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The People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) (Taiwan) have taken divergent paths in the area of human rights. Since the two leaders Xi Jinping and Tsai Ing-wen came to power, the differences in the area of human rights have further increased. The paper analyses and compares their external human rights strategies based on realist assumptions and the soft and hard power resources of the PRC and the ROC. The PRC's objectives are to deflect international criticism of its human rights situation and to weaken the global human rights system and its underlying human rights norms. Taiwan's objective is to use its record as a human rights leader in Asia to expand its limited international space and to strengthen its ties with other consolidated democracies and the global civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the comparison of labour policies in Taiwan and China has an important bearing on the interaction between state and society. The fact that labour policies have changed over time illustrates a process of bargaining between the state and society. The core question of this paper is whether the development of labour policies in Taiwan can provide China a good example to learn from. In order to answer this question more systematically, the first part of this paper provides theoretical reviews of the state-society relationship, while the second part aims to verify whether those labour-favouring policies in Taiwan have changed under a different party's governance. The third part of the paper further investigates labour policy in China; this section mainly focuses on the historical background to the new labour contract law. Based on the preceding two sections' literature review of the changing path of labour policies, the fourth section scrutinises fundamental issues reflected in the development of Taiwan's labour policies, then compares how those issues are reflected in the case of China. The conclusion of this paper is that although Taiwan, like China, formerly had a one-party system, the changes in Taiwan's labour policies are not completely comparable to China, though both societies had some similarities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the data from the World Value Survey, this paper uses a comparative lens to assess environmental philanthropy by focusing on four predominantly Chinese societies – mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore, which contributes to the debate on whether culture can sufficiently explain cross-regional variation in civic engagement, particularly in the domain of environmental philanthropy. We find that residents in mainland China shared similar environmental concerns and beliefs with people from the other regions, but they are least likely to volunteer, donate, and demonstrate for these causes. After accounting for personal characteristics, the sizeable interregional gaps on pro-environmental behaviors remain. These findings are consistent with the argument that structural differences, particularly the developing nature of civil society in mainland China, hinders environmental civic engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The field of queer/sexuality studies in Taiwan was pioneered in the 1990s by a group of mainly second‐generation descendants of Chinese civil war migrants (waishengren) who have problematised and disparaged the post‐martial law Taiwanisation of identity and politics. Despite the seminal nature of their 'sex positive' work that challenged many cultural orthodoxies, subsequent sociopolitical developments strengthening civil society, visibility of and human rights protections for tongzhi (LGBTQ) citizens, the consolidation of Taiwanese identity, and the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) acceleration of revanchist hostility towards Taiwan over the past two decades have coalesced to forge unequivocal rifts between them and a new generation of Taiwanese sexuality scholars and activists. This rupture highlights how "Taiwan's sex/gender/sexualities knowledge production and reproduction have long been intertwined with the [contentious] politics of nationhood, nation‐building, and nationalism" (Kao, 2019). In probing these interstices, this article proposes a decolonial approach to tongzhi identity politics in Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]