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One of the most valuable features of Capital and Ideology is its concern to take history seriously and consider how the emergence of different political and economic regimes relate to discourses about fairness and justice across time. This paper pushes this agenda further by acknowledging that the experience of a few developed nations should not be taken as the template for the generalized study of inequality dynamics across time and space. In this paper, we interrogate Piketty's analysis and policy proposals against specificities that are central to understanding the production and reproduction of inequalities within South Africa. We reflect on the South African case, the structure of inequality and its changes since 1994. We review a battery of policy interventions that have been implemented to address inequality in the last 25 years. We emphasize that the long shadow cast by centuries of colonialism and various forms of apartheid strongly affirm Piketty's emphasis on understanding history. But this is both affirmation and critique given the foundational, imbedded impact that this specific legacy has had on post-apartheid society and its policies. Piketty is aware that the levels of inequality in South Africa are so high that this is "unknown territory." We map out some of this territory to reveal how these extreme initial wealth and racial inequities inform the reproduction of inequalities in all dimensions and undermine well intentioned policies. We claim that understanding extractive histories, imbedded wealth inequalities, and complex social and political institutions allows us to understand and confront some of the reasons why even in light of progressive policies, many of which are in line with the proposals from Piketty, government interventions have thus far failed to reduce inequality., (© 2021 London School of Economics and Political Science.)

Since the ending of apartheid, the state, political parties, civil society and ordinary people in South Africa have attempted to deal with the traumatic legacies of the past to engender a common sense of nationhood. This paper examines this process of dealing with the past through the theoretical lens of post-colonialism, focusing, in particular, on attempts to establish historical truth and collective memory for black women, who have often been most marginalised by colonialism and apartheid and excluded from dominant accounts of history. It argues that if black women are denied a presence and agency in the construction of collective memory, their belonging and citizenship is consequently mediated in the process of nation building. It considers how exclusionary and discriminating patterns are reproduced through attempts to construct national memory-archives, focusing on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). It then explores the measures being taken to create a more inclusive process of restoring collective memory. In particular, it discusses the importance and possibilities of creating a postcolonial archive, where the voices and texts of historically marginalised people can be incorporated into national projects of remembering and notions of belonging. The paper focuses specifically on recent attempts to archive black women's pictorial and written testimony in a memory cloths programme. It concludes that representations of the past by women are a valuable tool in tracing the ways in which the legacy of their belonging and social standing shapes their contemporary citizenship. The radical potential of postcolonial archives lies in the fact that they can work against more sanitised representations of contemporary South Africa and towards the requirements for social justice (especially for black women) that are embodied within, but were arguably not met by, the TRC and broader nation building processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examined the brutal tactics used by security forces in the early days of the COVID-19 lockdown in South Africa. Key questions raised relate to the philosophical (dis)connectedness of their actions. The paper posits that the way in which some police and soldiers conducted themselves in black communities is reminiscent of colonial-apartheid hermeneutics. Their conduct, devoid of Ubuntu, relegates the culprits to "mere symbols with no substance," in a deeply conditioned state of mental subjugation. Though black, the culprits remain largely unAfrikan in thought. The paper concludes that training for security forces needs to inculcate philosophies of Afrikanism. Furthermore, the paper highlights key lessons to be embraced. Recommendations made include the professionalisation of the security forces, enabling public dialogue, and bringing the culprits to book faster to restore the image of the country, the government, and the security agencies. This paper used a qualitative desktop design that applied inductive analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary South Africa, racism, economic exclusion, and spatial segregation remain trenchant features of everyday life 25 years after the end of apartheid. In this article, I show how therapeutic practices by black South Africans in one of the country's largest townships address the ongoing legacies of this history. Rather than treat individual psyches, therapists' practices are oriented toward the relational space between generations, a political therapeutic driven by the affective force of the therapists' own history of struggle toward a different future for black youth, who continue to be marked by the legacies of colonialism and apartheid. In the process, I track how this political therapeutic confronts the normative demands of psychiatric knowledge. Overall, I argue that rather than solely focusing on the violence of care in clinical settings, we should interrogate political generation and embodied history as forms of expertise and their constitutive potentialities., (© 2019 by the American Anthropological Association.)

The notion of nationalism as a rallying force for national consciousness and liberation in Africa is a long-standing prism. In South Africa, it is historically conceived as a mechanism for promoting the unity, right, and emancipation South Africans from colonialism and subsequently, the apartheid regime. Contrary to this positionality on nationalism, contemporary South Africa finds itself more divided along racial lines nearly three decades (28 years) after the end of the apartheid regime. This paper, using historical and descriptive analysis from qualitative data, assessed the perceptions and impact of nationalism in South Africa. It explored the changes in meaning of nationalism over time as well as the impact of such changes on post-apartheid struggles in South Africa's development. The findings of the paper showed that the continuous economic divide between the rich and poor as well as the incapacity of government to meet individual, household, and community needs and expectations has engineered over time, a lack of trust in government as saviour or mediator. There is also the rekindled mutual suspicion and hostility along racial line despite the projection of a =rainbow nation.' The paper concluded that an approach on constitutional patriotism, which encourages norm changes and loyalty shift from ethnic/national loyalty to national value and loyalty, would fit a multicultural setting as South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the end of apartheid regime in 1994, it became clear to the government that a new constitution was urgently needed in order to redistribute and restitute land. After two years of intense deliberations and consultations, a new constitution was finally adopted in 1996. The new constitution clearly spelt out the fundamental principles of land reform policy. As a result, threelegged land reform strategy was adopted. These are (i) land tenure; (ii) land restitution; and (iii) land redistribution. However, existing scholarship has shown that these land reform programmes have not really addressed the social injustices of the past. Although there has been interesting scholarship on land question in post-apartheid South Africa, most of the previous studies focus on 'economic compensation' rather than 'social justice'. In attempt to fill this gap in scholarship, this paper examines land question within the theoretical prism of social justice theory. The paper analyses the concept of social justice; then, proceeded to the discussions, applications and critiques of Kurt Lewin's three-model of social change, John Rawls' theory of social justice and Nancy Frazer's model of parity of participation to land question in post-apartheid South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars examining racial stereotyping and prejudice in racially organised social systems have largely focused on how non-White ethnic and racial groups experience racial stereotyping in White-majority national contexts such as the US, Australia and European countries. There is only scant scholarship on experiences of ethno-racial communities in Black-majority countries such as South Africa, a country where Whites are a minority. Even though there is ample scholarly work on racial stereotyping of racial groups in South Africa such as Coloured people, much of it is focused on their experiences during colonial and Apartheid eras. Little is understood about how Coloured people experience racial stigmatisation in post-Apartheid South Africa. This paper addresses this gap. Based on interviews with fourteen Coloured participants from Westbury, Johannesburg, this study found that many interviewees claimed that Coloured South Africans were negatively racially stereotyped as people who use drugs, as aggressive and violent people, as alcoholics and as criminals. Many participants also resisted and countered the negative stereotypes by talking about Coloured people in positive ways, which shows their agency. The negative stereotyping of Coloured people which prevailed during colonial and Apartheid times is still deployed by society to describe Coloured people in post-Apartheid South Africa. To capture the continuity of negative stereotyping in South Africa about Coloured people, I developed the analytical term of 'perpetual racial stereotyping'. Many decades after the end of the Apartheid system, negative racial stereotyping of Coloured South Africans still continues in everyday life, and Coloured people are still associated with racist prejudices, narratives, discourses and stereotypes that were invented many decades ago by settler colonialism and Apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the colonial and apartheid regimes utilised draconian, arbitrary, segregated, discriminatory, and exclusive anti-black social-socioeconomic policies and laws to deny the majority of black South Africans access to and participation in various economic activities, post 1994 democratic South Africa has strategically introduced progressive policies and laws to ensure that black South Africans play active productive roles in socio-economic activities in all sectors. While this is commendable, various corporations and businesses owned by white companies are supposed to ensure that black people become part and parcel of the businesses, and companies are being denied active participation, using fronting purposefully to circumvent the requirements of the anti-fronting laws. Against this backdrop, this paper seeks to analyse the post-apartheid anti-fronting interventions that foster the mainstreaming of black South Africans into the corporate sector. The paper uses a literature review methodology to find and analyse primary and secondary sources of data relating to equality, BEE, and fronting. This paper presents the historical exclusion of blacks through the instrumentality of colonial and apartheid apparatuses and laws brutally utilised to exclude blacks from economic activities. Post 1994 democratic transformative interventions—laws—have been enacted to redress the segregated and exclusive laws; however, fronting activities and practices continue to undermine and circumvent successful implementation. This said, the post 1994 government continues to tackle impunity through the exploration of civil and criminal responsibilities and accountability of perpetrators and use the rule of law-judicial means to hold perpetrators accountable. This paper found that fronting is a persisting issue in South Africa despite anti-fronting legislative measures developed over the past years when the B-BBEE Act was amended. This paper advises more on pro-active anti-fronting measures to pro-actively foster the mainstreaming of black South Africans into the corporate sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on an interdisciplinary conference organised by the Kent Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities in April 2004. The title of the conference, Connecting Cultures attracted an extraordinarily diverse range of papers covering subjects from Caribbean narratives to translating India, to representing terrorism, and included papers on British Asian cinema and television, narrative and memory in South Africa, post-apartheid prose writing and culture contact in Border Zones. The paper of Terence Ranger, a speaker at the conference, considers a mode of translation as he explores the dynamics of the postcolonial interactions that exist in the system of Zimbabwe asylum appeals. He assesses the usefulness of examining asylum narratives both with the grain and against the grain to debate issues surrounding postcolonial assumptions both in Zimbabwe and in Britain. The papers that follow expand on various themes of the conference, commencing with a group of papers that discuss narrative and memory in South Africa and Zimbabwe.

This paper examines the extent to which apartheid has and continues to shape the agricultural sector in South Africa. The paper employed the Sustainable Livelihood Approach (SLA) as a theoretical lens. This approach helped to understand the long-lasting legacies (and their subsequent effects) of apartheid in the agricultural sector and how the government has, since post-1994, approached the process and need for land redistribution in South Africa. This paper relied on secondary data to gather the relevant literature that speaks to what the paper aims to achieve. Findings revealed that apartheid introduced systemic policies to segregate and deprive black South Africans of owning land and restricted their participation in the agricultural sector. While the South African government post-1994 has undertaken an array of steps to address the need for land reform, these approaches have yet to achieve their desired results, albeit never-ending challenges have characterized them. Moreover, there needs to be a consensus from a political perspective to reflect how land reform should be undertaken while at the same time protecting proprietary rights and the economic development of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes the form of a deeply personal narrative, relating the story of how early community activism prompted a career of over two decades in urban planning in a post-apartheid metropolitan Council in South Africa. It shows how a sense of frustration with a system that was unable to facilitate the spatial restructuring of an unequal urban form, prompted the transition towards becoming a critical researcher within the local state apparatus. It reveals how attempts to speak truth to power through research that could uncover unexplored complexities, contestations and dubious local state practices, whilst still in the employ of the institution was at best, challenging. Through the use of real examples from planning practice, the paper unpacks and carefully documents four key considerations that make such embedded research difficult. In sharing the lessons learned from the aborted research project, it then suggests what type of research is possible by picking up the story of a second attempt at "safer research". It wraps up the story with new insights, this time from a perspective as a recent-outsider — not as a stranger though, but as one of the local state's own. Whilst appreciating the value of distance in undertaking research, it speaks to the power of familiarity and trusted ties, and the legitimacy that comes with being a credible outsider. At the same time, it also reflects on the possible challenges associated with being such an outsider. Through critical reflection on the process of doing research inside and outside of the local state, the paper suggests that differential positioning can significantly affect the depth of insights around state practices in urban governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apartheid had been enduring before the United Nations (UN), since its adoption as a state policy in South Africa. But in the early years of the global organisation, the UN's members responded to apartheid in very different ways from one another. The UN anti-Apartheid regimes arose and then evolved with particulars that had an impact on South Africa's race relations. The impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations is obscured and creates a gap that has yet to be scrutinised in the country's relations with the world. To learn about this impact, it is proper that the paper examine UN resolutions with a special focus on adopted decisions of the General Assembly (GA) about racial conflict in South Africa during the period between 1952 and 1974. An analysis of GA decisions is critical because it reveals the persistence and intensifying international unacceptability of racial discrimination and the desirability of applying sanctions to South Africa, and it makes the UN a focus for anti-apartheid lobbying. It is also critical because they provided a conduit for the UN to disseminate information about apartheid, monitor member state actions related to the matter, and address South Africa's denial of the UN's authority to address the issue. The period under study is important because it exposed the contradiction with which white South Africans lived and had lived over the centuries, that their sense of right and justice had driven them to give with one hand; and that their fears had made them take away with the other, and it marked the beginning of increased international opposition to South Africa's apartheid policy action, which led to an eventual suspension of the country from participating in the work of the GA. This paper concerns the impact of the UN's anti-apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. It reveals that the UN body has, over the years, sought solutions rather than merely engaging in rhetoric in a setting in which South Africa's policy of apartheid provided a concrete precedent. The paper used qualitative research methods to analyse the impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. Sources used for analysis included published books, journals, and internet sources. The article sheds light on international policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All over the world, individuals rely on forests for food security, nutrition, and the sustenance of their livelihoods. Forests serve as a source of personal and economic consumption, where harvested products are used directly or sold for profit. Consequently, forests play a crucial role in ensuring food security and supporting the livelihoods of people worldwide. In South Africa, natural forests and woodlands hold particular significance for the well-being of rural communities. These ecosystems provide a variety of socio-economic and ecological benefits to communities residing within or near such forested areas. The Dukuduku forest is an integral part of a sensitive ecosystem at both national and continental levels. It is intricately connected to the iSimangaliso Wetland Park, contributing to the economic development and natural diversity of South Africa. Thus, discussing one area without considering the other is impossible. This paper relies on a combination of archival sources, including newspapers, research reports, and various written and oral accounts gathered from interviews with land claimants, community leaders, traditional leaders, local farmers, and residents of the area. The central argument posited is that the primary source of conflict in the Dukuduku forest arises from the state's efforts to displace forest residents whose livelihoods have historically depended on the forest. The paper aims to illustrate that the racialization of the destruction of this indigenous forest has not served the interests of either the state or environmentalists. Forest residents have employed diverse strategies to resist evictions, resulting in the substantial destruction of the forest and at least sixty percent of the flood plain along the uMfolozi River. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ubuntu has been defined as a moral quality of human beings, as a philosophy or an ethic, as African humanism, and as a worldview. This paper explores these definitions as conceptual tools for understanding the cultural, educational, and philosophical landscape of post-apartheid South Africa. Key to this understanding is the Althusserian concept of state apparatus. Louis Althusser divides the state apparatus into two forces: the repressive state apparatus (RSA); and the ideological state apparatus (ISA). RSAs curtail the working classes, predominately through direct violence or the threat of violence, whereas ISAs function primarily by ideology, including forms of organised religion, the education system, family units, legal systems, trade unions, political parties, and media. This paper discusses the link between increasing inequality in post-apartheid South Africa and education, with specific reference to Althusser's ISAs and the abuse of Ubuntu as a subterfuge for socio-economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I consider a selection of photographs of a man of color from a luxury book of male nudes, Images (1982), aimed at white gay men and published in South Africa by Alternative Books (AB) in the late apartheid period. Given the exclusive association of assimilable homosexuality with whiteness in the national gay press and other homoerotic commodities available in South Africa at the same historical juncture, I propose that these photographs, which interrupted longstanding, racist homoerotic iconographies, elicited experiences of ambivalence (and thus critical reflection) amongst their historical audiences. To this end, I analyze the editorial and commercial content of the newspapers Link/Skakel and Exit for the period that AB was active (1981-1991), anticipating an overlap of readership between these papers and the publisher's titles. More precisely, I discuss the prevalence of the figure of the "good homosexual" and representations of classical (that is, white) male beauty in these papers to plot how apartheid logic was broadly reproduced (and same-sex desire disciplined according to such dictates) in mainstream South African gay movements, institutions, and print cultures during this time, but, notably, not in Images .

This article investigates the designed transformation of South African political identity and its constitutional framework as a core aspect of the democratization of South Africa. It compares the racist and exclusive identity of the apartheid state with a redesigned identity of an inclusive and open 'Rainbow Nation', a concept coined by Archbishop Desmond Tutu and spearheaded by Nelson R. Mandela along with the African National Congress. The study considers changes in the legal framework of identity politics, from the Republic of South Africa Constitution Act of 1983 (and the previous apartheid republican Constitution of 1961) through the interim democratic Constitution of 1993 to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996. It discusses the possible significance of the 18 amendments to the act regarding South Africans' social and political identities, and establishes a complex and detailed portrayal of the republic's legal framework of identity politics. The study combines legal, political, and cultural analysis of the role of law in formatting social and political identities, using survey results to test its impact on society. In conclusion, the paper considers the effects of post-apartheid identity transformation in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins with historical remarks about general education in South Africa and then discusses the relevance and applicability of special education services for African Americans there. It outlines the need for equal special educational opportunities and implications for addressing inequality in education. (Author/JDD)