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Water-related conflict chronology can be grouped around two broad sets of ideas: On the one hand is material-related conflict such as water stress and under-development; while on the other is management-related conflict including state-failure and lack of governance. In line with the latter form of conflict, this paper gives a specific consideration to the three types of causal factors looming with the potential for conflict over the Nile basin: Political tensions among stakeholders, lack of all-inclusive agreement on management of the Nile water, and states' unilateral actions. By identifying these causal factors, this study limits itself to focus on the initial phase of conflict resolutions, that is diagnosing sources to select some aspects of perceived reality and make them more salient in the methodological context. Based on Johan Galtung's theoretical approaches on conflict dynamics, the paper explores two areas that are lacking in current literature. It accounts for the sources of conflict over the Nile basin hinging on three variables, while mapping the nature of the on-going negotiation process around Ethiopia's "Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam" construction. This process is distributive in form and offers a collaborative (win-win) form of negotiations to cement the latter and to redress current predicaments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine the experiences of female students and academics to understand the factors that underpin the persistence of sexual harassment in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) institutions. We draw on data from interviews and focus group discussions with female students and academics who participated in a study that focuses on gender inequality in science and technology universities in Ethiopia. Drawing on the concept of institutional betrayal, we argue that the high prevalence of sexual harassment in these universities is perpetuated by institutional actions and inactions through which universities fail to proactively prevent and effectively respond to sexual harassment. We suggest efforts to tackle sexual harassment need to focus on proactive and preventive measures that involve revisiting institutional policies and structures. We further suggest that grievance procedures need to be accessible, responsive, trustworthy and supportive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the role of Oromo proverbs in conflict resolution and/or management as a peace-making verbal communication principle in the cultural context. The lesson from proverbs, which contain traditional morsels of wisdom, consists of cultural value and rhetorical effectiveness helping to enforce reality in the context in which they are used. Data for this paper is generated from primary sources. In data gathering, we used interview and focus group discussion. The analysis shows that proverbs have persuasive power to advise, guide and influence conflicting parties to settle their case peacefully. The proverbs tell their truths about conflict situations and devise a resolution and management approach through metaphorical and symbolic representations. Proverbs are also an integral part of Oromo culture, handing down and imparting norms, values, rules and the worldview of the community to guide people to live in customary ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict over land is a serious social problem in rural Ethiopia. This paper analyses diverse challenges to managing land-related social conflicts in East Hararghe Zone, Oromia, Ethiopia. The study was based on descriptive case analysis. The data required for the study were generated from a group of practitioners, government officers, elders, and community representatives through one-on-one interviews and focus group discussions. In addition, cases were selected and assessed. Inductive approach was used to generate meanings from the diverse data collected from the respondents and analysis of dynamic conflict cases. The study revealed that multiple social, cultural, economic, and institutional factors interact and affect smooth management of landrelated social conflicts. The implication is that the effort to minimize the frequency as well as intensity of land-related conflicts in the study area should take into consideration the broader context within which conflicts occur and the processes that sustain their recurrence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Methodologies to measure gender-based violence (GBV) have received inadequate attention, especially in humanitarian contexts where vulnerabilities to violence are exacerbated. This paper compares the results from individual audio computer-assisted self-administered (ACASI) survey interviews with results from participatory social mapping activities, employed with the same sample in two different post-conflict contexts. Eighty-seven internally displaced adolescent girls from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and 78 Sudanese girls living in Ethiopian refugee camps were interviewed using the two methodologies. Results revealed that the group-based qualitative method elicited narratives of violence focusing on events perpetrated by strangers or members of the community more distantly connected to girls. In contrast, ACASI interviews revealed violence predominantly perpetrated by family members and intimate partners. These findings suggest that group-based methods of information gathering frequently used in the field may be more susceptible to socially accepted narratives. Specifically, our findings suggest group-based methods may produce results showing that sexual violence perpetrated by strangers (e.g., from armed groups in the conflict) is more prevalent than violence perpetrated by family and intimate partners. To the extent this finding is true, it may lead to a skewed perception that adolescent GBV involving strangers is a more pressing issue than intimate partner and family-based sexual violence, when in fact, both are of great concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents analysis of the epistemological, pedagogical and methodological processes and dilemmas that unfolded during our efforts to transform the conceptions and understandings of our participants’ thinking about ways of managing land-related conflicts. The paper reports our evaluation of the thinking and perspectives that guided our interventions and how we dealt with the situational challenges we encountered. It reports what we did to emerge out of the dilemmas we encountered in our efforts to help others think over and learn from their situations. The educative value of our efforts and encounters for other similarly situated practitioners and change agents will be stated at the end. We emphasise the educative potential of establishing links between contexts and thinking processes toward transformative and critical learning. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, Rwandan President Paul Kagame banned people from sharing their ethnic identity. While many Western leaders have praised Kagame for ushering in a new era of peace and prosperity after the genocide, activists have cautioned that Kagame's approach has significant drawbacks for the civil liberties of Rwandans. After their own ethnic conflict, Ethiopia took an approach opposite to Rwanda's, choosing to divide the country into ethnically federated states. Given that both sub-Saharan African states experienced ethnic conflict in the 1990s and developed starkly different approaches to conflict management, comparing the two makes for an interesting case study. This paper evaluates Rwanda's and Ethiopia's approaches to ethnic conflict management by examining how effective they were at curbing the resurgence of violence. In addition to direct violence, this paper will examine political rights and civil liberties to measure the mitigation of structural violence, or structural inequalities between groups. The Uppsala Conflict Data Programme (UCDP) database is used to measure the resurgence of direct violence, while Freedom House's Freedom in the World reports on political rights and civil liberties are used to measure structural violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the secular meaning of traditional metal tools (e.g. spear points, axes, needles, hoes, etc.), this paper examines the symbolic significance derived from it among the Oromo of Ethiopia. Based on data collected from 2004 onwards at traditional spiritual sites in northeast Wollega, the paper outlines the peaceful resolution of various forms of conflict at these sites through the medium of metal tools or by invoking their symbolic value. It introduces the traditional Oromo belief system (in Waaqaa, God) and the institution ('Qaalluu') that governs this belief system through the medium of metal/iron objects. It argues that there is at least an indirect relationship between the Oromo God Waaqaa, the intermediary 'Abba' Muuda ('Qaalluu') and the forging of metal. Furthermore, the paper presents selected metal items from one of the 'Qaalluu' institutions, the Butaa Nadoo site, as well as supportive data from Sagro Guddina, which are still used to symbolically resolve conflicts. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Tigray war illustrates how the European Union (EU) often fails to act effectively and consistently in a highly fragmented context. During the 2020-22 conflict, the EU failed to address a number of challenges emanating from the internal fragmentation of Ethiopia. These pertained to the EU's lack of contextual knowledge about local conflict dynamics and actors and, relatedly, the legacy of its relations with Tigray's leadership; the inconsistent approach of EU institutions and member states that initially led to an normative outlook, which later evolved into a more balanced and pragmatic one when it was arguably too late; and the inability to mitigate competition with other external powers who backed the Ethiopian federal government. As a result, the EU adopted an inconsistent and ineffective approach toward the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of customary pastoral institutions in managing conflicts. It indicates thatintra-ethnic conflicts can be managed customarily because of shared norms attributed to the social proximity and cultural homogeneity, whereas managing inter-ethnic conflicts goes beyond the capacity of elders' council exercising customary law. The introduction of ethnic-based federalism and historical political relations between different ethnic groups has weakened customary institutions in managing inter-ethnic conflict. Using elders as community representatives in the formal system has negatively affected them because of community mistrust where they believe that 'state elders' are loyal to the state than to the community. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the role of Sudan in the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) dispute settlement process. The role of the Nile and water resources in the domestic policy of Sudan in connection with its foreign policy is researched mindfully. In different historical periods, political elites have formed a water discourse to expand their power and obtain resources, while using the rhetoric of modernization and consolidation of the nation. In order to track the change in discourse of the GERD project in connection with the political regime change in 2019, an analysis of the statements of officials was carried out using materials from the Sudanese media. The analysis revealed a gradual change in position from more pragmatic to more confrontational in relation to Ethiopia. Despite this, Sudan is closest to a pragmatic approach in the negotiation process on the Nile waters and can help to reach a compromise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Motif Academy Journal of Folklore is the property of Motif Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines claims and conflicts in the management of the Abijata-Shalla Lakes National Park in the Central Rift Valley of Ethiopia. We used data from households, key informants (elders, park managers), and focus group discussions. Poor wildlife policy resulting in space competition between wildlife and humans (other forms of land use), limited means of revenue generation for insiders and centralized benefits from tourism have accumulated grievance and then conflict between national park authority and local communities. Contested land tenure and overlapping claims generated by ill-defined property rights, as interrelated factors, sustained the conflicts. Weak information sharing, rising demographic pressure and conservation policies, giving more priority to global and national than local interests, contributed to the conflict. The result implies that efforts in revitalizing customary authorities and institutions and introducing a co-management strategy can immensely provide an avenue to manage conflicts between communities and park managers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pastoralist access and use of common grazing resources in the Horn of Africa increasingly include armed confrontation over diminishing resources and reduced access. This comes about as traditional customary institutions (sets of rules) for commons management become compromised due to the presence of outside influences and actors which significantly change both resource availability, and conceptions about who is subject to traditional rules governing commons — particularly rules associated with exclusion. At the same time a combination of local knowledge regarding what happens to open access commons (degradation), a reluctance to give up control of commons and associated ways of life, and armed conflict as a viable alternative for exclusion rules, provide for combative situations and large costs. While a great deal of valuable work has been accomplished regarding the derivation of effective institutions to better manage commons, situations of armed conflict can seem particularly distant from effective rule-making, because few institutions can endure the stresses of armed conflict. Recent developments in Ethiopia however suggest an unexpected proximity between armed confrontation and the prospect for commons management rule-making. With examples from the Afar, Somali and Karamojong Cluster pastoralists, this paper examines the ingredients for rule-making in combative commons situations. Specific coincident forms of state recognition, donor flexibility, perceptions of the cost of conflict, and the local to international reaction to these, are examined for their utility and limitations in the provision of a facilitating context for institution derivation for commons management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict that broke out in Sudan on the eve of its independence from Britain in 1956 has devastated the country, retarded developmental progress, drained human resources and damaged the social fabric of the entire nation. However, the Protocol of Machakos which was signed by the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Sudan People's Liberation Army on 20 July 2002, states the commitment of the parties to a negotiated, peaceful and comprehensive resolution to the conflict within the unity of the country. With peace now in sight, the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants is essential to avoid the mistakes made in 1972. It is crucial to build a new future for the generations that have suffered so much in five decades of war. This paper examines the challenges that might confront DDR in post-conflict Sudan. It draws on past experience following the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement between the regime of President Gaffar Mohammed Nimeiri and the Anyanya rebels, and on the experiences of countries that have gone through similar situations, such as Ethiopia, Mozambique and Uganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of the study is to investigate the extent of forest governance effectiveness in Gamo Zone, South Ethiopia Regional State, Ethiopia. Methodology: The study employed a descriptive survey research design with quantitative and qualitative methods. Primary data was collected through a questionnaire, semistructured interview, and document analysis. The sample for quantitative data consisted of 402 rural households in six kebeles and two Woredas in the Gamo zone. Data was collected using nine forest governance effectiveness indicators with their respective components. To examine the extent of forest governance effectiveness and to determine the statistically significant relationship between the variables, asymptotic significance in the chi-square test was used. Finally, to arrive at valid conclusions, the study findings from the quantitative survey were triangulated with in-depth qualitative data, other secondary sources, and empirical studies. Findings: According to the findings, the implementation of and attachment to these nine key indicators of forest governance effectiveness were found to be insufficient and poor, and this study arrived at the conclusion that forest governance was ineffective in terms of the majority of the components of the key indicators. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study findings have unique contributions in identifying the relevance of theories applied in this study and bridging the wider knowledge and research gaps in the study area with respect to forest policy narrations and its governance practices at local community level in Ethiopia, particularly in the Gamo Zone of South Ethiopia Regional state. Therefore, the researcher recommends the importance of ensuring independent forest institutions from top to bottom that are legally and politically empowered to coordinate the concerned sectors in the protection, governance, and sustainable utilization of the resources by realizing strong practice of the rule of law, a clear accountability line for all stakeholders, ensuring transparency, responsible public participation that enhances equity, fairness, effectiveness, and efficiency, and creating opportunities to make use of local knowledge and experiences of managing conflicts that are arising among the forest-dependent communities and the government bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context and background Violent conflict is one of the society’s problems for economic development and stability by diverting labour away from normal economic activities into conflict activities in Ethiopia. The area along North Wollo Amhara and neighbouring Afar regional states have been exposed to small scale prolonged violent communal resource conflicts. Many factors drive and triggers for these violent conflicts which includes institutional, political, economic, and environmental change. Goal and Objectives: The objective of the research is to explore the practices, effectiveness and challenges of the communal resource conflict resolution and management institutions in the border of north Wollo Amhara and Afar communities. Methodology: The research used case study research design. Survey, interview, and Focus group discussion were used to collect data. Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected from 354 household heads, 3 focus group discussions, 43 key informants, and analyzed the data through descriptive statistics and thematic analysis. Results: The research result confirmed that both the customary and statutory institutions show low achievements in inter-community negotiation, facilitation, inter-community conflict analysis, and inter-community communication, strikethrough they are good in mediation. The luck of conflict resolution skills has been playing to continue the conflicts as protracted one. Further, the unresolved resource use and ownership claim of water and grazing land between the two communities; government development program without local community consultation in the contested land; illegal arms circulation; violence culture; and the existing ethnic politics in the country have created a great challenge to strikethrough to solve the violent resource conflicts at the early stage. To calm the situations, the research recommended well defined resource and regional boundaries of the two people, creating strong conflict resolution institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context and background: Prolonged communal resource conflicts have undermined development and exacerbated poverty in North Wollo Amhara and neighboring Afar communities in Ethiopia for over two decades. Finding a permanent solution appears to elude all stakeholders mainly because of the inadequate understand of the underlying and proximate causes of these communal resource conflicts. To unpack the causes, the study employed in-depth interviews with three focus groups, 43 key informants and randomly selected 354 household heads. Goal and Objectives The objectives of this article are (i) to identify the underlying causes for the outbreak of violent conflicts between the neighboring Afar and North Wollo Amhara; (ii) to distinguish the triggering factors for the protracted conflicts between the two border communities; and (iii) to propose practical strategies to end the cycle of conflicts in the area. Methodology: This study follows a pragmatist research philosophy with a combination of survey, interview, and focus group discussion. A multi-staged sampling technique was employed for the survey. Results: The findings revealed that multi-factors explain the conflicts, such as loosely defined property rights which came weakly defined resource and regional boundaries, environmental security, and weak conflict resolution institutions. Political elite competition due to the current ethnic politics in the country, implementation of small-scale development project without public consultation in the contested land, violence culture, illegal small arms circulation are additional factors. The research recommends well defined resource and regional boundaries of the two people, creating strong conflict resolution institutions, and applying conflict transformation to the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the prevalence of traditional institutions and the growing official and academic need to 'recognize,' 'empower' and incorporate them in the state system, competition and harmony between the two persists. There are seventysix officially listed ethnic groups in Ethiopia, and there exists a great plurality of livelihoods, social organizations, belief systems, and political and legal systems in the country. Notwithstanding the human right issues, traditional institutions operating outside the state are the dominant form of conflict prevention and resolution in Ethiopia. However, the relationship between traditional institutions and state institutions remains unclear. Previous researches either focus on the constitutional set-up and legal framework of states, or their scope is too specific relating to local case studies and their relationship with the state local institutions. This relationship does not, however, only involve legal issues or concerns at the bottom, but it is also an issue of governance and political structure. This article is based on content and document analysis and examines the harmony and competition between the state and traditional institutions in Ethiopia. I argue that despite their practical prevalence, the policy, legal and institutional frameworks in Ethiopia do not plainly address the relationship between the state and traditional institutions. Although de facto recognition seems to exist, the practice shows that the state that envisages the importance of traditional institutions undermines their role in case of conflict with state institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Northeast Africa, great power interests have often impeded local capabilities for effective statecraft in anarchy. However, construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Nile presents a revealing case study of evolving domestic constraints on foreign policy. Three realist perspectives may be drawn upon to analyze Nile Politics and the GERD through the prism of statecraft and statebuilding in contemporary Ethiopia. In the neoclassical realism analysis, Nile policymaking emerges as a murky outcome of elite preferences and threat constructions. In the subaltern realism analysis, Ethiopia's construction of the GERD, in defiance of Egypt, is the culmination of a decade-long statebuilding project resulting in improved capabilities for statecraft. In the constructivist realism analysis, Nile politics reveal Ethiopia's evolving interests and ideational constraints informing variations in preferences for assertive foreign policy orientation. Notably, and in contrast to the association of mainstream constructivist approaches with optimistic outcomes in international politics, analysis of the Nile conflict through constructivist realism reveals the most pessimistic outlook on peaceful resolution, compared to other approaches. Subaltern realism reveals the most optimistic outlook on the outcome of this conflict, due to greater incentives for cooperation introduced by statebuilding constraints in Ethiopia's increasingly unstable contemporary polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict between humans and wildlife often arises from crop raiding and has a significant impact on both subsistence humans' livelihoods and long-term wildlife survival in developing countries. The study aimed to identify crop-raiding wild animals, the prevalence of crop damage, and the conflict resolution mechanism. Data were collected by questionnaire, interview, and direct field observation to estimate the extent of the crop loss and species of an animal involved in crop-raiding. The findings identified Anubis Baboon (Papio anubis), Vervet Monkey (Chlorocebus pygerythrus), and Grivet Monkey (Chlorocebus aethiops) as the major crop pests, followed by Porcupines (Hystrix cristata), Birds and Mongoose (Helogale hirtula). Foraging typically Maize (Zea may) followed by Teff (Eragrostis tef), Enset (Ensete ventricosum), and Barley (Hordeum vulgare). Deforestation, illegal agricultural activities, and farmland distance to the forest were identified as causes of the conflict. In addition, scarecrow, chasing, and permanent guardians have been identified as traditional crop damage prevention techniques of the local people of the area. Therefore, to alleviate the existing impact of crop damage or loss by crop-pest or crop-raiding animals in the area adopting various most suitable approaches along with the awareness and involvement of local farmers would be a critical step. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous institutions, local‐level organisations based on societal values, are receiving a positive appreciation for their acceptability and sustainability. The purpose of this research is to demonstrate the roles of indigenous institutions in the social and economic lives of people, presenting evidence from the three indigenous institutions of the Awi people in Ethiopia, namely: the "Awi Equestrian Association", "Head of Cow", and "Head of Water". The research is based on an ethnographic approach and qualitative design. Informants were chosen by purposive sampling. Data were collected mainly through interviewing, complemented by focus group discussion, observation, and review of relevant literature, which were thematically analysed together with the primary data. The findings of the study reveal that the Awi Equestrian Association works on charity, social welfare, reconciliation, festivity, and recreation, whereas Head of Cow and Head of Water institutions are engaged in the efficient and equitable management of cattle and irrigation water resources, respectively, plus managing conflicts between people in their respective sectors. Conflict resolution and justice maintenance was found to be the common feature of all the three indigenous institutions. The research concludes that the three indigenous institutions of the Awi have remarkable roles in terms of social support, conflict resolution, resource management, and reinforcing social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this study was to explore indigenous knowledge for conflict management of some communities in southwestern Ethiopia and develop a web-based system for its preservation and dissemination. The study employed a qualitative research approach for exploring IK using focus group discussion, interviews, and observation. Questionnaires were used for quantitative data collection. In this study, the target populations were from Mana and Mareqo Woreda. The study‟s findings showed that there is a long time trend among Mana and Mareqo Woreda people to manage their conflicts mostly through traditional mechanisms such as „Jaarsummaa‟ and "Raga-Mara." The communities believe that traditional mechanisms are much better than the modern court procedure. It can produce a win-win result that is influential for dispute parties‟ future-friendly and family relationships, easily accessible, time-saving, less costly, no perjury tolerated, and vital for social stability. Data collected during the study from local organizations‟ employees indicated that out of the total respondents, 94 (96.9%) of them were familiar with the practices of such indigenous knowledge, but 91 (93.8%) of them indicated that they had never used traditional manner of conflict management web-application system. The study revealed that the traditional manner of conflict management plays a vital role in settling a peaceful environment within the communities of southwest Ethiopia. Since such essential indigenous knowledge is in danger of being lost, a system that uses new technology for its preservation and dissemination, as a web-based application, is recommended, especially for the youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research sought to explore the Indigenous Conflict Resolution Mechanism (ICRM) of Shekacho people in Sheka Zone, South West Ethiopia. The ICRM of Shekacho has organized procedure, structure, and actors who actively participate in the system. The procedures in ICRM of Shekacho people pass through two sequential phases of conflict resolution--intervention and resolution. However, despite this reality, it has no strong or formal relationship with the modern conflict adjudication system. Thus, this research ague for the provision of support from the gov- ernment and establishing an enabling system for building a working relationship between the indigenous system and the modern adjudication system. Furthermore, higher academic institu- tions need to play their role by giving aware- ness-raising training for concerned stakeholders regarding the role of indigenous knowledge in modern governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For about two and a half decades (1991-2018) it was propagated that Ethiopia's ethno-linguistic federalism was primarily meant to unify the state and build the nation. However, competing perspectives on whether ethnic-based federalism would preserve unity in diversity in the country as a whole and in regional states in particular have proliferated. This article examines the outcome of post-1995 Ethiopian federalism in ethnic conflict management. It focuses on why Ethiopia has remained deeply divided and prone to ethno-cultural conflicts despite the ethno-linguistic federal political system, which was adopted as a mechanism for building unity in diversity in the context of peaceful coexistence among various ethno-linguistic groups. Although ethnic-federalism alone may not exacerbate ethnic conflicts, ethnic-federalism entwined with the existence of ethnic-based political parties and the rapid proliferation of narrow ethno-nationalist politics constitute major impediments to peaceful co-existence among the country's ethnic groups. Furthermore, the land ownership questions raised by various ethno-linguistic political elites are among the causes of violent ethnic conflicts in contemporary Ethiopia. Mistreatment of ethnic minorities in all regional states is also a source of ethnic conflict. I argue that the current government at the federal and regional levels should work hard to ensure that identity-based politics will incrementally dissolve like salt in water. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hydropolitical conflicts between the Eastern Nile countries over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) are systematically analyzed at three points in time: just before the announcement of construction by Ethiopia on April 11, 2011, before the negotiations in early January 2014, and late August 2014. Hypergame theory, as developed within the framework of the Graph Model for Conflict Resolution for handling misperceptions, is used to gain strategic insights into these conflicts and to ascertain the possible resolutions of the disputes. In all of three conflicts, the key decision makers are Egypt and Sudan, the downstream countries, and Ethiopia, the upstream nation. The findings from the analyses demonstrate the significant utilization of strategic surprise, a decisive act in which a decision maker intentionally exercises a course of action in the dispute that is hidden to its opponents in order to attempt to reach a more desirable outcome for itself. In particular, both Egypt and Sudan were caught by surprise when Ethiopia publicly announced on April 11, 2011 that it was going to build GERD, since no prior notification was given. Because Ethiopia was aware of Egypt and Sudan's misperception this dispute is modeled as a second level hypergame. The conflict investigations also show that the geopolitical and economic changes in Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia allowed Ethiopia to construct the dam without any harsh confrontation with Egypt and Sudan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of change (ToCs) are underutilized in programming and evaluation and seldom analyzed with regard to the challenges and opportunities they present, especially in conflict-affected contexts. We reflect on the use of ToCs in UNICEF’s Peacebuilding, Education, and Advocacy program, using four studies we carried out in Ethiopia and Dadaab refugee camp. We found, by asking program planners and beneficiaries about ToCs and seeking to map outcomes we would expect to see if ToCs were materializing, that ToCs provide important insights for programming and evaluation, even in fluid contexts. We argue that routinizing use of ToCs, particularly what we might call “living ToCs” that can inform responsive programming, presents challenges but also offers an important step toward understanding how education can mitigate conflict and conduce peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study was conducted in eastern Ethiopia where the Somali and Oromo ethnic groups live. The main purpose was to examine the roles and challenges of the indigenous conf lict resolution mechanisms practised as an alternative to modern methods among the Ittu Oromo and Issa Somali clans. The study employed a qualitative research approach under which key informant interviews, focus group discussions, observations and informal discussions were conducted. Key informants and focus group discussants were selected purposively. It was found that territorial expansion, resource competition and cattle raiding were considered as the main causes of violent conf lict in the area. Boundary disputes between the two regions have been associated not only with the accessibility of resources, but also with issues of identity. According to the participants, the indigenous institutions can play a major role in preventing and resolving intra-ethnic conf licts. * Zigale Tamir Tenaw is assistant professor in the Department of Gender and Development Studies, College There are cases of government support for indigenous institution leaders, especially where there is proximity between such leaders and the current political system. Government intervention in the indigenous systems can also result, however, in the weakening of customary institutions in the area. The absence of a single common binding indigenous institution that governs inter-ethnic conf lict in the area is another challenge for indigenous systems of conf lict resolution. Indigenous institutions can deal effectively with many conf licts caused by the above mentioned factors, but since they also have certain limitations, serious thought should be given to the option of appropriately integrating modern and indigenous institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eritrea-Ethiopia peace process remains stalled a decade after the arbitral award by the Boundary Commission and several years after awards by the Claims Commission. This article assesses why arbitration by the two commissions did not produce the desired outcome. To this end, the author analyzes primary and secondary sources and argues that arbitration was not the right method of conflict resolution. Mayer's multi-dimensional approach to conflict and conflict resolution informs the discussion that the conflict between the two countries has cognitive, emotional and behavioral dimensions. It is argued that arbitration as a settlement of dispute by purely legal means is ineffective to adequately address the multiple dimensions of the conflict. The author underscores that such conflicts can only be resolved by using a combination of different interventions. Specifically, while arbitration may be appropriate to deal with some essentially resource related matters, the resolution of emotional and cognitive dimensions of this conflict call for a multi-track approach in which different segments of the people from the two countries can play critical roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of institutions providing rules, norms and regulations, in addressing challenges in communal resources management has been debated for several decades. This article analyses the role of informal institutions for addressing shortage of grazing land, conflicts among users of communal grazing land and resistance among users to shift from free grazing to zero grazing in Tigray, Ethiopia. We used in depth interviews and focus group discussions for data collection. We argue that informal institutions are important mechanisms for addressing the challenges in communal grazing land management. The contributions of informal institutions for addressing challenges in communal grazing lands varied with type of challenge and were influenced by distances from markets and Wereda towns. Although the informal institutions were crucial in reversing the shortage of grazing land by regulating access to communal grazing land and enhancing controlled use of grass, they did not contribute to resolving conflicts that arose from unequal allocation of benefits in the village far from a market and Wereda town. Incorporating zero-grazing practices in informal institutions was hindered by disagreements among users and the top-down approach used by development agents when introducing zero grazing. To enhance effectiveness of informal institutions, the increasing grazing pressure should be addressed using more efficient schemes for harvesting grass. Moreover, creating awareness of the need for fewer but more productive cattle breeds is crucial. Consideration of well-performing informal institutions in policy and development interventions is essential to maximise the benefits of communal grazing lands to improve livelihoods of users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of religious institutions in conflict resolution in Ethiopia based on ethnographic data from the Shrine of Tiru Sina. Among the rituals conducted at the shrine following the end of Islamic education were a weekly wadaja or group prayer and zar hadra or prayer session. The types of ye shekoch chilot or Court of the Sheikh at Sufi centers of learning are noted. Also cited are the push and pull factors influencing the preference of people for the faith-based court.

The article talks about the work of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Ethiopia to prevent conflicts among those involved in the water sector. Presently, there are 516 NGOs working in Ethiopia, over which the government has strong control over. The main conflicts that occur in irrigation-related projects are upstream-downstream user rights and protection of the spring area, among others. The study concludes that changes are needed not only within and among the NGOs but also among the government and donors for NGOs for a more conflict-preventive approach.

This article focuses on cultural transformation in the Gamo Highlands of Ethiopia and seeks to explain the way in which certain initiation rituals have transformed over time. The article begins by considering two structural variants of the initiation ritual that exist in two neighbouring communities, Doko Gembela and Doko Masho, and argues that one is an historical transformation of the other. After comparing the contemporary form of these two variants, the article then moves to consider the macro-level forces of change that have impinged on the two communities over the past two hundred years or so. It then seeks to bring ethnography and history together by considering how the macro-level changes might have been experienced in the interpersonal relations of individuals. It explores the new types of situations that would have arisen and discusses how these new situations would have put strains on particular interpersonal relations, leading in many cases to conflict and dispute. After describing the local methods of conflict resolution, it is shown that on some occasions solutions are found which involve communal decisions to make a small change in cultural practice. In some cases these small changes have a knock-on effect leading to overall structural change. The article ends with a hypothetical reconstruction of the way in which the Doko Masho initiation rituals might have transformed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]