Search

The article analyzes the concept of labor in the Australian Labor Party's administration of state governments in Australia. Topics discussed include analysis of the ideological and policy profile of state Labor governments, policy mechanisms of state Labor governments based on a framework adopted from policy experts Armando Barrientos and Martin Powell, and the comparative profile of modern state-level social democracy in Australia.

Is the Australian Labor Party (ALP) one party, or eight? Academic accounts of the ALP throughout its history have emphasised the importance of state‐based policy‐making and organisation as evidence that the "life of the party" occurs within state and territory branches. However, over the last three decades, changes to the national conference and constitution, the increasing prominence of national leaders and the professionalisation of campaigning practices have arguably created the conditions for a far more centralised organisation, raising the question of whether, in 2019, there is anything distinctive about the ALP state and territory branches beyond the jurisdictions in which they operate. In this article, we investigate the distinctiveness of state Labor branches in terms of their formal organisational diversity and the characteristics and attitudes of their supporters. Using data from an original survey of Australian party supporters conducted in 2016, as well as undertaking an analysis of formal party rules, we show that the ALP exhibits a high degree of organisational uniformity across its branches, and supporters of the party in all states and territories very closely resemble each other. We conclude that even though the party maintains a federal structure it is possible to study its supportership and formal structure as a national organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most widely-endorsed norms in Australian politics is the requirement for bipartisanship in the management of defence and security policy. This norm is assumed to lead to good policy creation, foster political unity, and protect those who implement national policy (particularly the military). The paper argues that evidence for all three of these claims is overstated. In addition, the effects of the norm are often counter-productive and even harmful to the conduct and management of Australian policy. The paper concludes by arguing that the norm of bipartisanship for Australian defence and security policy should be abandoned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the politics of telecommunications reform between 1967 and 1972, during which time Labor developed a new policy approach that included committing to reconstitute the Postmaster-General's Department as a relatively independent statutory authority. This represented the first serious attempt to reconcile the conflicting objectives of Australian policy: to provide affordable universal services by a government department expected to operate as a 'business-like' enterprise, and ended the political consensus about how national telecommunications should be delivered. The paper contrasts Labor's policy with the Liberal-Country government's more incremental approach; and highlights a significant public policy shift that has received insufficient attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to some other jurisdictions, in Australia, governments relying on minor parties and independents to enact policies and especially to hold power, are readily characterised by oppositions and commentators as unstable, even chaotic and an undesirable deviation from the stability of majority parliaments. The almost unremarked exception is the Liberals' long and frequent reliance on the National Party and its predecessors to form government. This paper explores the role of the National Party in minority Coalition governments and considers why this form of minority government attracts so little comment, noting the inter-party and intra-party systems and strategies that give the appearance of stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gough Whitlam’s political significance lies in the first instance in his leading the Australian Labor Party into office at federal level in December 1972 after 23 years in opposition. As prime minister he instituted wide-ranging domestic reforms expanding the involvement of the Commonwealth government into many areas affecting the lives of ordinary Australians. He faced a declining economic situation and a parliamentary opposition determined to impede his reforms; the blocking of supply in the Senate culminated in Whitlam’s dismissal by the governor-general on 11 November 1975. In foreign policy, Whitlam repositioned Australia as an active middle power. His opening to China coincided with the Sino-American normalisation, leading to a new direction in Australian foreign policy that gained momentum in subsequent years; the fundamentals of the Australian relationship with the United States remained intact. Whitlam was motivated by a vision of ‘positive equality’ in government services as the basis of social democracy. From a contemporary perspective there is less faith in the efficacy of government action than was the case with Whitlam. His government bears comparison with the great reform governments in the Australian Labor tradition, as well as in Canada, the United Kingdom, and even the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the use of financial services law (securities regulation) to regulate and to reduce emissions trading to reduce the causes of climate change-with reference to Australia's use of financial services law from 2012. The Australian financialization model, introduced by the previous Australian (Australian Labor Party) government, is planned to be repealed in mid-2014 (depending on votes in the upper house of the Australian parliament) by the conservative (Liberal-National Party coalition) government as its 'first order of business'. At the time of writing in April 2014, the carbon price is in full operation. The government won office in September 2013, partly in the wake of an electoral backlash against the 'carbon tax'. Australia's climate change model was based on defining emission reduction units as financial products under the Corporations Act, which resulted in the regulation of the market for trading emissions reductions becoming the responsibility of the financial services regulator, the Australian Securities and Investments Commission. This article examines the financial services model which treats emissions as financial products, regulated by financial services laws which provide inter alia for trading on regulated markets, the licensing of advisers, the expectation of high standards for secondary trading, the recognition of consumer rights under consumer laws and the continuous disclosure of information to financial markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various aspects of the political conditions in Australia between July and December 2013, focusing on the reported tribalisation of Australian politics and the nation's 44th federal election on September 7, 2013 which featured interim Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd. According to the article, Australia's Labor Party-led government was swept out in 2013 after two parliamentary terms in office. Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott and political campaigns are examined.

The Australian federal election of 7 September 2013 resulted in a win in the House of Representatives for the right of centre Coalition led by Tony Abbott and a defeat for the outgoing minority Labor government led by Kevin Rudd, and before that Julia Gillard. The Coalition held its numbers in the Senate but will depend on support from right of centre independents and micro-parties to pass its legislation after the new Senate commences on 1 July 2014. The 2013 election provides a snapshot of the state of Australian politics not only in relation to the Coalition and Labor, but also in relation to the Greens, other minor parties and independents. Post-election Labor experienced some revival through a new method of choosing its federal parliamentary leader that provides caucus members and branch members with an equal share in the decision; Bill Shorten emerged narrowly as the winner. The formation of the new government was indicative of the political dynamics within the Coalition. There has been some shift of emphasis in terms of key policies receiving attention in the initial period of the Abbott government, most notably climate change, but there are also significant continuities with the previous Labor government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian Labor Party, following its election to government in 2007, has implemented an ambitious social policy agenda with spending on hospitals, pensions and community workers, as well as programs for parental leave and disability. It has also reformed taxes, in part to finance these reforms, implementing the mining and carbon taxes in 2012. Labor, however, has difficulty avoiding deficits because tax revenues are too low to finance expanded welfare. This article explores the political constraints and opportunities involved in financing welfare by examining voter responses to the ANU Poll of September 2011. Spending on welfare is supported by low-income earners, while taxing big industries finds greater support among university-educated voters. The article advances an explanation for this mismatch and for why tax resistance has hindered Labor's efforts to finance welfare expansion. 澳大利亚工党在2007年选举上台后实施了雄心勃勃的社会政策计划，涉及医院、养老金、社区工作人员、带薪育婴假、残疾人等项开支。它还在2012年改革了税收，推行采矿及碳排放税为上述改革筹集资金。不过，工党苦于避免赤字，因为税收太少，资助不了扩大的福利。本文分析了选民对2011年9月ANU民调的回应，探讨了资助福利之举的限制与机遇。低收入者支持福利开支，受过高等教育者则多支持向大企业征税。本文解释了这种矛盾，以及为什反税收阻碍了工党资助福利扩张的努力。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at politics and government in Australia as of July 2013, focusing on Australian Liberal Party leader Tony Abbott. It notes his party's loss in the country's close 2010 election and says its prospects are positive for the upcoming 2013 election, in which a Liberal Party win would make him prime minister. It presents comments from him on a range of topics. He discusses policies implemented by the government under Australian Labor Party Prime Minister Julia Gillard which he opposes, including a carbon tax. He also discusses immigrants in Australia, free trade agreements and foreign investment, the global balance of power between the U.S. and China, and the appeal of political conservatism.

The presidentialisation debate centres on the question of whether contemporary political leaders in parliamentary systems are more powerful than their predecessors. This article applies the presidentialisation thesis of Poguntke and Webb (2005) to the period in which Kevin Rudd led the federal parliamentary Labor Party in Australia. Their model identifies three distinct faces of presidentialisation: the executive face, the party face and the electoral face. This article argues that the evidence of presidentialisation under Rudd's leadership is mixed. The most compelling evidence is reflected in how Rudd interacted with the Labor Party, rather than his interaction with the executive or impact on voting behaviour. 关于总统化的辩论集中于当前国会的政治领袖是否比他们的前任更有权力。本文将普刚克和韦博（2005）的总统化理论应用于陆克文领导澳大利亚联邦议会工党的时期。他们二人总结了总统化的三个方面：行政面、党派面、选举面。本文指出，陆克文领导时期总统化的证据含混不清。最有说服力的证据倒是反映在陆克文与工党而不是与政府的互动或对选举行为的影响上。 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Australia's main parties have experienced rapid deterioration in levels of membership but most have been reluctant to follow the lead of many of their counterparts in Western Europe and embrace more radical, inclusive pre-selection formats to arrest declining numbers. This paper offers a partial explanation of why the Liberal and Labor parties have been disinclined to look to reforming candidate selection as a strategy to combat their shrinking rank-and-file membership. It argues that compulsory voting in conjunction with high levels of party identification has reduced the imperative for Australia's major parties to resort to candidate selection reform as a device to stabilise their voter base. This study underscores the important role of the institutional setting in affecting the incentives for parties to use pre-selection reform to combat a shrinking membership base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Traditional militant displays of proud working-class masculinity are no longer an advantage in union (or Labor Party) campaigns to win public support. This paper examines the contested masculinities within the construction industry, and specifically those deployed within the campaign by construction unions to achieve workers' rights on site, together with the strategic limitations for their campaigning options. The question of how unions in this sector can effectively campaign to protect their rights is considered, as is the dilemma for union leaders in managing members' legitimate outrage when its usual expression will replicate behaviour demonised by the unions' opponents. In the era of mediated political campaigning, and third-wave labour politics, unions are having to reinvent their public image and campaigning tactics. As the example of the construction unions shows, gender roles and performances of particular masculinities and femininities are highly significant in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses issues in Australian politics from January to June 2012. It particularly examines the policies of the minority Labor government of Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard. Topics concerning the Australian federal government include Gillard's relationship with former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, the formation of Gillard's Third Ministry, and accusations of fraud and sexual harassment against politician Peter Slipper. The author also comments on politics in the various Australian states and territories, examining topics including elections, budgets, and environmental issues.

The article focuses on the Australian government in 2012. Topics include Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd's leadership, his implementation of the social capitalism economic model, and the impact of the global economic crisis on the Australian economy. It is noted that Rudd attempted to boost the economy through a series of stimulus packages while abandoning previous plans of economic reform. Information is provided on the alliance between Australia and the U.S. during a time of growing Asian economic influence.

When Gough Whitlam's Labor Party was elected to government of the Commonwealth of Australia in December 1972, Whitlam sought to completely change the direction of Australia's foreign policy, moving from the United States' orbit towards that of the Communist and Third World powers. This change of direction affected his policies towards both Israel and the campaign for Soviet Jewry for freedom of migration. Chanan Reich has discussed the Whitlam government's change of policy direction viz-a-viz Israel. However, it is also necessary to examine his policies in relation to Soviet Jewry, and issues of lobby groups in Australia. This is seen most clearly in his constant criticism of the "Jewish lobby" and his strong support for the "Arab lobby," highlighted both in his discussions with Soviet representatives before his visit to the Soviet Union (the first by an Australian Prime Minister) and in his private correspondence with Lebanese born Australian businessman, Reuben F. Scarf. Whitlam's change of direction towards the Soviet and Arab world was motivated by a number of different factors: ideological considerations in foreign policy; electoral issues, with the growing Arab population in Australia; the influence of left-wing members of the Australian Labor Party (ALP), such as Bill Hartley; and financial imperatives of the Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines politics and government in Australia in 2010. The article states that the Labor Government lost its majority in the House of Representatives while retaining its status as the largest single party. According to the article, Labor Party leader Kevin Rudd resigned and was replaced by Julia Gillard. The article also states that, following national parliamentary elections in August 2010, Gillard became prime minister of Australia. The article analyzes the Australian government's position on climate change and debate concerning Rudd's proposed legislation on carbon pollution reduction. The article also discusses immigration policy, taxes on mineral resources, and the end of a drought that severely impacted Australian agriculture and commerce.

The article examines developments in Australian politics and governance between January and June, 2011. The author notes that partisan politics dominated political discourse in Australia during this period, although a slate of natural disasters and subsequent rescue efforts interrupted political bickering. Controversial policies concerning mining taxes, off-shore processing of asylum seekers, and carbon taxes are then assessed. Budget concerns are addressed, as is criticism of the ruling Labor Party and Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard. The article then discusses political developments in specific Australian states.

Julia Gillard replaced Kevin Rudd as prime minister and Labor leader in June 2010. She describes her government as being firmly in the 'tradition of Labor'. To locate it in the broad ideological continuum of Labor governments, and to test the suggestion that she is travelling a reform path set largely by the Hawke and Keating governments, I analyse the positions taken by Rudd and Gillard on a range of issues, beginning with economic policy. On social issues Gillard has been even more cautious than Rudd and this reflects her analysis of the electoral impact of Howard's Culture Wars. Her focus on educational opportunity suggests she is the logical successor to Gough Whitlam, Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. As Labor leaders, Rudd and Gillard each embraced market-reliant policy positions. Rudd even claimed to be an 'fiscal conservative'. However, with Rudd venturing a critique of neo-liberalism, it is Gillard whose stance is closer to Hawke and Keating's 'economic rationalism'. Indeed Gillard's insistence upon the centrality of markets leaves Labor with a dilemma: if there are no significant problems with relying on markets then why does Australia need a social democratic party? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses voting patterns among men and women in political elections in Australia. The author considers statistics derived from the Australian Election Study (AES) during the period 1987-2007, which indicate weak gendered voting patterns. She emphasizes the change brought upon by the 2010 election, during which women voted for the Labor Party far more than men. The influence on these voting patterns by the first female prime minister and Labor Party member Julia Gillard is also explored.

The authors discuss Australian foreign policy in the 1960s and 1970s. The article examines the policies of Sir Robert Menzies and his Liberal-Country Party coalition government between 1949 and 1966 and criticism from the Labor Party. The authors argue that the Menzies government's foreign policy did not actively separate itself from Asia. The article also analyzes the scholarship on Australian political development and foreign policy and Asian public affairs, as well as the diplomatic, political, and economic conditions of Asia during the Cold War. It also discusses Australia's political relationship with India.

Under the Labor government of 2007-10, Australian policies towards the Pacific island states, East Timor and Indonesia showed a large measure of continuity with the policies pursued by the previous conservative Coalition government. This continuity is to be explained by the fact that the problems in the region did not change significantly; there was a large degree of consensus in Australian politics about Australian objectives in the region, but there were some differences as to means, particularly in relation to the South Pacific. This study highlights the impact of proximity and regional variations in international politics on Australian policies in relation to neighbouring countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the development of Australian policy regarding health care coverage for non-therapeutic male circumcision, with particular focus given to the political debates over the topic in 1985. Such coverage was made available under Australia's Medicare (formerly Medibank) scheme and was supported by the country's Labor Party. The author addresses the perceived health advantages of infant circumcision and the National Health and Medical Research Council's (NHMRC) opposition to the widespread practice.

The article discusses politics in Australia focusing on the Labor party victory of November 2007, the election of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, his early promise regarding signing the so-called Kyoto protocol on international control of climate change, and experiences since that belie those intentions. A greenhouse gas emissions trading scheme is said to have stalled and power held by Rudd and the Labor party reportedly have been lost to a great extent. Along with these changes, the article reports on gains made by Australia's Green party and a seat that in won in the House of Representatives.

The article discusses the disillusion with the Australian Labour Party (ALP) and the emergence of the left-leaning Greens. The ALP campaign in 2007 exceeded the expectations of voters and raised hopes by labour activists for extensive reform. It also proved to be costly and unsustainable after the election. Various issues including climate change, the need for health, education and tax reforms and Australia's involvement in the war in Iraq have reportedly all contributed to ALP's failure, which in turn paved the way for the emergence of the Green Party.

Labor's broadband policy influenced key regional independents to support the formation of the minority Gillard government. However, analysing information technology policy doesn't only demonstrate continuing differences between Labor and the Coalition. It also demonstrates changing Labor attitudes on issues ranging from neoliberalism, globalisation and social inclusion to conceptions of market failure and the rising power of Asia. In particular, this article compares and contrasts the attitudes of the Rudd government to those of the Hawke and Keating governments, arguing that the Rudd government placed much more emphasis on the role that market failure had played in contributing to Australia's poor broadband provision. The resulting policy involved an increased role for government in rolling out broadband not only to the cities but also to regional Australia. That approach benefitted Gillard. It also reflected ideological differences between not just Labor and the Liberals, but also between Rudd and his Labor predecessors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]