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This paper aims to broaden the scope of analysis of the contemporary global land rush by examining crop booms not only outside, but inside China; and investment flows not only from China, but also within and into China. It does so by examining the eucalyptus and sugarcane sectors in southern China, which have witnessed investment booms during the past decade, with capital being infused by both domestic capital and foreign capital, including Finnish, Indonesian, and Thai companies. Our argument addresses three key issues: (a) explaining why foreign and domestic companies enter into a multitude of lease and grower contracts involving holders of micro-plots, (b) revisiting the notion of extra-economic coercion, and (c) a critique of thinking about flows of large-scale investments centred primarily on nationality. These issues are central in current debates in the land grabs literature, and our study offers a different perspective from dominant narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Purpose: This paper aims to identify the impact of economic integration on trade competitiveness and demonstrate its effects on trade and investment performance of member nations. Design/methodology/approach: The study compiles some price indices to provide a systematic assessment of competitiveness in the BRICS region. The panel regression framework estimates the impact of integration on trade competitiveness and the external sector performance of BRICS nations. Findings: The findings of the research highlight the prospects for strong, closer and sustained integration in BRICS and, more importantly, the contribution of competitiveness to FDI receipts and export growth. Research limitations/implications: The assessment of exports and investment experiences of BRICS nations, particularly China and India, provides further evidence in support of the logical design and strategic use of their foreign trade policies. Originality/value: The economic partnership that wants to sustain this high road to global economic space needs strategic orientations to promote their partnership in other interest areas to make the cooperation more competitive in price terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the implementation of the right to adequate housing in Brazil, China, and Russia, which are part of the BRICS group of countries. The study reveals that while Brazil and Russia have legally recognised the right to housing through domestic law and multinational human rights treaties, China has been less willing to do so. Even when international instruments have been implemented, they have not always successfully ensured state accountability for housing rights violations, and few cases have been brought under individual complaint procedures. This study highlights common housing issues faced by each jurisdiction in the practical implementation of the right to housing, which are similar to those encountered by other countries but are often more severe due to the economic, political, and historical circumstances of the countries under review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, bibliometric analysis as a field of study has captured researchers' interest worldwide. Bibliometric analysis enables one to have data about a particular field of research in one place. In this paper, the authors have attempted to capture insights on the study of bibliometric analysis of corporate governance in BRICS economies. For all companies, and most prominently the publicly traded companies, reliance to the ethos of good corporate governance helps enhance the value of the companies. Corporate governance is an umbrella term indicating all possible areas of best practice to elevate the performance of the companies. BRICS economies have their own set of similarities as well as differences. Bibliometric analysis of corporate governance research is elaborately studied in the context of European and other developed economies. As this kind of study has not been done with reference to the BRICS economies, we had the motivation to conduct this study. From the Scopus database, meta data has been collected for this study. In this study, we reviewed 3,596 research publications during the last three decades, between 1991 and 2020. The increasing trend of publications is observed in corporate governance in BRICS countries using the longitudinal data. Researchers from China rule the chart on the quantum of research done in the field of corporate governance among the BRICS economies. Meta data for ten years is analysed using Biblioshiny and Vosviewer. Using a thematic map, the study of 3,596 documents were divided into four time zones, i.e., 1991-2011 (976 documents), 2011-2014 (612 documents), 2014-2017 (792 documents), and 2017-2020 (1,296 documents). The key themes which emerged were governance and ownership structure (1991 to 2011); stakeholders, corporate social responsibility, and internationalisation (2011-2014); privatisation and investor protection (2014-2017); and audit committee, independent directors, and corporate governance (2017-2020).. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering both the contrasting positions of the West and the East, as well as the increasingly complicated relationship between the US and China, which presents itself as an exponent of the emerging, multipolar or post-American world, this article aims to infer the meanings currently attributed to the concept of peaceful coexistence applied in China's foreign policy, how it has evolved, from the Sino-soviet dispute to present, and to what extend does this concept characterize China's policy towards Africa and the emerging states in general. The first part of the paper focuses on the Sino-Soviet dispute and the differences in the meanings attributed to the concept of peaceful coexistence, which, although foreign to the Western literature of international relations, still seems to constitute the central theme of the Chinese Communist Party, being present in most of the speeches and documents of foreign policy issued by the Chinese government. Moreover, I will analyze the extent to which China's involvement and relationship with the African states - and the other BRICS states - reflects the principles of the concept of peaceful coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of government size and digitization in the process of environmental quality is a matter of considerable debate in the field of environmental economics. BRICS economies have suffered from environmental pollution. This paper scrutinizes that how CO2 emissions respond to government size and digitization in BRICS economies. Empirical estimates of the ARDL approach show that government size has a positive impact on CO2 in Brazil, India, and China, while negative impact on CO2 in Russia in the long run. The long-run estimates reveal a negative and significant effect of digitization on CO2 in Brazil, India, and China. Education and e-learning activities have a favorable and crucial role played in environmental quality in Brazil, India, and China. Based on these findings, BRICS authorities should improve the efficiency of government expenditures and invest more in digitization to improve the quality of the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides contemporary climate, deep rooted economic conditions for FTA (free trade agreement), BRICS. In light of changing global economy this paper traces GDP, unemployment and inflation change before and after the FTA. BRICS Nations together has 22.2% of global output, 17.2% Global trade and 40% of global population. The significance of trade and GDP were highlighted during 6th BRICS summit Brazil 2014, which paved much deeper agreement and talks with respect to strategy for economic partnership trade and Investment Corporation. The significance of international trade among BRICS countries was highlighted during the Sixth BRICS Summit in Fortaleza, Brazil in 2014. Secondary data was collected from various sources for the past 20 years and analysis is done using basic regression in SPSS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We compare China's performance to the performances of Brazil, India, and South Africa over the 1985-2011 period. We look into several areas including patent applications by residents, scientific and technical journal articles, final consumption expenditure, exports, household consumption, government consumption, gross capital formation, gross domestic savings, age dependency ratio, foreign direct investment, energy production, and domestic credit to private sector. We find that, out of the twelve measures that we examine, China's annual percentage improvement was significantly better than the other three BRICS countries in only three measures. These are patent applications by residents, scientific and technical journal articles, and energy production. These findings indicate that science and innovation had been very important for China's development. Also, the country's efforts in energy production including its partnerships in other countries had been key to its economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper describes the relationship between the People’s Republic of China and India, 'with an emphasis on economic cooperation and political rivalry. Its aim is to identify the main points ofcooperation and conflict in their mutual relations. After a brief overview of the history of relations between both powers, the paper will analyze the current status of their relationship. Following a period ofdifficult relations during the cold 'war, there is a growing trend of cooperation between the two countries. Special attention will be paid to their activity in the BRICS group. The opportunities and obstacles of this relationship, as well as its effect on the surrounding region and on the developing countries in general, 'will be ascertained. Another emphasized issue will be the security rivalry between the two powers, as seen from the alleged Chinese “String of Pearls ” project and India’s reaction to it. The main methods used in the writing of this paper are historical analysis of the sources and description based on the current state of affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging powers like China, India and Brazil are receiving growing attention as objects in International Relations (IR) discourse. Scholars from these emerging powers are rarely present as subjects in mainstream IR discourse, however. This paper interrogates the conditions for scholars in emerging powers to speak back to the mainstream discipline. It argues, first, that ‘theory speak’ is rare from scholars based in periphery countries perceived to be ‘emerging powers’. Despite increasing efforts to create a ‘home-grown’ theoretical discourse in China, India and Brazil, few articles in mainstream journals present novel theoretical frameworks or arguments framed as non-Western/Southern theory or even as a ‘Chinese school’ or ‘Brazilian concepts’. Second, scholars from emerging powers tend to speak as ‘native informants’ about their own country, not about general aspects of ‘the international’. Third, some scholars even speak as ‘quasi-officials’, that is, they speak for their country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper produces three new results for the interest rate differential -- exchange rate nexus using data for the BRICS countries. One, it mostly validates the sticky price thesis which specifies negative relationship between interest rate differential and exchange rate in the countries. Two, further probe reveals that exchange rate predominantly responds asymmetrically to interest rate differential in four of the five countries. Three, the study reveals noteworthy result for China, showing that the nonlinearity in the nexus could be better captured with a threshold, rather than an asymmetric model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines empirically the role of selected macro-economic variables in determining FDI inflows in the context of BRICS countries. The study employed the Pooled Mean Group (PMG) Auto-Regressive Distributive Lag (ARDL) method for annual dataset over the period 1994 to 2018. The findings of the study indicate that factors like GDP, trade openness, exchange rate, gross capital formation and availability of infrastructure facilities are significant in long run. The country-specific analysis for short run indicates that among BRICS, the FDI determining variables differ in each country. Among BRICS, China is the finest country with the significant and positive effects of examined variables in stimulating FDI inflows. As BRICS economies are facing challenge at the global level, the study suggested the need of adoption of liberal policies to attract more FDI along with growth promotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The formation of informal groupings of states is a manifestation of the global shift in economic power. One such a grouping is the BRICS, consisting of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, which stands out for its importance due to its economic weight, its coverage across continents and the numerous internal differences. The BRICS have collectively flexed their muscle and expressed their intentions to extend their cooperation at the United Nations (UN). Proposals in the United Nations General Assembly (UN GA) take the form of resolutions, which can be written and co-written by the UN member states. This so-called sponsoring of resolutions is a way to push agenda items forward. Using a large-N network analysis, we examine the patterns of co-sponsorship of the BRICS of resolutions adopted in the UN GA plenary sessions. We find that the BRICS cooperate on fields such as economic issues, however, they do not form a coherent bloc when it comes to resolution sponsorship. These results raise the question in what way the BRICS actually cooperate at the UN level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the response of the BRICS and MSCI emerging stock market indices to the COVID-19 outbreak. For this purpose, this study uses a multifractal detrended fluctuation analysis (MF-DFA) to investigate the market efficiency dynamics of these indices and then ranks them based on their market efficiency. Overall, our results indicate that the returns from all the stock indices exhibit long-range correlations, implying that these markets are not weak-form efficient. Specifically, China showed the highest level of multifractality (i.e., inefficiency), which can be attributed to its highly volatile market structure. Using a subsample analysis, we further explore the impact of COVID-19 on these markets' efficiency by dividing the dataset into pre- and post-COVID periods. The findings indicate that COVID-19 adversely affected the efficiency of all the indices. Surprisingly, improvement in the Chinese market's inefficiency was witnessed, which can be attributed to the prompt and effective measures (i.e., timely imposition of health-related measures such as lockdowns and resident quarantines to contain COVID-19 and financial packages designed to curtail the economic meltdown) introduced by the Chinese government. The findings of this study may help investors, policymakers and regulators in refining their financial and policy decisions according to the new efficiency levels of these markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article probes the viability and survival of BRICS in the context of intensified China–India conflicts and strategic divergences. It argues that occasional eruptions of serious tensions in China–India relations, underpinned by their 1962 border war, threaten to make BRICS an ineffective or weak organization. The article shows that the threats to BRICS's effectiveness as a new economic grouping originate from both countries' strategies and counter-strategies to outperform and outbid each other in a number of critical geopolitical areas, most importantly South Asia, and the Indian Ocean Region. The absence of liberal institutional geoeconomic strategies in their bilateral relations to generate meaningful cooperation for mutual gains further exacerbates their conflicts, with clear implications for BRICS. The article discusses three policy implications for BRICS to function as an effective new economic grouping of the Global South—institutional reforms, a shift from geopolitical to liberal institutional geoeconomic strategy of cooperation, and a coordinated policy approach to global political and economic issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Tiers Monde is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper reviews the reasons, main goals and directions of association of the BRICS countries, which change the global economic order. These are: 1) interest of all stakeholders in reforming the current financial and economic architecture of the world with an allowance for the economic potentials of emerging countries; 2) commitment of association stakeholders to principles and rules of international law; 3) consolidation of efforts formodernization of economy and social life; 4) standing up to new global threats and challenges on a multilateral basis; 5) use of innovative approaches to accelerate economic and social modernization of the participating countries. The authors evaluate the potential of the BRICS countries. Prospects for cooperation of Ukraine with the countries of this Agreement are reviewed. The role of China in changing the global economic order and reforming the global financial architecture is substantiated, specific aspects of its economic development covered. Directions for economic cooperation of the BRICS are outlined with allowance for China interests. The authors show that today China has every chance of taking the global lead, competing with the USA, the reasons being: successful implementation of economic reforms, a well selected transformation strategy and the value system itself of Chinese society, which is better transformable and adaptable to the varied global environment than in other BRICS partner countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental sustainability concerns are growing worldwide. Many recent studies have focused on key indicators of CO2 emissions, but less consideration has been given to human capital. This study examines the impact of human capital on CO2 emissions in Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) economies from 1991 to 2019 using a nonlinear panel autoregressive distributed lag approach. Findings show that positive change in education has reduced CO2 emissions, while a negative change in education has increased CO2 emissions in the long run in a group of BRICS. Regarding economy-wise analysis, a positive change in education reduces CO2 emissions in Russia, China, and South Africa in the long run, but a negative change in education has an increasing impact on CO2 emissions in Brazil and China. The results of robustness are also maintained in group and economy-wise empirical analysis. Policymakers should develop the education sector infrastructure in order to support the decrease of CO2 emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We look into determinants (volatility, crises, sentiment and the U.S. 'fear' index) of herding using BRICS as our sample. Investors herd selectively to crises and herding is a short-lived phenomenon. Herding was highest during the global financial crisis (only China was affected). There was no herding during the European debt crisis and COVID. With regard to the relationship between volatility and CSAD (cross sectional absolute deviation)/herding, a lower CSAD (movement in a specific direction) brings about less volatility. However, a high volatility amplifies herding (reduces CSAD), especially in China. Russia and South Africa are unresponsive to volatility levels (low/high) and herding. We also observe volatility heterogeneity. Different volatility measures have different effects on different markets. There is limited evidence to suggest that sentiment (based on principal component) Granger causes herding/CSAD. Herding is a period and market variant and unrelated to crises. The U.S. 'fear' index has a short-lived, limited effect on CSAD/herding (during COVID only) for all countries except China. In addition, Granger causality analysis indicates a two-way relationship between the U.S. 'fear' index and CSAD/herding, unrelated to crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the argument that the so-called four BRIC or the five BRICS economies can help rescue the global economy from its current crisis. It reviews the arguments for the positive role of these developing economies and then urges a series of reasons for caution about their capacity to act as an independent element in global economic recovery. It also draws attention to the differences between these economies and the need to consider the way that economic issues are related to geo-political considerations in the global system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on how UK cities are very slowly adapting themselves to the changing world where growth economies, and particularly China, the world’s second largest economy, have become the focus of global policy attention. Most UK cities, accustomed to a highly centralized state, are poor at any consistent international targeting, and especially poor out of their traditional US and Western European comfort zone, where the great majority of their exports still go. However, the China challenge—whether a city can hitch its particular supply to their particular demand—is probably the single most important economic challenge of the decade, and will determine whether a city experiences genteel decline or spurred growth. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The promotion of carbon-neutral investments is among the primary constituents of developing a carbon-neutral economy. This is even more important for emerging economies that have constrained financial markets. In this paper, using monthly data between 2011 and 2019, we study 6519 actively managed mutual funds in BRICS after sorting them into black, brown, and green categories based on their investment holdings. Our comparative performance shows that green funds outperform their counterparts for the entire sample and within-country assessment. We also document the volatility and market timing ability of green funds, mainly absent in high emission funds. The results remained robust for various definitions of performance. Our findings also indicate Chinese green funds perform better than those of other countries. This is attributed to the multiple ecologically friendly economic policies that China has adopted over the years. Based on the results, we propose various interventions that could foster the adaptability of a carbon-neutral investment landscape. [Display omitted] • We assess the performance of BRIC funds after segregating on carbon profiles. • The Green funds show better risk-adjusted performance than brown & black funds. • The low carbon funds exhibit market timing ability during the sample period. • We report strong evidence of volatility timing for green equity funds. • The results are encouraging for promoting a zero-carbon investment paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourism sector is tremendously growing sector of BRICS economies during past two decades. Tourism industry directly or indirectly contributes to the GDP, employment and balance of payment to the financial system of every economy. This sector is also contributing to increase the revenue and thus converting financial deficit into surplus. Therefore, an effort is made to observe the causal association linking tourism industry and BRICS economies. GDP and receipts from this sector have been taken as proxy respectively for BRICS economies and tourism sector to check the causal relation. Data was gathered from various sources and suitable techniques were employed to analyses the data. The results of the study presented that in the case of Brazil as well as China, growth in GDP cause growth in Tourism Receipts whereas reciprocal relationship exists for other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the pattern of engagement by China and India in terms of the G20 and BRICS. Both countries are torn between a self-identity as status-seeking 'rising' powers and as champions of solidarity with other countries of the Global South. In conceptual terms, primary reference is made to the notion of ambivalence inherent in the fundamental co-existence of the privileging of these two different identities. That these contrasting mindsets are held in tandem is highly salient for an examination of foreign policy in comparative perspective. Privileging ambivalence is different from ambiguity. Ambiguity conveys a lack of clarity, rather than the persistence of a dualistic mindset central to ambivalence. Although highlighting generalised commonalities, the means of managing ambivalence adopted by China and India are markedly differentiated. As illustrated by the pattern of engagement with the G20 and BRICS, what separates China from India is China's ability make up its mind in an instrumental manner if and when needed. By way of contrast, the projection of Indian foreign policy on the G20 and the BRICS highlights a more fundamental contradiction between the exceptionalistic and universalistic sides of self-identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the competitiveness and bilateral trade complementarities of BRICS countries (i.e., Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) with respect to their fossil energy trade and explores the reasons for changes in fossil energy complementarities. By introducing the logarithmic mean divisia index (LMDI) method, this study links the revealed comparative advantage (RCA) index with the trade complementarity index (TCI), attributing the change in complementarities to export and import revealed comparative advantages associated with both sides. The results show that, in the coal trade among BRICS countries, China's competitiveness is declining annually while Russia shows an opposite trend. The cooperation between China and Russia has steadily expanded in the crude oil trade. Although India and Russia are highly complementary in the crude oil trade, its drivers are not stable. Finally, in the natural gas trade among BRICS countries, Russia always has a stable and outstanding supply capacity. • Relationships in fossil energy trade among BRICS countries were examined. • Relative competitiveness and complementarity in trade were focused upon. • Changes of trade potential were attributed to competitiveness of both sides. • China and Russia play opposite roles in the coal trade among BRICS. • India and Russia have not formed a long-term, stable, cooperative relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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South Africa's burgeoning relationship with China exposes the increasing complexities of its post-apartheid international relations. On one hand bilateral relations have deepened since 1998, due to the increasing complementarities with South Africa's foreign policy priorities that emphasise developmental pragmatism and a Southward orientation within the broader African context. On the other hand this relationship emphasises the deeper schisms within South African society itself, where divergent and multi-layered perspectives on South Africa's post-apartheid identity and relationship with China, the country's largest trading partner, remains unresolved. This article maps out the nature of China–South Africa relations through a thematic approach. This allows for nuanced consideration of South Africa's contemporary foreign policy, one that remains compressed between a combination of external and domestic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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While foreign direct investment ( FDI) is generally assumed to represent long-term investments within the real economy, approximately 30-50 percent of global FDI is accounted for by networks of offshore shell companies created by corporations and individuals for tax and other purposes. To date, there has been limited systematic research on the global structure of these networks. Here we address this gap by employing principal component analysis to decompose the global bilateral FDI anomaly matrix into its primary constituent subnetworks. We find that the global offshore FDI network is highly globalized, with a centralized core of jurisdictions in Northwest Europe and the Caribbean exercising a largely homogenous worldwide influence. To the extent that the network is internally differentiated, this appears to primarily reflect a historic layering of social and political relationships. We identify four primary offshore FDI subnetworks, bearing the imprint of four key processes and events: European, particularly UK colonialism, the post- WWII hegemonic alliance between the United States and Western Europe, the fall of Soviet communism, and the rise of Chinese capitalism. We also find evidence of qualitative, but not quantitative, variation in offshore FDI based on national rule of law and communist history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New powers, such as China, India and Brazil, are challenging the traditional dominance of the US in the governance of the global economy. It is generally taken for granted that the rise of new powers is simply a reflection of their growing economic might. In this article, however, I challenge this assumption by drawing on the case of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to show that the forces driving the rise of new powers are more heterogeneous and complex than suggested by a simple economic determinism. I argue that these countries have in fact taken different paths to power: while China's rise has been more closely tied to its growing economic might, the rise of Brazil and India has been driven primarily by their mobilization and leadership of developing country coalitions, which enabled them to exercise influence above their economic weight. One important result is that Brazil and India have assumed a more aggressive and activist position in WTO negotiations than China and played a greater role in shaping the agenda of the Doha Round. Thus, although the new powers are frequently grouped together (as the ‘BRICs’, for example), this masks considerable variation in their sources of power and behaviour in global economic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The rise of new economic powers has seen increasing attention focused on the international role of the BRICS countries. Importantly, a common feature uniting the BRICS is that they are all resource-rich, and many analysts (and some BRICS governments) have argued that natural resources are one of the key factors propelling the rise of the group. This article explores the BRICS’ emerging status as ‘resource powers’, examining how resource wealth underpins their economic development and foreign policy strategies, and thus contributes to their growing influence in international affairs. It is argued that through the use of nationalistic mining and energy policies, the BRICS governments have exploited natural resources for both domestic economic and international diplomatic objectives. However, there are several challenges and emerging risks facing the BRICS’ resource strategies, which mean that resource wealth is making a positive – though inherently limited – contribution to the growing international status of the group. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The emergence of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) group of states as a new geopolitical power bloc has received substantial coverage in the media. South Africa’s inclusion in the group has been particularly controversial, and media attention tended to focus on the country’s relationship with China against the backdrop of the BRICS alignment. The media industry itself has also been a part of global movements of people and capital. This article seeks to establish how this relationship has been represented in the South African media, and to explore the attitudes of senior journalists and editors towards South Africa’s position within the changing global geopolitical landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this article is to evaluate the possible role of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) as an organization in international relations. The major question is whether emerging states, fast economic growth, interest for a multipolar international system, and antipathy towards the leading US unipolar international system are factors enough to make BRICS a coherent and relevant international actor. It seems to be clear that all BRICS members have their own national interests, and they have realized that BRICS is a useful idea for advancing those interests. Then again, the five BRICS countries make a diverse combination of countries with different civilizational and cultural backgrounds. Therefore it is not easy to assume that BRICS would be an organization capable of changing the international system as long as BRICS members have different kinds of expectations when it comes to the future world order. In this respect the most important BRICS countries are China and India, which also have contradictory interests and expectations about the future order of Asia as well as the entire world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of newspaper reporting on the topic of energy security in eight countries – four from the global North (France, Germany, the UK, and the United States) and four from the global South (China, India, Brazil, and South Africa) – produces no support for the thesis that news is disseminated from core countries to the periphery and semi-periphery. There is an important difference between China and the other three fast-developing countries and a highly asymmetric flow of news not aligned to old core-periphery boundaries. In general, energy security is mainly covered in trade and business outlets and less in newspapers with mass circulation, indicating that the topic is still an elite concern. In some instances, attention has surged at the same time in different countries. But very few of these instances show a homogenous coverage across countries. Despite increasingly globalised media, news is created and consumed at a national level. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Has a Beijing Consensus emerged to challenge the Washington Consensus? If so, what is the essence of this alternative consensus and why does it matter? This article argues that efforts at a definitive description of a Chinese model of state–economy relations, especially as it compares to the original policy recommendations of the Washington Consensus, have and will continue to prove unsatisfying. This is because any such comparative exercise is inherently political and prone to various angles of critique. Instead, this article argues that it is precisely because of the politics of such comparison that competing and often contradictory portrayals of a Beijing Consensus or China Model have taken on importance inside and outside of China. This article further argues that western accounts of a Beijing Consensus or China Model alternative to the Washington Consensus too often ignore or minimize the contentious debates within China about how best to describe Chinese economic governance. This study, in contrast, seeks to understand China's relationship to the Washington Consensus by exploring how concepts like the Beijing Consensus or China Model are deployed and contested outside and inside of China. The article concludes by offering suggestions for further research on the domestic Chinese and international policy implications of debates about the Beijing Consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When analysing the data periods including the pre-financial and financial crisis periods, the results show that investors might make profits by using Variable Length Moving Average (VMA) trading rules as buying signals rather than as selling signals shown for the Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) stock markets. However, investors may find it difficult to make profits in a financial crisis period, suggesting that more detailed information should be investigated, since the significant results shown during the full period might not reveal the differences between the pre-financial and financial crisis periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of debates about ‘post-neoliberalism’, we examine the implications of the global economic crisis for three important semi-peripheral states: Brazil, India, and China. Deploying a framework which combines neo-Gramscian theory, radical economic geography, and materialist state theory, we find that all their political-economic models have undergone processes of substantial neoliberalisation, albeit to varying degrees and partly giving way to countervailing trends well before the global turmoil. The crisis has markedly accentuated ongoing developments. In Brazil, it has reinforced a transition to a neo-developmentalist strategy. In contrast, the Indian elites have quickly returned to the path of gradual neoliberalisation. In China, it is still unclear whether a fundamental social-corporatist regime change will be accomplished. Our analysis thus suggests a divergence of trajectories, rather than a general rebound of the state, let alone a full-blown post-neoliberal transformation. Contra la perspectiva de los debates sobre el ‘posneoliberalismo’, examinamos las implicaciones de la crisis económica global, para tres importantes estados semiperiféricos: Brasil, India y China. Con el despliegue de un marco que combina la teoría neogramsciana, la geografía económica radical y la teoría estatal materialista, encontramos que todos sus modelos económico-políticos han pasado por un proceso de neoliberalismo sustancial, no obstante de diferentes grados y dando paso parcialmente a tendencias compensatorias mucho antes de la agitación global. La crisis se ha acentuado notablemente con desarrollos en curso. En Brasil, ha fortalecido una transición a una estrategia nueva especialista en desarrollo. En contraste, las élites indias han regresado rápidamente al camino de la neoliberalización gradual. En China, aún no está claro si se logre un cambio de régimen social corporativo fundamental. Por tanto, nuestro análisis sugiere una divergencia de trayectorias en vez de una recuperación general del estado, y ni hablar de una verdadera transformación neoliberal. 在围绕“后新自由主义”进行各种辩论的背景下，我们考察了全球经济危机对三个重要的半边缘国家即巴西、印度和中国的意义。运用一个把新葛兰西主义理论、激进经济地理学和唯物主义国家理论结合起来的框架，我们发现它们所有的政治-经济模式都经历了实质性的新自由主义化的过程，尽管程度有所不同，且在全球性动荡发生前已部分让位于相反的趋势。这场危机清楚地指出了当前的各种发展。在巴西，它加强了向新发展主义战略的转变。相比之下，印度的精英们迅速地回到了渐进新自由主义化的道路。在中国，仍不清楚的是一个根本性的社会法团主义的政权转变是否将得到完成。因而，我们的分析表明了轨迹的歧异，而非国家的总体重归，更不用说是一个充分发展的后新自由主义的转型了。 우리는 ‘포스트 신자유주의’에 대한 논쟁의 배경으로 브라질, 인도와 중국 세 개의 중요한 반주변부 국가에게 주는 지구적 경제위기의 함의를 검토한다. 우리는 신그람시 이론, 급진적 경제지리학과 유물론적 국가론을 결합시킨 분석틀을 적용하여, 정도가 다르고 이미 지구적 혼란 이전에 부분적으로 신자유주의화에 반대되는 추세로 후퇴함에도 불구하고 세 나라가 상당한 신자유주의화 과정을 겪었다는 것을 발견했다. 위기는 진행중인 신자유주의를 뚜렷하게 강화시켰다. 브라질에서 위기는 신발전주의 전략으로의 이행을 촉진시켰다. 반대로 인도의 엘리트들은 재빨리 점진적 신자유주의 길로 돌아갔다. 중국에서는 본질적인 사회적 조합주의 레짐의 변화가 이루어졌는지는 불분명하다. 우리의 분석은 완전한 포스트 신자유주의적 전환에도 불구하고 국가의 재부상보다는 세 나라 경로의 분화를 제시한다. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Brazil–Russia–India–China–South Africa (BRICS) is a popular yet poorly conceptualized group. This article builds a parallel between BRICS and OPEC in order to assess the former using a weak cognitivist version of the regime theory. The five countries created an international regime whose members cooperate in view of acquiring, collectively and individually, increased influence in international financial and economic institutions. As they do not concern this domain, the diverging interests of the five members do not hamper the rather limited socialization process at work and the implicit development of the regime. However, they will most likely prevent BRICS from reaching generalized political cooperation. Consequently, the group can be expected to increase its influence significantly in comparison to the present level but not to become one of the world's leading actors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study focuses on comparison of perceptions of ethical business cultures in large business organizations from four largest emerging economies, commonly referred to as the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), and from the US. The data were collected from more than 13,000 managers and employees of business organizations in five countries. The study found significant differences among BRIC countries, with respondents from India and Brazil providing more favorable assessments of ethical cultures of their organizations than respondents from China and Russia. Overall, highest mean scores were provided by respondents from India, the US, and Brazil. There were significant similarities in ratings between the US and Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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What impact will the rise of China have on the existing international system? This article attempts to provide some clues for a better understanding of this issue by examining China's views on and policy toward international multilateralism in general and some of the newly emerging multilateral mechanisms in particular, including the Group of 20 and the BRICS. The article concludes that while China will become more proactive in its multilateral diplomacy, in many cases selectively, and increase its influence in global multilateral settings, various concerns and constraints will make it unlikely for China to completely overhaul or even dramatically reshape the multilateral architecture at the global level. China is likely to repeat its pattern of the past decade in East Asian regional multilateralism: participation, engagement, pushing for cooperation in areas that would serve Chinese interests, avoiding excessive responsibilities, blocking initiatives that would harm its interests, and refraining from making grand proposals. In addition, China is stuck in defining its identity, and caught up between posturing as a leader of the developing world on some issues and siding with the developed countries on other policy issues. Given all of these constraints, China's involvement in global multilateralism is likely to be guided by pragmatism rather than grand visions. The article also argues that China will most likely strive to rise from within the existing international order. Washington should be prepared to plan its China policy on this basis and Sino-US relations will be shaped largely by the dynamics of contentions for power and interest as well as cooperation and coordination between China and the United States in various multilateral institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Chinese leaders and analysts believe it is too early to judge the U.S. to be in fundamental decline, they do recognize that “newly emerging powers” (xinxing daguo) are an increasingly important force in international politics. In the past couple of years, the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) have transformed themselves from an abstract notion into a more formal political grouping. For China, besides helping to minimize dependence on the U.S. and possibly to constrain American unilateralism, BRIC cooperation serves several other functions. China also benefits from this cooperation by stabilizing its international environment, helping other developing countries, strengthening its identity as a developing country, coordinating its position with other BRICs to maximize leverage, and hiding in a group to avoid negative attention. This recent cooperation and interaction with the BRICs has been important, but the space for future BRIC cooperation is limited by fundamental differences among the BRICs, the continued importance of the U.S. for each of the BRICs, and intra-BRIC competition. To date, there is little evidence that China and the BRICs are trying to overthrow the existing international order. Instead, China has accepted and joined the existing order, and has been working together with other powers to reform its shortcomings. Although this negotiation is in its early stages and will likely be difficult, the willingness of China and the BRICs to work within the system and the openness of western countries to meet some of their demands makes it much less likely that China and other rising powers will try to overthrow the order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the countries of Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC) as political factors in international relations. Global investment banking and securities firm Goldman Sachs projected that the combined gross domestic products (GDPs) of these four economies would be greater than the Group of 7 (G7) countries by 2050. In 2006 financial information company Dow Jones introduced the BRIC 50 index. Also discussed are emerging markets and the world's population, the global GDP, and the goals of the BRICs.

Background: Oral problems, known as a neglected epidemic, have become prevalent in Brazil, the Russian Federation, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) countries in last decade. The objective of the study is to examine the prevalence and associated risk indicators of oral problems in adults in the Russian Federation, India, and China in BRICS countries. Methods: We used data from the first round of the Study of Global AGEing and Adult Health (SAGE), conducted by WHO in 2007–10 in selected BRICS countries. Oral problems are defined as if an adult had any mouth and/or teeth related problems including swallowing problems in last 1 year of the survey. We estimated the mean age of adults who had oral problems and used a t-test for comparing it by sex of adults. We determined the prevalence of oral problems in adults. We designed a hierarchical conceptual model to identify associated risk indicators with oral problems. Finally, we applied a multivariable binary logistic regression model based on a conceptual model to examine associated socioeconomic and demographic, behavioral and nutritional risk indicators and systemic diseases – diabetes, hypertension, and angina pectoris/angina with oral problems in adults. Results: The mean age of adults who had oral problems is lowest in India (57 years; SD: 15) and highest in China (65 years; SD: 11). However, it does not vary by sex of adults except India. The prevalence of oral problems is highest in the Russian Federation (35%) and lowest in China (9%). Adults with body mass index (BMI) less than 25 kg/m2, age 45 years or more, diabetes, hypertension, and angina pectoris/angina have a higher risk of oral problems. Females and adults using alcohol are also more likely to have oral problems in selected countries. Conclusions: The study concludes that females, adults using alcohol and those having any systemic disease are at higher risk of oral problems in the Russian Federation, India, and China. A one-third of adults had oral problems in particularly, in the Russian Federation; thus there is an urgent need to formulate oral policy and program, which the country currently lacks in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]