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Aceh is the only province in Indonesia with an exceptional degree of autonomy to implement Sharia. This paper explores how Serambi Indonesia—the leading Acehnese local newspaper—framed the implementation of Sharia in the region. This study employed content analysis of the Sharia coverage in Aceh from 2012 to 2020 using a hybrid approach, combining issue-specific and generic frames. The results revealed the four identified frames: Sharia codification, deviance from Sharia, desirable Sharia enforcement, and Islamic morality. among those frames, the deviance from Sharia was much preferred. The frame prominence was more prevalent after Qanun Jinayat (Islamic Criminal Bylaw) took into effect in Aceh. It was also given more prominence on the front page than on other pages. However, other frames made up 60% of the articles, implying that the Acehnese local newspaper positively represented the implementation of Sharia in Aceh while highlighting Sharia problems surrounding its enforcement. These findings exemplify the use of a hybrid approach to better examine the media frames, support the effect of critical events on changes in the media frames, and confirm the different prominence of the frame based on the page placement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the 2005 Helsinki Agreement lead to peace in Aceh while the 2000 Humanitarian Pause and the 2002 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement floundered? This paper argues that a decidedly illiberal peace-building approach led to the cessation of hostilities and subsequent peace in the Indonesian province. Conflict termination in Aceh was premised on the transition from a wartime political order to a peacetime order. The shift from a wartime to peacetime political order entailed the assuaging and renegotiating of patronage, rent-seeking privileges and social hierarchies that existed during the conflict. The end of the Aceh conflict led to the perpetuation of the wartime elite's stranglehold over the province's political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global attention generated after the December 2004 Asia tsunami disaster catalyzed one of the most successful internationally-mediated peace processes in the world in Aceh, Indonesia, but did not save the peace process in Sri Lanka. Rather, international aid contributed to a "no war, no peace" equilibrium in Sri Lanka that was brought to an end by the military victory of the government. This paper compares these two highly internationalized peace processes in Southeast and South Asia, particularly, the role of international actors in reconstruction, and analyses the reasons for the different outcomes. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, the paper traces how transnational aid networks, discourses and practices may become endogenous in local or internal conflicts and peace dynamics over time. Finally, it is clear that inclusive and comprehensive peace building, as well as the space for transformation of conflicting groups, is the key to successful peace building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura is the property of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami witnessed extensive housing reconstruction programs by humanitarian agencies in the affected countries. In the most impacted country, Indonesia, in Aceh province more than 140,000 houses were built by more than 120 agencies. Within a few years it became evident that residents found it necessary to extend, remodel and renovate and thus transform the houses to suit their own and broader social needs; a self-initiated construction process proliferated beyond the investments by agencies. Key questions arise in such a context: Why must the beneficiaries transform their houses? What needs are not met through the standardised houses? Can particular types improve the capacity for residents to transform their house? Perhaps most significantly, what lessons does such transformation offer that can inform future policy and practice in the field of postdisaster housing reconstruction? This paper addresses such questions and is derived from an in-depth study of the self-initiated transformation process of post-tsunami housing in Aceh, supported by Raphael Vinoly Architects, New York. It outlines the background and context of the process and provides examples of housing that have been and are undergoing transformation, by way of illustrating the nature of and reasons for such initiatives. Drawing on the lessons gained from the examples, the paper underscores key implications for future housing reconstruction programs in a context of climate change and increasing frequency and intensity of disaster events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 2005, after the devastating tsunami in the Indian Ocean Basin, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for the cessation of hostilities was signed by Aceh's longstanding adversaries—the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). The tsunami was a major catalyst for ‘disaster diplomacy’—international political pressure, which, this paper argues, was an important ingredient in creating conditions for the MoU, although the situation within Aceh also shaped the peace process. Based on interviews conducted in 2006 and 2007 with government officials, GAM representatives and fighters, and non-governmental organization staff in Aceh, this paper finds that assistance for tsunami survivors far exceeds that available for conflict survivors and ex-combatants. The formation of these two solitudes—the tsunami-affected and the conflict-affected—compounds challenges for sustaining peace in Aceh. This research points to an enduring lack of livelihoods for former fighters and conflict victims that may threaten a sustainable peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami brought Aceh's long-drawn separatist conflict back to international attention. Yet, the precise way in which the different aspects of the conflict entangled with resource-related grievances have remained poorly understood. Taking a political ecology approach, this paper sets out to understand the role of natural resource grievances within the complex and shifting set of mutually implicated factors leading to and sustaining the conflict from the early days of Indonesia's independence. The paper argues that the management of Aceh's natural resources – especially the rich gas and oil reserves – was not the sole or primary causal factor. Rather, state managed exploitation of natural resources had a demonstration effect, exemplifying other grievances and supporting the articulation of a separatist discourse naturalizing ‘Acehnese’ conceptualizations of resource entitlement. Comparing Aceh with other separatist conflicts, the paper suggests that, as conflict unfolds at the intersection of a shifting set of concerns, it is increasingly difficult to separate the underlying issues of identity, resource entitlements and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, on the northern end of Sumatra, Indonesia, was the region that was most damaged by the Boxing Day tsunami of 2004. Rehabilitation and reconstruction are well underway. This paper discusses likely threats to the economy of Aceh with the end of the construction boom in 2009 and the policy actions that need to be adopted to facilitate a smooth transition from the boom to a normal, rapidly-growing, sustainable economy. Key recommendations are that the forces causing a high-cost economy must be kept under control by capping provincial minimum wage rates and by more effectively utilising the aid funds. Immediate action is needed in the areas of Aceh that were little damaged by the tsunami and are therefore receiving little assistance. Appropriate policies affecting the supply of labour for construction, both from inside and outside of the province, are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The passing of Law No. 18 of 2001 on 'Special Autonomy for the Province of Aceh Special Region as the Province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam' signified a major development in the Indonesian government's strategy to resolve Aceh's protracted conflict. Ratified by President Megawati Sukarnoputri on 9 August 2001, the 'NAD law' conferred unprecedented authority to Aceh over its internal affairs. This paper evaluates the challenges that have been involved in implementing the three main tenets of the legislation -- aspects of Syari'ah (Islamic law), the return of Aceh's natural resource revenue and a provision to hold direct local elections. The paper argues that the Megawati administration's failure to redress Acehnese grievances through special autonomy largely stems from its suspicion of the NAD law itself, its greater reliance on militaristic measures than on political policies in Aceh, and pre-existing systemic factors such as Aceh's dysfunctional state infrastructure, corrupt political culture and war economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal is the property of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many foreign aid agencies promote peacebuilding as a global policy objective. This paper considers how they have fared in practice in subnational, “peripheral” conflicts in Asia that have relatively low international profiles, using case material from Aceh in Indonesia, the Far South of Thailand, and Sri Lanka. Foreign aid has supported long-term economic growth in these countries but typically failed to address peacebuilding concerns or associated inequalities between ethnic groups. Many barriers limit the scope to promote peacebuilding, stemming from recipient governments’ reluctance to accept external involvement and from aid agencies’ own limitations. Those agencies that do address conflict concerns tend not to use technical peacebuilding tools or methodologies. Instead, they prioritize the root causes of conflicts, recognizing human rights protection and equality of opportunity as policy aims. They also devise responses locally, build good relationships with governments, and work incrementally from a strong knowledge base. Wider adoption of similar policy objectives and practice would enable further small-scale peacebuilding initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Tithe or alms is an important source of revenue for the state to improve the economic condition of the poor. Management of the tithe collection as well as its effective distribution will help develop the community. Thus, this paper aims to study the Islamic administration of tithe in two states, namely Aceh in Indonesia and Kedah in Malaysia. Both states have their own relationship in a context where they both have a large number of Muslims, the majority of which are ethnic Malays, and they constitute one of the early regions to accept Islam. The focus of the study is based on historical analysis, economic growth and development, as well as the contemporary scenario in the administration of tithe law. The study will investigate the role of tithe as a fund for community development within the state, its management as well as the administration of the law. For this purpose, the study is conducted using qualitative methods and interviews with a number of respondents in order to examine the administrative aspects of Islamic law on tithe. The finding shows that the strict enforcement of law, accompanied by institutions organised with manpower and focused objectives, will have an impact on the tithe collections as well as the confidence of community towards the institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A clear understanding of what creates a conflict is central to building a lasting peace. This paper targets two common misconceptions which cloud analyses of the recent separatist conflict in Aceh. First, the conflict was not about oil. Resource curse theories help explain the creation of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), but cannot explain why the conflict remained limited for several years. The lessons here are that what motivates a conflict varies over time and across groups. Second, despite Acehnese history, identity, and global trends, the conflict was not marked by Islam. Instead, the GAM promoted ethnic nationalism and downplayed religion to sustain the conflict and their control of it. The lesson here is how leaders can shape, but cannot determine the identity of movements. Beyond these two misconceptions, I move towards explaining the causal mechanisms of the Aceh conflict and assessing this model in light of post-Tsunami developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In reply to the critique of Baird and Kerr, we emphasize that our model is a generalized vulnerability model, built from easily acquired data from anywhere in the world, to identify areas with probable susceptibility to large tsunamis--and discuss their other criticisms in detail. We also show that a rejection of the role of trees in helping protect vulnerable areas is not justified in light of existing evidence [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indonesian military sees itself as the guarantor of national unity, the state's last line of defence against separatist movements. This paper argues that the military's methods for maintaining national unity have been counterproductive. Its counter-insurgency wars in Aceh and Papua have exacerbated the sense of alienation from Indonesia that the people in these provinces have felt. In this post-Suharto era of political reform, the military has been unable to recognise that its old methods have failed, even after its obvious failure in East Timor, whose people, after living under a 24-year military occupation, rejected continued integration with Indonesia in a referendum in 1999. The fact that the politicians in the legislative and executive branches of the state have tended to encourage the military to persist with its old methods suggests that the military by itself should not be faulted. Only political resolutions, such as the Helsinki agreement for ending the conflict in Aceh – an agreement that resulted more from the devastation of the December 2004 tsunami than from the Indonesian military's counter-insurgency warfare – offer any guarantee of national unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human-elephant conflict (HEC) poses a major threat to elephants in many parts of Asia, including Indonesia. This paper presents data from a case study on HEC in Aceh, Sumatra, Indonesia. The area consists of a mosaic of settlements, agriculture, and forested areas that are used both by elephants and humans. Questionnaire survey data were used to examine villagers "attitudes towards elephant conservation", "forest protection", and "wildlife authorities". While 36% of the respondents expressed a positive attitude and accepted the need to protect elephants, a majority of the respondents (64%) indicated that they would not support conservation where crop damage by wildlife, particularly elephants, was threatening livelihoods. Nevertheless, 86% of respondents had a positive view of protected forests, either for personal benefits such as hunting and collection of non-timber forest produce or to act as wildlife refuges. Although the wildlife management authorities respond to crop raiding incidences by elephants, which had some positive influence on perceptions of people towards the authorities, overall the majority of respondents (83%) perceived the wildlife authorities negatively and claimed that they did not provide support when crop raiding took place. The main factors identified as reasons for the observed conservation attitudes were proximity to forest boundary, occupation, and education level. Further education and conservation awareness programs, and conflict mitigation should become a priority to gain local communities' support for conservation and change people's attitudes towards elephant conservation so they can share resources with elephants, where possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The province of Aceh in Indonesia provides a promising case for studying the economic legacy effects of conflict given subnational district-level data on violence and gross domestic product. We demonstrate specific negative economic legacy effects of armed conflict despite a general peace dividend: whilst all districts in Aceh grow faster after conflict ends in 2005 than during the conflict, the districts that suffered relatively more from violence during the war grow relatively more slowly during peacetime than districts that experienced relatively little violence. These negative legacy effects are relatively short-lived, however, and are no longer statistically significant from 2009 onwards. JEL classification: O40, O47, Q54 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the context in which education in Aceh acts strategically to advance an agenda of social transformation. Applying a cultural, political economy analytical framework, it identifies ways in which education is embedded in key cultural, political, economic and social struggles at present. They include: (1) the redistribution of educational opportunities and access; (2) ambiguous spaces for democratic representation in a decentralised educational structure; (3) competing notions of how diversity is acknowledged within Indonesia and Aceh Province; and (4) conflicted approaches to reconstruction following the 2004 tsunami and end of conflict in 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there has been a flurry of research on party system institutionalisation (PSI) and regionalist parties, very little research has been conducted on their imbrication. This study aims to fill this gap by analysing the impact of local parties on the party system in post-conflict Aceh, Indonesia. It contends that the presence of local parties in Aceh has had a hybrid effect on the institutionalisation of the party system. Similar to national parties, local parties in Indonesia have weak societal roots and party organisations that obstruct PSI in Aceh. That notwithstanding, local parties in post-conflict Aceh have assisted in solidifying the party system by improving the legitimacy of parties and elections and by creating a less fragmented party system. This hybrid effect is also strongly influenced by Aceh's long wartime history and its post-conflict status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most popular surface runoff estimation methods is the rational method. Unfortunately, this method has several concentration-time approaches that have been developed, as one of the parameters, which are specific to the environment to increase the accuracy of the runoff estimation. Therefore, this study aims to estimate surface runoff using a rational method with several concentration-time approaches in order to obtain the best accuracy in tropical palm dates plantations in Aceh Province, Indonesia. The concentration-time approaches studied were Kerby, Kirpich, Manning, Bransby Williams, Federal Aviation Agency (FAA), and Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS). This research was conducted by making a test plot in the plantation with the length, width, and slope of 22 m, 4 m, and 25%, respectively. Each side of the test plot is given a barrier plate with a height of 15 cm and embedded as deep as 30 cm. In addition, on the bottom side, there is a runoff collection tank with a capacity of 50 L. The physical properties of the soil on the test plots in the form of structure, texture, porosity, permeability, and organic C were granular, sandy loam, 0.43%, 1.84 cm/day, and 1.25%, respectively. The test was carried out from March to November 2020 with 37 days of rain. The results of this study indicate that there are significant differences between each concentration-time approach being tested. The best runoff estimation uses the Bransby William method in units of l/hr with the root mean square of 7.95. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is great scholarly and practical interest in local academic institutions' potential contributions to community rehabilitation and reconstruction in the wake of disasters. Using survey data, this study seeks to quantitatively verify the intermediate function of local academic institutions in building mutual understanding and consensus between local residents and external actors during disaster recovery efforts. The survey measured Indonesians' perceptions of disaster relief efforts following the Sumatran earthquake and Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004. It was conducted by Syiah Kuala University Aceh, Indonesia, between July and October 2020. The authors applied parametric methods to analyze the data, including regression analysis, factor analysis, and structural equation modeling (SEM). The analysis results reveal a relationship between the intermediate function of local academic institutions, and residents' overall satisfaction with disaster recovery efforts. The findings suggest that the institutions' expected intermediate functions may be influenced by regional factors, and that future policy-makers should consider regional characteristics to improve the efficacy of local disaster response and recovery efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Aceh, located in the northernmost area of Sumatra Island, is one of the regions that suffered the most damage from the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004. The process of reconstruction after a large-scale disaster is considered an opportunity to create a safer society, especially for developing countries, however the accumulation of knowledge about how to improve reconstruction is insufficient. The affected areas have diverse social and economic characteristics and unprecedented restoration efforts have been made. The Indian Ocean tsunami disaster, therefore, provides numerous research opportunities, and many surveys and other researches have been conducted to better understand what happened and how the reconstruction process could be improved. However, the majority of such research has focused on housing reconstruction, rebuilding livelihoods and community rehabilitation and there has been only limited research on transportation-related issues. Thus, there is significance in evaluating the reconstruction of Aceh from a transportation perspective, a dimension that has yet to be examined systematically. As a first step in the effort to evaluate various aspects of the reconstruction of Aceh from a transportation perspective, this research aims to present three transportation-related issues within the reconstruction process—1) the road network in the Banda Aceh coastal area, 2) mobility in relocation sites, and 3) reconstruction of the Banda Aceh–Meulaboh road—and to conduct a preliminary analysis of these issues by adding the viewpoint of disaster management and reconstruction, the authors'' area of specialization. For conducting a preliminary analysis, existing information such as research papers, articles and reports and data collected through interviews and field reconnaissance conducted by the authors were utilized as much as possible, and such “qualitative data” was analyzed by applying the “interpretive approach”, considered an appropriate analytical framework for qualitative data. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Since the peace agreement has put an end to the 30-year-long civil conflict in the province of Aceh in Indonesia, poverty, parental loss, lack of opportunities and an old tradition have caused a growing number of Acehnese girls and boys to spend between three and ten years in residential Koranic schools [dayah or pesantren]. There, they process their experience of the conflict, be it direct or indirect. In this article, thanks to ethnographical data, the author explores this labour of transformation. An idea of resilience which is culturally based in local societies is analysed. Key issues are the difference between personal and social resilience, plus the transformations that a resilient process enhances in the very culture from which it stems. The dayah have proved very effective structures in facing the needs of the poorest Acehnese children. Nevertheless, the author argues, they tend to shape the children according to a general model that can create exclusion and crystallize pre-existing psychic suffering. This paper indicates that different visions of trauma and memory characterize different parts of the same society, and that selecting one or another is a political choice that is embedded in international policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Aceh, Indonesia is one of the few societies that have successfully navigated a post-disaster transition following simultaneous natural and man-made disasters. Since the August 2005 peace agreement, Aceh's road to recovery from the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami and 30 years of separatist war has been largely successful. However, key challenges remain to consolidate the success of Aceh's post-disaster transition and ensure sustainable peace in the province. Reconciliation is among the challenges that has to date been largely neglected. While significant political and economic change has occurred, prolonged armed conflict left behind a legacy of negative intergroup relations in Aceh that has yet to be addressed. As political realities have delayed implementation of mechanisms designed to promote reconciliation such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Human Rights Court, this paper argues that peacebuilding practitioners should adopt complementary approaches to reconciliation such as intergroup contact programs that are being proven effective in various international contexts. It will explore an important, and largely neglected aspect of Aceh's post-disaster transition by providing an overview of the literature on reconciliation and intergroup contact, and highlighting key efforts to pilot these techniques and advance reconciliation in Aceh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated dehumanizing metaphors used in the daily life and collective memory of Acehnese people in Indonesia and how male and female persons are presented. The interviews were held with 20 people from six districts in Aceh province, Indonesia. Data were collected from elders aged 60 and above, and Acehnese is spoken as their mother tongue. Since they did not travel much (except for occasional holidays with families and Hajj pilgrimage), they are deemed untainted native speakers of Acehnese. For analysis, grounded by the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, this study found that the metaphorical expressions in the Acehnese culture that dehumanize people mostly use animals' concepts, and the rests are of the inanimate entity, and plants. The negative meanings present human as animals are such as agam buya (crocodile man), kamèng keudèe (goat in the market), manok agam (cock), among others, and the positive ones that present human as plants are boh lam ôn (a leaf-covered fruit) and padé jum (wet rice). They negatively or positively describe a person's behavior where the negative ones are commonly associated with a person's corrupt behavior and the positive ones for good behavior. Most of the dehumanizing metaphors are genderless; only a few are gender-based. Acehnese is a genderless language that has no distinctions of grammatical gender. These metaphors inform the conceptual system or belief of the Acehnese society through language use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami not only impacted the environment, politics and society, but also changed the performance of tourism as an economic sector in Aceh, Indonesia. This article explores both the tourism transformations that have been taking place in Aceh as a result of the tsunami and the challenges associated with those transformations. The points of analyses cover: 1) the stages of tourism development before, during and after the tsunami; 2) the forms and types of post-tsunami transformations; and 3) the current condition of the tourism industry. A resilience approach combined with Butler's tourist area life cycle (TALC) model shows that disaster can also trigger the development of new forms of tourism. It appears likely that supportive social contexts, the availability of innovation that is acceptable to the local community, and the supply and marketing of tourism resources are key enabling factors for tourism transformation and becoming part of the post-disaster recovery strategy, thereby enhancing resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Islamika is the property of Center for the Study of Islam & Society of UIN Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

SUMMARY Post-conflict reconstruction programs increasingly include components designed to strengthen the performance of the public service and to support public sector reform. Although there is a growing body of literature on the relationship between public administration, and peace and development, there have been few case studies of donor efforts to strengthen public administration as part of post-conflict reconstruction. This study examines efforts to strengthen the civil service in Aceh, Indonesia, following the province's first post-conflict elections in 2006. It examines the impact of a donor-funded program designed to assist Aceh's first post-conflict administration (2007-2012) to reform its personnel management practices. The case study sheds light on weaknesses in current donor approaches to public administration reform in post-conflict situations. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite dating back over 400 years the relevance of traditional fisheries management in Aceh, Indonesia, still remains high. Aceh was, however, greatly affected by the December 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami that claimed an estimated 167,000 lives, including 14,000 fishermen and 59 of the 193 traditional marine leaders (Panglima Laot). This tragic loss of life was accompanied by a substantial loss of local knowledge, such as the locations of hazardous fishing grounds. In this study we describe an innovative project that sought to rebuild a post-tsunami fisheries sector by re-engaging and empowering the Panglima Laot. During April–June 2008 GPS (global positioning system) sounding devices were installed on 53 local fishing boats and hazardous fishing areas mapped based on local knowledge, and shared amongst fishermen. During July–December 2008 nearly five million GPS data points were collected, from which detailed bathymetric maps were produced and shared between fishermen and Aceh government officials. Significant project outputs included a map of fishing areas over 20,000 km2, which included three new seamounts, one of which expanded Aceh's provincial boundary by > 1.3 million ha, and a Panglima Laot decree that reduced fishing in hazardous areas of high coral density by 23.3%. Our findings have wide applicability. Locally, the introduction of GPS technology and sharing of traditional knowledge resulted in fishermen developing and implementing their own management strategies and demonstrating their ability to stay out of restricted areas. Provincially, this project provided a framework through which government agencies and academic institutions could effectively engage with local customary leaders and their fishing communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We describe the successful creation of new reef habitat on Pulau Weh, Indonesia. Coral cover on artificial reef modules increased from a mean of 24±SE 2.4% 1 year after the initial attachment of Acropora spp. coral fragments to 64±SE 4.8% after 3 years. The artificial reef modules were also rapidly colonized by coral recruits. Recruit densities were 53±SE 3.2 m−2 on modules that had been submerged for only 1 year, nearly twice as high as recruit densities on natural reef substratum (31±2.8 m−2). Consequently, the original Acropora assemblage had increased to include at least 23 coral taxa, including 10 additional Acropora species. The artificial reefs also supported at least 29 reef fish species, from 11 families. Unfortunately, this initial success in habitat creation was abruptly halted by a rapid rise in sea temperature in May 2010 that killed almost all corals on the artificial reefs and on nearby natural reefs. Notwithstanding the general view that reef rehabilitation is yet to deliver ecological and conservation benefits at meaningful scales, other benefits of this project included raising the awareness of reef conservation in the local community, promotion of tourism on Pulau Weh and job creation. We conclude, therefore, that habitat creation has a legitimate role as part of an integrated marine conservation strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Coral Triangle Initiative is an ambitious attempt to conserve the marine biodiversity hotspot known as the Coral Triangle. However, the reef fauna in many nearby regions remains poorly explored and, consequently, the focus on the Coral Triangle risks overlooking other areas of high conservation significance. One region of potential significance, Aceh, Indonesia, has not been visited by coral taxonomists since the Dutch colonial period. Here we document the species richness of scleractinian corals of Pulau Weh, Aceh. We also compare the species richness of the genus Acropora at 3–5 sites in each of nine regions in Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. Although dominated by widespread Indo-Pacific species, the coral fauna of Pulau Weh is also the eastern and western boundary for many Indian Ocean and Pacific Ocean species, respectively. We identified a total of 133 scleractinian species, of which three have been previously recorded only in the western Indian Ocean and five are presently undescribed. The mean species richness of the Acropora at Pulau Weh is similar to regions within the Coral Triangle. This high species richness plus the high proportion of endemics suggests that the Andaman Sea is of similarly high conservation value to the Coral Triangle. We suggest that an international initiative similar to the Coral Triangle Initiative is required to conserve this region, which includes the territorial waters of six countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since Indonesia's return to multiparty democracy in 1999, national law makers have introduced regulations that effectively ban ethnic or regionally based political parties. A major exception to the rule can be found in the province of Aceh where ethnic separatists were granted the right to form their own political party to contest local elections in return for giving up their armed struggle for independence. In legislative elections held in 2009 the party of the former rebels – the Aceh Party – won a landslide victory. Drawing on in-depth interviews with national party leaders and parliamentarians, this article examines the implications of the rise of the Aceh Party for Indonesia's political party system and the potential for ethnic-based parties to resolve ethnic conflict and secessionism in other parts of Indonesia, including in Papua where the failure of special autonomy arrangements has led to increased militancy among indigenous Papuans. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article focuses on the use of informal justice systems to support Community Based Policing with the aim to create legitimacy between state and society in post-conflict processes. It analyses the EU's involvement in reviving the customary justice system adat in Aceh, Indonesia in order to discern how the concept of authority is mediated from an international organisation to local stakeholders via Security Sector Reform (SSR). The article operates with three conceptions of authority present in situations of security sector assistance: modern, postmodern and traditional. It explores the different faces of authority present in the case of Aceh, and unravels which and whose authority the EU propagates through its support to SSR. The article finds potentially contradictory processes at work, and highlights the need for more research on the use of informal justice systems within SSR. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Does addressing the natural resource dimension of armed conflicts in peace processes open opportunities for breaking the conflict trap? Based on evidence reviewed from Sudan (North-South), Indonesia (Aceh), and other cases, this article challenges the prevailing understanding of natural resources as an enabler of armed conflict and obstacle to peace. It argues rather that it is timely to ask: How can natural resources become part of a solution to armed conflicts and consolidate a lasting peace? The article contends that investment in natural resources can become an opportunity for peacemaking and contribute to conflict transformation by tackling economic conflict drivers and setting out new orders that govern a post-conflict peace. However, it is important to strengthen mediation support and construct new partnerships for peacemaking, especially with the extractive industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, much has been said of the relationship between the headmasters of Islamic boarding schools ( ulama), the state, and war. Hoping to clarify how ulama behave in times of war and why they react as they do, I look to the recent secessionist conflict in Aceh, Indonesia. Based on extensive village fieldwork, I find that in response to the conflict, Aceh's ulama were divided; some supported the rebels, some supported the state, and some remained neutral. These positions were largely predicted by combatant control, a pragmatic response to conflict dynamics. Sub-regional comparisons, temporal comparisons, and interviews suggest that while many ulama sided with power, they also sided against human rights abuses, a concern for social justice which may be rooted in religious sentiment after all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In both the Acehnese and Indonesian languages, there is no single lexical term for “nightmare.” And yet findings from a large field research project in Aceh that examined post traumatic experience during Aceh’s nearly 30-year rebellion against the Indonesian state and current mental distress revealed a rich variety of dream narratives that connect directly and indirectly to respondents’ past traumatic experiences. The results reported below suggest that even in a society that has a very different cultural ideology about dreams, where “nightmares” as such are not considered dreams but rather the work of mischievous spirits called jin, they are still a significant part of the trauma process. We argue that it is productive to distinguish between terrifying and repetitive dreams that recreate the traumatic moment and the more ordinary varieties of dreams that Acehnese reported to their interviewers. Nightmares that refer back to conflict events do not appear as an elaborated feature of trauma as the condition is understood by people in Aceh, but when asked further about their dreams, respondents who reported symptoms suggestive of PTSD were more likely to report PTSD-like dreams, memory intrusions that repeat the political violence of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyse two policy narratives that were politicised in the context of post-tsunami response in Eastern Sri Lanka and Aceh, Indonesia. These areas had been affected by war for several decades before the tsunami hit. The first narrative of public safety saw government imposition of post-tsunami buffer zones, ostensibly as measures to protect those affected, but they also incited tensions in both locations. The second relates to post-tsunami aid distribution. Developing policies and implementing bodies for tsunami aid has proven highly contentious, but uniquely so in each location. Whereas the tsunami in Sri Lanka has been followed by renewed fighting and the end of the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement, the province of Aceh enjoys the fruits of the 2005 peace agreement that has created greater autonomy from central government and greater access to resources than ever before. Each conflict has historically and geopolitically distinct antecedents, resulting in very different post-disaster policy contexts and political challenges on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes a case for extending social constructivist approaches to the study of grievance in natural resource conflicts. It does this by analyzing the separatist conflict in Aceh, Indonesia, which is often portrayed as a paradigmatic resource conflict due to the importance of the natural gas industry there. It is argued here, however, that natural resource exploitation promoted conflict in Aceh only because it became entangled in wider processes of identity construction and was reinterpreted back to the population by ethnic political entrepreneurs in a way that legitimated violence. Rather than any intrinsic qualities of natural resource extraction, the key factor was the presence of an appropriate identity-based collective action frame. The argument is strengthened by comparison with two other resource-rich Indonesian provinces where resource extraction patterns were similar to Aceh but where no protracted violence occurred because similar identity resources were not available to local actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the interlinking of political autonomy, Syariah law and women in contemporary Aceh. Looking at Aceh's historical precedents, current sociocultural and political developments cannot be seen as manifestations of Islamic revival. It would be misleading to look at the implementation of Syariah Islam in general and the enforcement of veiling in particular as signs of the radicalization of Islam. Islam in Aceh has always had political meanings. It shapes an identity characterized by a long collective history of rebellion against foreign oppression and repression. The revival however is seen in notions of gender dominance and order, which have profound consequences for women's lives. Using articles from 2005 to 2006 in Serambi, a locally published newspaper in Aceh, an assessment is made of how Syariah Islam has affected women's lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular movements in Aceh and Papua seeking separation from Indonesia must be understood in the context of earlier nationalist movements in history, including Indonesia's own movement for independence from the Netherlands. Movements in Aceh and Papua have built a sense of identity, considering themselves to be ‘notion-states’ even if they are not yet nation-states. This process parallels Indonesian identity formation in the early twentieth century. Aceh originally combined local, Indonesian and Islamic identities, but intrusion by central government institutions sparked a defensive nationalist reaction, which was stimulated further by uneven economic development and by repressive tactics by the centre. Papua was incorporated into Indonesia by means that led local people to believe they had been denied their right to self-determination, spurring a historical sense of grievance and a collective identity of shared suffering much like that in Aceh. By the end of Sukarno's Guided Democracy and Suharto's New Order, both territories had passed a point of no return in their nationalism. Repressive tactics have failed to contain aspirations for independence; a new approach based on dialogue is needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan seeks to play the role of a peace-maker in Aceh. This includes organising international conferences in Tokyo to facilitate peace and offering substantial aid to the combatants to cease hostilities. Japan and the Swiss-based Henri Dunant Centre (HDC) have a division of labour in Aceh. But Tokyo can offer what the HDC cannot: a multi-million dollar aid package and bringing together many governments and international organisations to support peace in Aceh. Tokyo will have to play a patient game by offering aid to the combatants and wait until they, utterly exhausted by the civil war, embrace peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]