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As the economies of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have moved towards closer economic ties and trade integration in recent years, the establishment of exchange rate stability is becoming an important regional policy concern, particularly in the wake of the Asian currency crisis of 1997. This paper examines the exchange rate volatility of the currencies of Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand between 1974 and 1999. Using variance decomposition (VDC) methods and impulse response functions, which are VAR-related estimation techniques, the study also investigates the regional currency linkages which may have played a role in transmitting exchange rate fluctuations. The results indicate that, in spite of the adoption of the crawling peg exchange regime following the breakup of the Bretton Woods system, all of the five ASEAN currencies experienced volatility, with the Indonesian rupiah posting the highest volatility level. The switch to de facto pegging against the US dollar in the mid-1980s helped to stabilize all ASEAN currencies with the exception of the Malaysian ringgit. Each of the five currencies became more susceptible to instabilities in other ASEAN currencies in the post-1985 period. Consistent with the experience of the Asian currency crisis, the Thai baht was the main channel through which regional currency fluctuations were transmitted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The currency-cum-financial crises of the 1990s, particularly that which hit Southeast Asia after the devaluation of the Thai baht on 2 July 1997, are suggestive of the relevance and pervasiveness of contagion or negative spillover effects that are largely regional in scope. As such, one of the mantras since the onset of the Southeast Asian financial crisis has been the need for 'regional solutions to regional problems'. Given that the two focal institutions in Southeast Asia, namely the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), were perceived as being successful in their past attempts in problem-solving, there were high expectations that such regionalism would be the key in finding solutions to the Southeast Asian financial crisis and mitigating the aftershocks. Accordingly, this paper evaluates the regional responses to the crisis, taking stock of both preventive and curative initiatives of significance. While the focus is on ASEAN and APEC, consistent with the concept of 'loose' or 'non-institutionalised' regionalism in Southeast Asia and the larger Asia-Pacific regions, other ad hoc unilateral or bilateral initiatives of significance by other Asian member countries in APEC are also examined, particularly those by the region's dominant economic power, Japan. Current regional responses have not been very successful. This has led to a shift in the emphasis to unilateral and bilateral arrangements. Japan's contribution has been by far the largest relative to others. The crisis and the responses to it have revealed that unless there is greater institutionalisation, ASEAN countries would continue to look outside the region for assistance to facilitate their recovery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the rapid industrialization of the ASEAN states in the past few decades, primary commodities retain a crucial role in external trade and economic development. This paper presents a typology of coalition strategies for development through the process of economic integration. It is concluded that in light of an imperfect world, the most robust strategy for many Third World nations may be a mixed one, incorporating, with the pursuit of global free trade, complementary strategic coalitions despite the inherent efficiency-reducing effects of many of these alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to examine the process of China's participation in regional cooperation in Asia and the factors that affect its participation. It focuses on a changing China-ASEAN relationship that is reshaping Asia. To build a peaceful and stable external environment, China has been making various efforts, political, economic and in the security field, to maintain and upgrade a harmonious and constructive relationship with its neighboring East Asian countries. Politically, China acceded to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC), essentially accepting the code of conduct stipulated by ASEAN and prompting other regional countries to observe this code. China has been supportive of ASEAN, playing a leadership role in East Asian regional cooperation. China and Asian regional cooperation is an evolving concept and a couple of theoretical points may be taken into account, such as how regional cooperation influences major powers' international behavior and vice versa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the evolution of India's relations with Southeast Asia from 1947 to the present. It looks at three distinct phases of this relationship, and explains the motivations behind and manifestations of India's relations with the Southeast Asian region in each of these phases. In the 1950s and early 1960s, many Southeast Asian states, spurred by anti-imperialist sentiments and harboring national aspirations, looked to India as a natural leader in post-colonial Asia, and later as a model of independence from superpower politics through its commitment to a strategy of nonalignment. This relationship cooled in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s, during which India's policy towards Southeast Asia, derived from the dictates of regional geopolitics in South Asia and the Cold War regime, came to be described as one of "benign neglect." The third phase began in the 1990s, following the end of the Cold War and the onset of India's liberalization effort, and saw India's renewed engagement with Southeast Asia through its new Look East Policy. An increasing convergence of interests, both on economic and security issues, now forms the basis of a stable relationship between India and Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The paper is a pioneering attempt to study the relative competitiveness of Association of South East Asian Nations -- ASEAN-10, 31 provinces of mainland China and 35 states of India by disaggregate approach vis-à-vis ranking and simulation studies. Design/methodology/approach -- The proposed methodology is based on the standard ranking adopted by the World Competitive Yearbook but redefines a relevant set of data matrix consisting of 101 indicators to better reflect local conditions and characteristics of local economies. Under the proposed methodological approach, the basis of ranking is the standardized value (STD), and first the 31 economics' average for each indicator were computed following which the standard deviation was calculated. STD was computed by subtracting the 31 economies' average from an economy's original value and then dividing the result by the standard deviation. Findings -- The empirical findings revealed the specific shifts in relative competitiveness between China and India over decades and over four different environments, namely economics, government-institutions, business social categories. It was found that competitive provinces for China are concentrated along the eastern coastal region, whereas more competitive states of India are well distributed across the Indian continent. This implies that the Chinese government needs to play a more pro-active role in drawing foreign direct investment to less developed western, central and north eastern China by way of infrastructure development, tax incentives and investment in education in those regions. Studies further revealed that Vietnam is a rapid rising economy drawing closer towards Thailand while Indonesia and Philippines are deteriorating within the ten Associate of Southeast Asian Nations. Based on these empirical findings, comparative strategies and cooperation for growth and development amongst China, India and ASEAN were drawn. Originality/value -- The fundamental raison d'étre of this study stems from the desire to address an area of research gap previously overlooked. Most international studies on competitiveness rankings to date either ranked economies across the globe and/or by population sizes. One of the critical issues in emerging economies of Asia is the uneven regional development, especially the urban-rural growth disparity amongst local economies of China and India. Through competitiveness ranking of vast and diverse economies such as China, India and ASEAN-10. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why have Southeast Asian states' threat perceptions regarding China been reduced significantly over the last 15 years? This article argues it is the result of astute Chinese diplomacy, successful Southeast Asian regional security strategy, and the relative restraint exercised by the major regional powers. The paper is divided into three sections that first outline Southeast Asian strategic imperatives and Chinese strategic aims in the region; followed by an analysis of Southeast Asian views of the consequences of China's rise in the military, political, and economic realms; and an analysis of Southeast Asian responses to the China challenge with regard to their larger regional security strategies. It concludes with outstanding questions about the strategic implications of China's rise for the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can be credibly and usefully described and explained using an analysis based in the English School (ES) of International Relations (IR). Recent efforts to use constructivist theory to explain ASEAN have focused on changes in Southeast Asian regional identity to explain the durability of ASEAN. However, while ASEAN is the basis of a regional identity, this identity is too weak to explain intra-ASEAN cooperation. Indeed, East Asia remains a region committed to the primacy of state sovereignty, territoriality and nationalism. The ES offers an explanation of ASEAN's durability that focuses on the organization's symbolic importance as a representation of Southeast Asia's commitment to national sovereignty and the norms of the Westphalian system. The ES approach offers insights into the operation of the international system that distinguish it from Wendtian constructivism, and which are more in accordance with the realities of regional relations in the Asia Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews Michael Leifer's contribution to the study of Southeast Asian regionalism, particularly the role of ASEAN and the ASEAN Regional Forum. Unlike some who portray Leifer as a realist or a neo-realist who totally dismissed the role of ASEAN in the regional order, this article argues that the real difference between Leifer's and the newer constructivist understanding of Southeast Asia is not so much over whether regionalism matters, but under what conditions does it matter. Leifer viewed material forces, such as the prior existence of a great-power balance as a precondition of effective regionalism. He paid less attention to norm dynamics and the politics of regional identity formation. He did not consider them as independent forces in regional order. This paper argues that taking a more sociological approach, factoring in the role of regional norms and identity formation offers a more complete explanation of ASEAN's achievements and failures than Leifer's diplomatic investigations focusing on the balance of power. This also opens the space for a more transformative understanding of Asian security order in which socialization and institution-building are to be seen not merely as adjuncts to the balance of power dynamics, but as shapers of the regional balance of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ASEAN has generally been hailed as one of the most successful experiments in regional cooperation in the developing world, particularly in its ability to manage conflicts and maintain peace and security in Southeast Asia. SAARC, its counterpart in South Asia, on the other hand, is perceived as a moribund organization that has made little progress in furthering peace and cooperation in the region. Regionalism is indeed peculiar to its own region making for a different set of challenges, which each regional grouping has to address by evolving suitable models of conflict management and regional cooperation. ASEAN and its unique style of functioning are also distinct in that sense. While the experiences of one organization cannot be wholly applied or transplanted on to another, it is useful to understand the logic and dynamics in each region to draw the relevant lessons. Some aspects of cooperation in one region may be worthy of emulation in another if adapted in the right socio-economic and political context. This paper explores areas where SAARC, despite obvious divergences with ASEAN in its geopolitical and economic make-up, could benefit from the ASEAN experience in seeking to create a political climate conducive to improving regional cooperation in political and economic matters. The ASEAN model of conflict management may be of greater significance to South Asia in light of greater imminent regional tensions arising from the current war on South Asia's border in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Sino–ASEAN relations, despite reassurances and determination by both sides to increase interactions and cooperation, have some remaining areas of contention and contestation. After its long isolation, self-imposed or otherwise, the PRC has been able to integrate itself successfully into the political life, economies, and security interests of the region. The PRC's market potentials, military capabilities and its enormous size have both excited and threatened the Southeast Asian states. While the Southeast Asian states have been willing to engage this emerging regional power, they are also wary of the potential risks when dealing with it. Increasing trade, investment, and cultural levels between the two regions have made both sides increasingly aware of the opportunities and challenges involved. The relationship is not without problems, although there is a general consensus that it is on a much better footing than in recent decades. The present developments of their relationships and in the next decade are analyzed under three categories: rituals, risks and rivalries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe tourist industry in the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) region has grown at an unprecedented rate, keenly reflecting the rapid growth of the individual economies of the region. Associated training and manpower development efforts - keys to a position of competitiveness - however, have not kept pace with this growth. While various measures have been suggested to develop manpower capabilities in the tourism sector in this region, efforts to meet obligations are arguably insufficient. This paper traces recent developments in the tourist industry in ASEAN and its region and examines training and manpower development challenges that the region faces at present. This article also suggests ways to address those issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following two decades of operationASEAN member countries see the organization in a period of increasing challenges. Collaboration on political issues has been fruitful but there is little progress noticeable in the economic sphere. The implicit policy not to move towards the formation of a free trade area, or to aim for more ambitious schemes such as a customs union or a common market, has meant that actual economic co-operation has been confined to limited areas. Among these the issue which has perhaps received most attention is that of industrial investment, specifically the ways of encouraging joint investment among countries of the region. This paper addresses itself to this issue in a broad perspective taking into account the circumstances now facing ASEAN members. It examines the rationale for promoting various forms of joint investment, and the prospects for increasing such activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the papers of the research programs including the Association of Southeast Asian Nation Economic Research Unit, the Regional Strategic Studies Program, and the Social Issues in Southeast Asia. The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies established the Southeast Asian Cultural Program (SEACUP) which was a documentary project located in the Institute's library. SEACUP was established by Dorothy Pelzer, an American architect, to collect Asian studies into a library. The techniques of collecting and archiving of SEACUP are discussed.

This article aims to articulate business representation in the process towards creating a unified market by comparing the regional integration process in Europe in the 1980s and in Southeast Asia in the new millennium. Both the European Community (EC) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) adopted the creation of a single market as a feasible strategy to respond to an economic hardship. In this process, US business associations played a critical role in identifying problems and issues in promoting actual integration. As for local business, the existing business associations did not function effectively and a new association comprising individual business executives was formed. Importantly, an initiative to create a new association came not from the private sector in Europe but from the member states in Southeast Asia. This difference led to disparities in the relative influence of the two associations on the actual integration processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the security management efforts in Southeast Asia to protect its member nations from inter-state conflict. Disputes of some Southeast Asian nations over the South China Sea arose due to the success of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in getting China to negotiate on the issue with the member states as a group. In addition, ASEAN has been in conflict with North Korea because of the country's possession of nuclear weapons and its capacity to make, test, and deliver such weapons. Analysts believed that all tensions and frictions among Asian countries can have a profound impact on the long-term stability of East Asia.

Examines the strategic interests of members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in regional trading arrangements in the Asia-Pacific. Effects of the various Free Trade Area arrangements of ASEAN with the United States, Northeast Asia and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation; Impact on ASEAN as a whole and for each individual member country.

The ASEAN Preferential Trading Arrangement (PTA) was an early effort at regionalized growth in the face of divergent growth strategies of individual member countries. This article attempts to shed some light on the potential of the PTA as currently structured, following the findings of a comparative static ex ante analysis. On the basis of the results found, this research attempts to diagnose how the PTA could be enhanced to make it a more effective tool for greater intra-ASEAN trade. Additionally, other areas such as the ASEAN Industrial Scheme, harmonization policies, and the case of primary commodities are examined in the context of existing problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes the perceptions of Malaysian exporters with regard to the non-tariff barriers they face in trade within the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Impact of the non-tariff barriers on intra-ASEAN trade expansion; Quantitative restrictions and customs problems mainly faced by Malaysian exporters.

Examines the import restrictions and export promotion measures in Southeast Asian countries. Trade policy framework of industrialization in Southeast Asia; Nature and scope of protective trade policy measures; Preliminary assessment of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) tariff preferences; Non-tariff barriers to trade.

Examines the inflationary effects of exchange rate changes in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries from 1973 to 1979. Inflationary effects of devaluations; Exchange rate depreciations under generalized floating; Alternative specifications of the price equation.

The article explores the trends towards regionalism in the economic and security environments of Southeast Asia, then considers the direction in which these trends may lead to U.S. Asian policy. The author begins by providing a brief overview of the strategic environment in the region, followed by a discussion of two proposals, emerging from within the ASEAN, for a multilateral security framework within the region. He also looks into the economic cooperation within Southeast Asia and the future of U.S. foreign policy in Asia.

Provides an overview on the Preferential Trading Arrangements (PTA) of the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN). History of the PTA; Provisions under the PTA scheme; Analysis of the across-the-board tariff cuts.

This article analyses the characteristics and driving forces of regional quality assurance activity in Southeast Asia, which has been actively promoted in recent years by the ASEAN University Network, an organisation for higher education under the auspices of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). There are now more collaborative efforts among quality assurance agencies and higher education institutions for quality assurance at the international and regional levels as 'globalisation' of higher education accelerates. However, each effort is formed with different objectives and characteristics, as it is driven by different forces. In Southeast Asia, ASEAN's policies, such as reducing the economic gap within the region and creation of a single market, and member countries' policies to internationalise higher education institutions have brought about a strong need to improve the quality of higher education and to foster harmonisation of higher education systems, which have been the driving force behind this regional quality assurance activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyse the network of bilateral liquidity swaps (BSAs) among the ASEAN+3 countries. We find that the network has taken the correlation of capital flows in the region into account, in the sense that countries with lower correlation of reserve growth have engaged in larger BSAs. All else equal, a decimal point increase in the correlation of international reserve growth decreases the size of a bilateral swap agreement between 18% and 27%. Moreover, we find that the approximately $ 60 bn of BSAs have had a limited impact, if any, on government bond spreads so far. Finally, we identify potential gains from inter-regional BSAs. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of the three Asian subregions — Northeast, Southeast and South — Southeast Asia is the only one that contains no Great Power. Yet Southeast Asian states have originated most Asian regional organizations, and Southeast Asian procedures acquired through ASEAN determine their processes. The "ASEAN Way", emphasizing consensus, non-interference in members' internal affairs and voluntary enforcement of regional decisions have characterized these bodies, insuring at bottom that they reinforce sovereignty protection. Nevertheless, ASEAN's expansion in the 1990s to include Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia incorporated states whose harsh domestic politics were seen by several of the Association's original members to be undermining its international stature. Additionally, coping with terrorism in the new century has also led to some erosion of the non-interference norm. Transnational cooperation is now essential to each nation's security because terrorist groups cross national borders, and egregious human rights practices in one country can lead to refugees fleeing into neighbouring countries. ASEAN's new November 2007 Charter constitutes an effort to move beyond sovereignty protection to economic, political-security and socio-cultural communities by 2020. The Charter also commits its signatories to democracy (for the first time) and human rights. Other regional organizations dominated by ASEAN procedures include the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) for security discussions, ASEAN+3 (Japan, South Korea and China) for economic matters, and the East Asian Summit (EAS) which added Australia, New Zealand and India to the ASEAN+3. Dialogues in these groups cover the gamut of Asian inter-national relations. Perhaps their greatest utility is as venues for national leaders to discuss pressing issues on the sidelines of these gatherings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the counterterrorism policy developed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as it relates to claims of an emerging security community among states in that region. The proposal of an ASEAN security community at the Bali, Indonesia Summit of 2003 is described as the most recent step in regional efforts to coordinate settlements to political conflicts and present a united front against political violence. The contradiction between the ASEAN goal of regional integration and its diplomatic commitment to noninterference in domestic affairs is explored. The institutions taking shape under the mandate of a common security policy are explored.

The article looks at the 40th year of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It emphasizes the dilemma currently being faced by the bloc's leaders. It highlights the charter signed at the group's 40th anniversary summit in Singapore in November 2007 which contains clauses with a commitment to such principles as democracy and democratic values along with an agreement on the human rights commission.

The possibility of nuclear power in Southeast Asia to help meet huge growth in electricity demand has suddenly risen in government planning. Vietnam, Indonesia and Thailand have plans for nuclear power generation while Malaysia and the Philippines are studying the option. These plans and possibilities raise a gamut of economic, environmental and security issues and fears which policy makers are only beginning to grapple with. As in other parts of the world, both where there are established nuclear generation industries and where there are not, nuclear power is being turned to as a possible solution to meeting demand when the cost of traditional fossil fuels used for generation, coal and natural gas, are rising steeply, and in a way that mitigates against contribution by fossil fuel combustion to the greenhouse effect and predicted global warming. But how governments in Southeast Asia go about implementing nuclear power is still far from clear. Optimal development from economic, environmental and security points of view would argue for a cooperative approach via the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), possibly through an ASEAN nuclear power authority. So far, plans for nuclear power generation are fairly limited when considered against total projected power demand. But they may be the precursor to a much greater commitment to nuclear power if first plants are successfully developed. Managing the development of nuclear power will be a major test of ASEAN's maturity and effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the adoption of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Charter and the issues that have emerged among members of the Charter. The history of the adoption of the ASEAN Charter and the appointment of the Eminent Persons Group is explored. The provisions of the charter including the Legal Personality of ASEAN, the accountability and compliance systems of ASEAN and ASEAN as a regional player in the Asia-Pacific region's future are discussed.

The article discusses the regional economy of Southeast Asia during the year 2007. Two significant anniversaries took place with the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the tenth anniversary of the Asian financial crisis. An overview of what these two anniversaries can offer about the future of Southeast Asia's economies is provided. The cost of the expansion to include all ten Southeast Asian countries with ASEAN is discussed.

The article discusses the fortieth anniversary of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on August 8, 1967 and its accomplishments thus far. The association's reshaping of relations between the member states of Southeast Asia to include the rejection of threat or use of force, the peaceful settlement of disputes and non-interference in internal affairs is explored. ASEAN's role in the political solution for Vietnam's occupation of Cambodia with the 1991 Paris Accords is discussed.

The article examines the effort to create an official human rights monitoring organization linked to the regional security group Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Nongovernmental organizations and the United Nations have urged ASEAN to set up such an organization since the 1970s, and a working group within ASEAN investigated the issue beginning in the 1990s. In 2001, this group recommended that an official human rights organization be created within ASEAN. After much discussion, the Foreign Ministers of ASEAN voted to create such a body in 2007, and to give it legal standing under the ASEAN Charter. This would be the first such organization with legal standing in the region.

The article reports on the importance in dealing with the danger that terrorism has brought in the U.S. The September 11, 2001 terrorist attack alerted the national security of several countries. In the January 2007 summit of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), leaders reiterated the danger posed by terrorism to innocent lives, infrastructure and environment, regional and international peace and stability as well as to economic development. It will gradually interrupt several organizational operations and will eventually put the country at risk. ASEAN leaders strive hard in dealing with the challenges through regional cooperation. However, there are some factors that hinder their plans including the lack of agreement among members on the nature and implications of terrorism.

This article explains the emerging security dynamics in the Asia-Pacific in the context of the project to establish an "Asian Community". Although the model of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been constrained by a post-colonial attachment to sovereignty, new processes of domestic democratisation, taking in new members and dealing with non-traditional security threats have led to an acceptance of the need to deepen its social and political pillars. The real test for this project, however, will be whether it can be extended to Northeast Asia, where relations between states are still characterised by traditional power-balancing and rising nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unresolved maritime claims to all, or parts, of the South China Sea involve Vietnam, Malaysia. the Philippines. Brunei, Taiwan, and China, and have hindered the development of the hydrocarbon resources there. Rising oil prices and China's voracious appetite for energy have stimulated greater interest in the exploitation of the area's oil reserves. Despite the uncertainty, ASEAN countries have involved energy companies in exploration and drilling in their respective claims. Cooperation arrangements between national oil companies including Chinese have been negotiated which hold out the prospect of greater security, even in the absence of a settlement of the maritime claims. Energy cooperation may stabilize the South China Sea providing a secure operating environment for oil exploitation. In time, the way could be prepared for further steps which would involve the claimants in negotiations over a resolution of the maritime claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers a security community in Asia through looking at the “ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] way.” It examines the ASEAN way through dispute management tactics in Southeast Asia and argues that from the member-states’ perceptions and attitudes toward disputes, ASEAN’s approach is explained as a conflict management rather than resolution style. The approach involves limitations on ASEAN’s readiness to resolve disputes in practice as a collective regional body. ASEAN’s approach suggests the need for international relations theorists to consider ASEAN’s style without being conditioned by assumptions arising out of existing theories, recognizing the usefulness of a mode of security cooperation that reflects the region’s particular character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years there has been a marked increase in human trafficking across the borders of Asia-Pacific states. In addressing this problem, regional states have found that unilateral actions are insufficient to stem the flows of trafficked persons. In response to this shortfall in capacity a number of arrangements have been initiated by regional institutions. The purpose of this article is to analyse the efficacy of these institutional arrangements. This article discusses the problem of human trafficking and its patterns within the region, before assessing the current anti-trafficking programmes and policies developed by regional institutions in East Asia and the South Pacific. The article then reviews trans-regional efforts being undertaken through the ASEAN Regional Forum, including the Asia-Europe Meeting and the Bali Process. In concluding, it is suggested that while the regional institutions remain captured by state interests they are nonetheless an important vehicle in combating human trafficking in the Asia Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over decades India and Myanmar had hardly any relations. To a large degree this was due to India's outdated model of Nehruvian ideals in its foreign policy formulation. Recent research, however, has pointed towards a shift in Indo-Burmese relations. This article analysse the reasons for such a shift, placing them in the larger context of the reframing of India's foreign policy objectives under the BJP-led NDA government in the late 1990s. These new priorities have been upheld by the Congress led government since the elections in 2004. The article argues that the primary aim for such a shift was economic, as India reassessed its position globally and regionally, putting economic relations at the centre of its foreign policy formulation and engendering India's "pipeline diplomacy". It looks in detail at the geo-politics of energy and how energy security is now playing a major role in international relations in South Asia. It then describes India's energy needs, focusing in particular on gas, which is at the origin of the pipeline diplomacy and its increasing interest in relations with nations rich in gas and oil. It ends by assessing what impact India's pipeline diplomacy could have on the wider Southeast Asian region, with special regard to ASEAN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the present socio-economic and political conditions of Southeast Asian countries. It mentioned that democracy has taken its place in most of the countries and the countries have formed a regional organization, Association of Southeast Asian nations (ASEAN), to develop unity, cooperation in trade and fight terrorism. The ASEAN countries are moving towards better health care, education system, standard of living, economic conditions, communication and transportation systems but there are still unevenness in some communist countries. Countries like Singapore, China and Malaysia are growing very rapidly with technology, finance, banking sectors and foreign investments.

In recent years, regional leaders and analysts have observed that China has been very successful in improving its relations with the ASEAN countries. Starting from a description of China's strategic interests in Southeast Asia, this article analyzes the developments of China's policy toward Southeast Asia, particularly since the Asian financial crisis of 1997. This article argues that China's active policies to address Southeast Asia's fears about the future impact of a stronger China have made these states more optimistic and hopeful that a more powerful China will be a force for peace, stability, and prosperity in the short-to-medium term. However, long-term concerns remain over whether a more powerful China may decide to try to increase its influence or even try to dominate the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines ASEAN's intramural counterterrorism cooperation from 9/11 through the Bali bombing of October 2002 and its effects on ASEAN's cohesion and the norm of non-intervention in members' domestic affairs. While the Bali bombing appeared to unify threat perceptions, domestic imperatives have significantly hindered substantive multilateral counterterrorism efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Regional order’ was Michael Leifer's yardstick of choice to assess the international relations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Leifer's recurrent theme was how elusive, and at times how illusory, regional order was for Southeast Asia. The elusiveness of regional order is attributed to ASEAN's lack of a set of genuinely shared assumptions about their interrelationships with each other and external states. This article challenges Leifer's portrait of a Southeast Asia devoid of regional order. I argue that Leifer's notion of order is theoretically underdeveloped and methodologically imprecise, allowing the analyst to see disorder in every minor perturbation in the region. I propose replacing ‘regional order’ with ‘peace and stability’, the preferred terms of the discourse by ASEAN's policy elites. By the latter criteria, ASEAN and the Asia-Pacific, contrary to the skeptics, have made impressive progress in the last forty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]