paper examines Taiwanese foreign policy and its diplomatic initiatives, with particular reference to its use of 'dollar diplomacy' in its activities in Africa. The constraints and limitations of such policies are drawn out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-Strait relations between Taiwan and mainland China are of great importance to the development of China and peace in East Asia. However, this subject has not been sufficiently dealt with in a theoretical manner. This paper takes stock of the analytical approaches in the field in an effort to present to the academic world the existing intellectual instruments that interested researchers can take advantage of in cross-Strait studies. Nine approaches are identified. They are: the divided-nation model, integration theory, the power asymmetry model, the vote-maximizing model, the developmental state paradigm, strategic triangle theory, systems theory, political psychology theory, and the cognitive approach. The intellectual roots of these approaches are traced and their applicability to cross-Strait relations examined. Their strengths and weaknesses are also compared. Finally, a synthetic analytical framework is proposed. It is believed that a literature review of this kind is a prerequisite to a theoretical understanding of the cross-Strait relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the text of a policy paper presented by Taiwan's Mainland Affairs Council Chairman Chang King-yuh at the National Unification Council meeting on July 22, 1998, which deals with the cross-strait relations between China and Taiwan.

This is a paper which reviews and discusses the implications of Chinese value systems for managerial behaviour in Taiwan. With a central assumption that managerial behaviour and styles are largely shaped by the values and normative systems of senior members of corporate management, a study of 43 industrial firms in Taiwan investigating their organisational structure and the managerial assumptions, values and other socio-demographical features of their senior managers was conducted. The results of the research lead to the construction of a typology of four managerial patterns in Taiwan today, viz. the ‘grass-roots’ type, the ‘Mainlander’ type, the ‘specialist’ type and the ‘transitional’ type. While the ‘transitional’ type is more or less by definition ‘transient’, a tendency is postulated by the authors for both the ‘grass-roots’ and ‘Mainlander’ types to move gradually to converge with the ‘specialist’ type which will become increasingly widespread in Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• A new model for urban resilience considering adaptability, resistance and recovery was proposed. • Valid factual information during the Morakot was adopted to validate this model. • Critical parameters of the model such as damage intensity, experience coefficient etc. were studied. • Some optimal suggestions were provided to efficiently improve urban resilience. Due to the greater emphasis on cities' preparatory and recover ability for disaster, urban resilience is widely concerned, which is different from the traditional management mode of natural disaster and provides a new theoretical framework for urban security governance. In this paper, considering adaptability, resistance and recovery as the main characteristic factor of urban resilience, an urban resilience model was developed. This model could be used to simulate the resilience of a city under different disaster scenarios. Valid information was collected from Taiwan of China during the Morakot, and the urban resilience model was tested by the practical data, and then the resilience in Taiwan was analyzed by the constructed model. The results show that the model could reflect the resilience change of cities during disasters to some extent. Further, according to the disaster characteristics, five disaster scenarios were set to analyze various resilience characteristics. In addition, the critical parameters of the model were studied. We found that the greater intensity of disaster damage, the more serious damage of urban system function, and the earlier peak time of disaster damage intensity appears, the faster damage rate of urban system function will be. Furthermore, the larger coefficient of external disaster relief capability, the lower loss of urban system function and the better recovery capability. The higher coefficient of disaster experience, the richer the disaster response experience, the more perfect urban infrastructure of disaster response, and the smaller loss of urban system function. Based on our results, we analyze the characteristics of urban resilience and provide some optimal suggestions to efficiently improve urban resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]