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This study examines the participation of Cilician Armenians in the Mongol Ilkhanate's Syrian invasions in 1259–1260. Drawing upon data from mediaeval sources and various perspectives in scholarly literature, this paper addresses the following key questions: 1. Where were the troops of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia and their allied countries consolidated? 2. To what extent did the troops of the Armenian King Het'um I join forces with the Mongols? The inquiry also presents the specific details of the capture of Syrian cities and explores the likelihood of Armenian troops' involvement in these operations. In the final section, the paper delves into the events surrounding the famous Battle of Ain-Jalut and examines the potential participation of Armenians in this pivotal conflict, in which the allies suffered defeat and were subsequently compelled to retreat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to show how local civic communities, nominally subject to the Seleucid dynasts, integrated Roman magistrates into an existing framework of authority during the late second and early first centuries BCE. I argue that as Roman magistrates played an increasingly significant role in the region, cities initially framed them in quasi-regal terms, which their interlocutors consciously accepted. Through a close reading of two Roman letters to the Cilician city of Mopsuestia, dated to 87 BCE (SEG 44.1227), and analysis of literary, epigraphic, and numismatic evidence for the final collapse of Seleucid authority in the early 60s BCE, I reveal that this was a locally driven process. Consequently, local agents played a critical role in both legitimising Roman hegemony in local contexts and encouraging Roman intervention within the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Korasion, a coastal settlement between Seleukeia a.K. and Korykos, was (re?) founded in Late Antiquity and abandoned in the seventh century. While its monuments still maintained a remarkable state of preservation in the early 20th century, the intensive resettlement thereafter has not only destroyed most structures, but also made the remaining ones invisible, making archaeological fieldwork impossible. Due to the presumable importance of the settlement, strongly suggested by early archaeological and epigraphic studies, it is nevertheless necessary to sum up, reevaluate and contextualize the evidence and address several aspects of this late antique settlement. Because of the mentioned current and prospective impossibility to carry out fieldwork at Korasion, I pursue an approach based on the analysis of data, drawings and images dating back to the 19th and early 20th century. While doing so, I mainly focus on the various known buildings of the settlement including not only the two basilicas but also several civil buildings, which are presented with redrawn plans and partially new reconstructions and analyses. Moreover, the epigraphic data, mainly related to grave monuments, is – for the first time - systematically evaluated and contextualized. The more than 80 inscriptions documented by J. Keil and A. Wilhelm, combined with the decoration and the broad spatial setting of the funerary monuments, offer an interesting insight into the habits and social structures of a genuinely late antique coastal settlement. Finally, a largely updated version of the settlement’s plan-reconstruction, based on written, drawn and photographed material of those above-mentioned early studies, as well as on this paper’s results, is included. This way, this article attempts to offer a suitable base for further comparative studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At some time around August 324 b.c., Antipater, the regent of Macedonia received orders from Alexander the Great that he was to be replaced with another eminent officer in the Macedonian court, Craterus. In addition to his removal from office, Antipater was ordered by Alexander to leave Macedonia for the East, bringing with him fresh levies to replenish those that comprised Craterus' own contingent of veterans from Opis. Though Craterus left Alexander's court shortly thereafter, neither man can be said to have made the journey speedily or directly. A range of reasons has been given to explain Craterus' slow advancement, including the construction of infrastructure to allow the transportation of military resources from east to west, the poor state of his health, and the need to recruit more men. By the time of Alexander's death in June of 323, Craterus and his forces had only reached the province of Cilicia in southeastern Anatolia. Antipater's immediate reaction to his new role is not recorded, but what is known is that he remained steadfast in Macedonia, seemingly in defiance of Alexander's orders. It is the purpose of this paper to evaluate Antipater's refusal to depart from Macedonia, to explore whether tensions between Antipater and his replacement could account for Craterus' sluggish advance and to highlight the impact that Greek domestic politics had on Antipater's position in Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to explore the discursive picture that Cicero builds of himself in the set of letters sent to Atticus on his way to Cilicia (Cic, Att. 5.1-15). Bearing in mind that the discursive portrait the speaker fashions for himself is rooted in stereotypes or collective representations that affect not only self-presentation but also the portrait's success in a given culture, in these letters we will explore the ways the sender will mould his actions into exemplary ones. Our hypothesis is that Cicero's self-fashioning as an exemplary governor is an attempt to counteract the problem of invisibility inherent in his being away from the Vrbs. Indeed, considering that political life during the late Republic and early Empire was centered on the capital city, being away from this center entailed a serious threat to Cicero's persona or public image due to the fact that, because of his nouitas, this image was inherently precarious. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Acacius's significance relates to the controversies between Arianism and monolithic church doctrine, and as a consequence, the ideas that developed during the 4th century that caused turmoil in the Eastern Church. After the condemnation of Arius's doctrine as heretical at the Nicaean Council in A.D. 325, orthodox opponents regarded many bishops as heretics; some were expelled, while others, called Homoians, formed the base of the episcopate. Acacius, was appointed as episcopus by Acacius Caesariensis in 360 (?), presumably up to 379 (?), after Silvanus of the Ecclesia Tarsensis Metropolis of Dioecesis Antiochena (Le Quien, 869 sqq.). He was cited and studied by Basilius, Epiphanius, Sozomenus, and Theodoretus, who were interested in the Churches' dealings with heretics. This paper analyzes the acts that played determinative roles in this interaction and focuses on the religious viewpoints that this aroused as well as the social and economic problems that the late Roman Empire faced in managing the Cilician territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the selection of Nectarius of Tarsus as the first patriarch of Constantinople in A.D. 381. Nectarius, a layman and a retired senator from the provincial capital of Cilicia, was elected as the bishop of Constantinople during the sessions of the second general council. The election was a part of the agenda of the council, which had gathered under the auspices of the emperor Theodosius. The selection of Nectarius fit well within the imperial ideology, which sought an ecclesiastical reconciliation. Nectarius also had regional support from the Cilicians, who were in agreement with the Church of Antioch. His election was also a case of philia (friendship), which was an important factor in church politics in the 4th century. Theodoret, Socrates, and Sozomenus-near contemporary observers from the 5th century-provide reliable and comparable details of this election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]