Search

New World households engaged in multiple forms of exchange: markets, redistribution, gifting, debt, reciprocity, and more. Determining the degree of prominence of each of these forms in ancient economies gives clues to the economic basis of leadership and the daily lives of households. A major method for inferring forms of exchange from household assemblages is Hirth's distributional approach. This paper applies the distributional approach to domestic inventories in two places where markets are unlikely: the Preclassic Maya in and around Ucí, Yucatan, Mexico; and Inka‐period settlements in the Upper Mantaro Valley, Peru. The data presented in this paper show an equitable distribution of fancy pottery among households of both high and low socio‐economic status in both areas. These somewhat unanticipated results could provoke several interpretations. At one extreme we could posit an important role for market exchange. At the other extreme, we could reject the logic of the distributional approach. This paper argues for a more circumspect track that uses additional lines of evidence to make inferences about incipient market exchange coincident with the rise of centralized leadership in the Maya area and poorly documented, possibly concealed market exchange nestled within Inka command economies. [Preclassic Maya, Inka economies, market exchange, households] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article we explore the variability of US-Mexico migration, positioning the emerging discourse on transnational migration within a migration systems approach. Looking at factors in the social and economic structures of Mexico and the US, we evaluate the prevalence of transnational migration patterns among Mexican migrants in conjunction with past patterns of temporary and permanent migration. Transnational migration and the communities it creates are conceived of as a different path of adjustment for migrants and, using Hirschmans's concept of the Exit, Voice, and Loyalty, we illustrate the reasons underpinning the predominance of transnational migrant communities among migrants of rural origin. Finally, we introduce original fieldwork that explores the prevalence of different migration patterns among urban migrants and validates the highly differentiated nature of Mexican migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]