Search

Despite increasing attention to citizenship education since the turn of the 21st century, the recent spread of authoritarian populism worldwide has raised relatively little attention in educational policy and research. As a result, the possibilities and limitations that national curricula offer to educators to deal with this phenomenon are still rather uncertain. In this article, we develop an analytical framework based on the key features of authoritarian populism and critical citizenship education to compare the elements and scope for addressing populism in the national curricula of Brazil and Spain, two countries where national populism is particularly widespread. This paper examines the extent to which national curricula in these countries include goals and content that enable teachers to address the complexities of this phenomenon ranging from political polarisation through to the exaltation of national identities.

Research demonstrates the benefits of educating for social justice in Physical Education Teacher Education (PETE) programs. This body of research shows that social justice pedagogy enables student teachers to create a sense of social agency and community purpose in their teaching that positions them with more certainty when facing the political and professional hurdles embedded in a teaching career. The social justice perspective allows PETE educators and student teachers to work together in order to become conscious of the power structures in society that lead to social inequities. Although there are comprehensive studies on social justice and critical pedagogy in PETE, there is much to learn about how PETE educators conceptualize and practice critical pedagogy. Particularly in Brazil, there is limited research that confronts and analyses data from the myriad of emancipatory pedagogical PETE practices around the country, in order to turn those practices into a coherent body of critical narratives and shared knowledge. The purpose of this paper is therefore to explore the challenges, struggles and pleasures that two PETE educators faced in understanding and enacting critical pedagogy in Brazil. A theoretical framework based on Freire's critical pedagogy is employed to discuss the complementary narratives presented in this paper. We proclaim our hope that critical pedagogy might point to some avenues for political democratic struggles in a moment when public Education in Brazil is under severe attack promoted by the right-wing forces that currently sit on the presidential and the ministry of Education chairs.

Based on an ethnographic research study involving Brazilian teachers from different educational contexts in the city of Salvador, Brazil, this paper aims to approach and discuss the dialogic relationship between critical pedagogy and language education, within the context of English as a global lingua franca. The main goal of the original work was to investigate how EFL teachers see themselves as language professionals in the contemporary world, how aware they are of the implications related to the condition of English as an international language or a global lingua franca, and to what extent they conceive teaching the language under a critical intercultural pedagogy. Data were generated through a questionnaire, class observation sessions, and video recordings of semi-structured group interviews in which issues like the globality of English, culture teaching, interculturality, and critical (language) pedagogy were approached and debated. Results have shown that participants are aware of the implications of the global status of English and that teaching the language in these current times cannot happen in a neutral and/or uncritical way. It was also revealed that teachers find difficult to systematize the teaching of culture in their EFL classes, as much as it is challenging for them to see themselves as critical intercultural professionals who can engage in critical pedagogy in their specific educational settings.

In contribution to a body of scholarship that examines teaching as a form of learning, the paper addresses a central question: What can be learnt from organised mobilisation to educate in communities eager to strengthen their unique biocultural heritage? The question is explored through an examination of two grassroots education projects in Latin American provincial locations rich in history. Studied ethnographically over a period of fifteen years from the point of view of the educators who run them, these two projects offer a unique opportunity to examine the formation and the mobilisation of value in education. I show how popular education and agroecology methods are used in both cases to face socio-ecological conflicts and refocus developmental tensions. I conclude with a short reflection on UNESCO's 2020 approach to education and its vital role in radically reconfiguring humanity's place and agency on planet Earth.

In this paper we situate a discussion of the decolonial curriculum within the context of a Brazilian postgraduate programme (MPEJA) focused on adult and youth education (EJA). We draw on the work of Paulo Freire in our discussion of decolonial thinking and its pedagogical representation within EJA in Brazil. We suggest that engagement with the programme provides legitimacy and visibility for participants, supporting them in revealing the diversity and specificity of EJA (Cardoso, 2017). MPEJA also counters decolonial thought through the possibilities it provides to EJA educators for reflection on their professional context and the socio-economic influences on the experiences of their EJA students.

This paper discusses the implementation of a university teaching module, based on Lucy Green's (2008) informal music learning model. The synergy between Green's model and Paulo Freire's critical pedagogy is addressed through explanation of the module and its practices. The module was offered six times, from 2011 to 2016, as an action research project on a mixed-mode distance education undergraduate music program at the Open University of Brazil. The choices of technology in the module were aimed at promoting interactions in a dialogical, humanizing, and problem-posing approach to education in order to achieve conscientization (Freire 1970). However, the uses of technology and some of the practices of students led the author to ponder discourses of technological determinism. [Paper presented at the International Symposium on the Sociology of Music Education (10th, London, United Kingdom, Jun 11-14 2017.)]

Although in-depth educational reviews can be carried out building on curricular theories, the appropriation of this knowledge by science education scholarship can still be considered timid. In this paper, our intention is to work on this interface; we first introduce basic concepts from the main curricular frameworks and bring possible corresponding curricular emphases assumed by science education. Then, we highlight the post-critical curricular perspectives to problematize discursive demands and articulations as part of processes of struggle for the fixation of particular meanings in the field of science education. With emphasis on discourse theory and categories such as discourse, articulation, hegemony and antagonism, we sought to identify hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discourses defended in the struggle for curricular proposals of science education and teacher-training in Brazilian scholarship and in some international examples. In our analysis, the traditional and critical conceptions of science education were discursively identified as antagonist, in a scenario of uncertainties and lack of fundamentals, without, therefore, either one being able to represent a single and definitive intervention. Traditional curricular and teacher-training projects were seen as products of discursive articulations in defense of the universalism of West Modern Science ("knowledge itself") and of the technical rationality. Scientific literacy with a social function and a critical teacher-training proposal were identified as antagonist to traditional curricular discourses and approximated to educational perspectives that defend more generic and contextual educational competences ("knowledge to do something"). However, recent curricular discourses adequate to the new configurations of social organization that tend to blur the antagonism between these discourses in the name of social justice and democratic equality, from a post-critical point of view, create a paradox: If these demands are treated as prescription and control, they will expel all differences and uniqueness of education, rendering meaningless education, justice and democracy, which are constructs that require alterity to exist in the social.

Purpose: The purpose of this self-reflective paper is to focus on practical efforts to combat inequality and foster intercultural dialogue in education. It introduces "knowledge alliances", a type of social practice open for education technologies. Design/methodology/approach: The paper is structured in a theoretical and an empirical part. The theoretical part ledge production is divided in two sections: the first one summarizes transdisciplinarity and Paulo Freire's dialogical pedagogy as two innovative approaches to knowledge sharing, production and appropriation. In the second section knowledge alliances are presented as innovative forms of lasting learning and research partnerships. The empirical part presents a case study and discusses the potential and limits of this specific knowledge alliance. Findings: The paper demonstrates the importance of a partnership approach to combat inequality and discrimination. Knowledge alliance is a normative as well as an analytical concept to grasp the dynamics of lasting and transdisciplinary cooperation. For multicultural education, their implementation can be supported by learning technologies. Research limitations/implications: The paper is a self-reflection on a lasting learning and research cooperation which offers deep insights into practical challenges. The limitations of these socially innovative practices are the lack of ex-ante scientific rigor. Practical implications: The paper argues in favour of lasting cooperation. Social implications: The paper shows the necessity to link practice and theory in knowledge alliances which last beyond the single project. Originality/value: The paper introduces the term knowledge alliances and the related normative and analytical implications. (Contains 6 notes.)

This paper analyzes the case of Porto Alegre, Brazil as a counter-hegemonic global city. Porto Alegre is a city with no particular relevance to neoliberal globalization that, nevertheless, was launched to a global scale by transformations in local governance. New mechanisms of deliberative democracy captured the attention of social actors constructing a movement of globalization from below, making Porto Alegre the de facto capital of the World Social Forum. In this paper I focus on the educational policies created in the city, which expanded the social imaginary in education and are a key component of Porto Alegre's "globalization". (Contains 8 notes.)

In this article, I argue that one of the gifts of the Age of Enlightenment, the ability to measure, to experiment, to predict--turned rancid by hyper-positivism--is reasserting itself globally in the field of education (including music education). I see a neoliberal, neocolonial connection--in terms of the ideologies that fuel them--between some of the homogenizing, epistemologically/culturally imperialist aspects of globalization and this resurgent hyper-positivism that has been accompanied by a corporatization of education. I posit that critical education, including critical music education, is an essential component of a necessary--if rancorous--dialogue in maintaining a definition of education that is as varied and diverse as those students we wish to educate. In essence, I argue that critical education is one of many tools to help us fight a "re-colonization" by this resurgent hyper-positivism in education.

This article draws upon five different empirical studies to examine how critical dialogue can be fostered across educational settings and with diverse populations: middle-school students discussing immigration picture books, a teacher study group exploring texts on homelessness, a teacher education class studying critical literacy, working class adults in a culture circle in Brazil interrogating systems of poverty, and teens in youth organizations discussing their photo-essays that challenge negative stereotypes of youth. In this paper, we analyze discursive practices that fostered critical dialogue across these settings. In doing so, we seek to describe practices that can support practitioners as they facilitate critical dialogue with learners and one another in order to become more critically engaged participants in their own communities. (Contains 2 tables.)

This paper investigates the changing relationship between land, citizenship, and power in Brazil, where land-related policies have historically served to situate political and economic rights in the hands of an elite land-owning minority. In response, contemporary grassroots movements in Brazil, including the Landless Rural Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or MST) advocate the substantive transformation of what I develop here as a new form of "agrarian citizenship", in which political participation, local food production, and environmental stewardship redefine the ongoing constitution of the relationship between land, state, and rural society. Based on extensive interviews, participant observation and document analysis from 2004-2006, this ethnographic study examines the contours of how changing notions of agrarian citizenship are negotiated among members of a growing body of social groups demanding land redistribution and reasserting agrarian culture in Brazil. By developing and enacting new forms of political participation that involve the transformation of personal and collective values and practices, rural activists such as the MST envision the redistribution of land as a material right, but also view the transformation of the land-society relation as an equally public responsibility. (Contains 1 figure.)

This paper examines how Information and Communication Technologies (henceforth ICT) have been recontextualized in Brazilian educational policies, between 1995 and 2007, from a discourse analytical perspective, focusing on the dialectic relations between structures and strategies, especially as far as teacher education is concerned. It is divided into four sections. The first one is an attempt to summarize concepts and relations involved. The second one deals with the architecture of so-called "emergent new order", by means of key words in the World Bank's discourse. The third section comprehends the recontextualization of the previous discourse in the policies developed by the Brazilian Ministry of Education. Finally, the fourth analyzes the consequences of technological determinism and substitution in competency based educational projects. (Contains 11 notes. Contains a bibliography.)

This paper depicts how an Afro-Brazilian carnival group turned community development organization addresses socioeconomic inequalities by educating a traditionally marginalized population as part of their larger goal of the preservation of black culture and full citizenship. Specifically, it examines the theory and practice of interethnic pedagogy, a unique approach to critical pedagogy specifically focused on incorporating the experiences and values of subaltern groups. Through ethnographic passages and analysis it examines their work in formal education at Escola Criativa Olodum in Salvador, Bahia and shows how Afro-Brazilian teachers, students and administrators engage in learning experiences while they strive to understand and redefine their own educational processes and outcomes. Lastly, through the lens of racial formation theory, it attempts to explain how these educators and activists periodically adjust their methods and considers their potential impact on Brazilian society.

Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony--not so much a theory of domination as a theory of the manufacturing of commonsense--offers a way to break into the myth of leadership as always already tied to practices of domination. His complex accounting of leadership's "necessary" relationship to the pedagogic and hegemonic constitute an important contribution to a theory of leadership by understanding that leadership is not only an element in the pedagogical project of forming a consensus of commonsense, but also is an important dimension of oppositional work. That is, leadership can provide a productive force for breaking into dominant formations of commonsense. His ideas concerning the link between leadership and hegemony provide an important theoretical referent for developing a theory of transformative leadership. Transformative leadership is an exercise of power and authority that begins with questions of justice, democracy, and the dialectic between individual accountability and social responsibility. Paulo Freire's educational administration in Sao Paulo, Brazil from 1989 until 1991 offers a concrete example of the risks and possibilities in adopting transformative strategies of leadership. The author discusses the responsibility of transformative leadership to instigate structural transformations at the material level that reflect a new hegemony, in addition to the ideological work that is done at a pedagogical level. He concludes by discussing the social, pedagogical, and political strategies of transformative pedagogical leadership, working loosely within Henry Giroux's critical theory of pedagogy and politics, summarized as the intersection of culture, pedagogy, and power on one hand, with civic responsibility and radical democratic struggle on the other. (Contains 11 notes.)

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, I hope to shed light on the social and institutional transformation processes in Brazil in the 21st century, contrasting what can be understood as two populist waves. The first is the one led by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, as a left-wing leader whose government has been internationally recognized for implementing distributive economic policies (inclusion of the poorest majority) and inclusive social policies (inclusion of racial and sexual minorities). The second is the right-wing wave led by Jair Bolsonaro, internationally recognized, but rather for embracing a discourse contrary to the inclusive practices adopted by their predecessor. Thus, the question I want to answer is: How can the same concept fit into such different phenomena? My hypothesis is that we are facing two patterns of representative relations. An inclusive one that aims to expand the number of groups that can be properly represented within the political collectivity, increasing its pluralism, and an exclusive one that aims to restrict them, shortening the plurality of groups and identities that forms the people. In both, the theme of racial and sexual minorities becomes a priority. Through this discussion, I want to emphasize the substantive and existential quality of the differences between these two representative patterns that are sometimes neglected or reduced by those who use the concept of populism to attribute some kind of symmetry or ideological convergence between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espaço do Currículo is the property of Revista Espaco do Curriculo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Occupational Therapy / Cadernos Brasileiros de Terapia Ocupacional is the property of Cadernos de Terapia Ocupacional da UFSCar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tax law has never been a neutral field. On the contrary, it impacts a range of identity axes, including socioeconomic class, race, and gender, and can act as a mechanism for maintaining the status quo or as a catalyst for social change. By examining the ongoing debate on critical tax theory in the United States, Australia, and Brazil, this Article shows that, no matter the differences found in distinct tax systems, tax law functions as a mirror of a country’s values and can be employed either to support or to disadvantage minorities. American critical tax scholars have consistently highlighted the role of tax law in creating barriers to disadvantaged groups, whether with discriminatory intent or embedded in implicit biases. One example is recent data on how tax audits conducted by the IRS disproportionately impact Black Americans. With the growing findings in the field come several challenges still to be addressed, such as the need to provide guidance on policymaking. On the other hand, despite evolving at a slower pace, a careful look at critical tax scholarship in Australia and Brazil reveals a flourishing literature on the role of tax law in increasing inequality. Australian scholars have drawn particular attention to the gender gap, e.g., by evaluating the impact of tax expenditures on women. Brazilian scholars have explored the role of tax law in widening gender and racial inequalities, for example, by assessing regressive taxes, such as the VAT, through feminist and critical race lenses. This Article aims to contextualize the study of critical tax theory and expound on it from the viewpoints of American, Australian, and Brazilian scholars, looking closely at the concrete perspectives taken by them and challenges they might share today and in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos EBAPE.BR is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas, Escola Brasileira de Administracao Publica e de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cadernos EBAPE.BR is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas, Escola Brasileira de Administracao Publica e de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RAE: Revista de Administração de Empresas is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Imagens da Educação is the property of Universidade Estadual de Maringa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues for an interdisciplinary interlocution between social theory and social philosophy in order to recast the problem of normativity in social practices, especially within Brazil's democratic ethos. By resorting to insights from critical theory and social epistemology, the essay proposes to reexamine Bourdieu's conception of habitus so as to contribute to a moderate social constructionism that cannot be reduced to a postmodernist discourse or to a variant of relativism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to draw some outlines of what I understand to be background for possible investigations that examine the cultural / educational problems in Brazil from the perspective of Critical Theory. Under the light of these outlines I intend to present two directions of research which are the main objectives of the research project I develop within the Department of Educational Psychology of College of Sciences and Letters of Unesp in Araraquara. In particular, it is necessary to understand the internal deformation that education suffers as a concrete substance of the teaching process in schools, which makes an empirical investigation how the cultural industry's schemes become present in the “didactic pedagogical scene” necessary. On the other hand, the elucidation of this problem requires a theoretical investigation about the broader process of constitution of today’s subjectivity under the impact of that industry. Both goals set forth herein are intended to provide subsidies to make readings about new educational demands possible in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical performativity has become a promising notion for critical scholars who want to have concrete impact on society. Although the number of studies contributing to this literature has significantly increased in recent years, most of them are still restricted to theoretical debates. Rarely are those who have analyzed empirical cases and explored the institutional context that strengthen or limit the chances of critical projects to be successfully performed in practice. In this article we draw on the case of Popular Cooperative Incubators in Brazil to address this blind spot in current literature on critical performativity. We particularly focus on the institutional context for critical projects to be performative and on how actors shape the institutional context. We develop the notion of "critical performative work" to better show how the combination of institutional theory and critical management studies can help advance critical performativity. We offer both new theoretical contributions and practical suggestions for critical theory to have a larger impact in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a framework for analyzing social movement participation in public education through a focus on universities in Brazil. It builds on the literature on social movement–state relations, participatory governance, and community organizing in schools, drawing on the case of the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement and the National Program for Education in Areas of Agrarian Reform (PRONERA) to illustrate the need to recenter the idea of conflict as a central and ongoing process of social movement participation in public schools and universities. The article also introduces the concept of prefiguration and highlights how students can prefigure in the formal public school system the types of social and economic practices they hope to build in the future. Contentious cogovernance and prefiguration are tools not only for improving educational equity but also for increasing the strength and internal capacity of social movements, paralleling the role Paulo Freire envisioned for nonformal popular education within grassroots organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ConTexto is the property of ConTexto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Critical theory avows that “where there is power there is always resistance”. However, the practical implications and consequences of particular modes of resistance remain, within World Politics, under-theorised. In critical terrorism studies (CTS), this critical imperative to resist has recently emerged in the proposal to remember state terrorism. With this move, CTS aims to disturb the legitimacy of forms of violence/terror that emerge from the state. In this article, I argue that such an agenda of “resistance through memory” has already been put forth in the Global South (specifically, Latin America). Drawing on this historical experience, I elucidate some problems with the critical imperative to resist. More specifically, I show how in Brazil the Global South counter-memorial narratives of state terror share a common ground with the Global North counterterrorism discourses. I do so by analysing three underlying tropes of Brazilian remembrance that replicate Global North representations of terrorists: bestialism, pathology and dehumanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Cadernos EBAPE.BR is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas, Escola Brasileira de Administracao Publica e de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)