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Are authoritarian states better at coercion than democracies? The latter frequently find it difficult to make credible and persuasive threats; orchestrate words and deeds; and signal by deed as well as by word. Authoritarian states are often believed to be less bound by constraints such as divided government and organizational rivalries, but this belief has rarely been tested. This paper examines the 1995-96 Taiwan Strait crisis, in which the People's Republic of China was the coercer and the United States the target. A close examination of what China said and did reveals policy reversals and conflicting signals often associated with the US in the coercion literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reports that China may be influenced by Taiwan's democracy. Taiwan's democratic transition illustrates a possible exit strategy that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) could follow if it seeks to move away from one-party authoritarianism. Taiwanese political commentators, political comedians, and talkshow hosts have become household names in China. Some of Taiwan's best-known social critics have blogs that attract large numbers of Internet users from mainland China.Taiwan's mass media have been instrumental in spreading news about Taiwan's democratic experience, many Taiwan-based social actors have contributed to China's political liberalization with information, ideas, and practical knowledge.

This article describes many substantive transformations in politics, national self-identification, and economy Taiwan has undergone over the last decade and offers an alternative approach to expediting de jure state status. The transformations speak to significant progress 'on the margins' for attaining international recognition. The disjuncture between liberal democracies clinging to an antiquated 'One-China' foreign policy approach and the realties of the situation is widening. An alternative avenue to state recognition acknowledges advancements on the margins that justify Taiwan's recognition by others. At the same time, however, Taiwan must hold self-proclamation in abeyance until the breadth of recognition it receives becomes an irresistible force with which the PRC must reckon. The recent transformations coupled with mainland China's growing force projection capability indicate the time is ripe and appropriate to recognize Taiwan's statehood. The United States would be remiss in its avowed commitment and leadership responsibilities for democratic enlargement by not recognizing Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how democratic transition has shaped leftist politics in Taiwan, South Korea, Brazil, and Chile. On one hand, the new left has positioned itself differently in the two regions, specifically in terms of when the left emerged (or reemerged) onto the political scene and how it has organized politically. On the other hand, new left forces in both regions have moderated their political tactics and ideological demands. This article contends that the new left has had to adapt to new political contexts. Divergence in new left politics can be explained by variations in the pacing of democratic reform, the institutional basis of democratic breakthrough, and salient cleavage structures. Yet the imperatives of democratic competition--irrespective of the specific mode of transition--have compelled the new left in both regions to similarly moderate their political tactics and transformative demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a critical examination of the evolution of the environmental impact assessment in Taiwan. Initial introduction as an economic policy-making instrument; Upgrading of the EIA following grassroots opposition; Cultural practice of the EIA since 1995 focusing on controversial issues; Failure of the current EIA, with the proclaimed standard of science and objectivity, as politics intervened in the disguise of professionalism.

This article examines the cause of Taiwan's recent successful democratic consolidation. It argues that cross-cutting issues in the electoral process allow democratic systems to periodically generate new winners. The prospect of reasonable certainty to win gives different political groups, including previously anti-system or semi-loyal groups, incentives to adhere to the democratic rules of the game. This process contributed to the democratic consolidation in Taiwan. More specifically, the non-mainstream faction of the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) party, which initially opposed democratization, and the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) which wanted more radical constitutional and political reforms, came to accept the post-transition democratic regime due to the emergence of new electoral issues. New issues surrounding corruption and socio-economic reforms allowed both the non-mainstream faction of the KMT and the DPP to advance their interests through the democratic electoral process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports that a ceremony to commemorate the first anniversary of the nonpartisan Taiwan Foundation for Democracy was attended by Taiwanese president Chen Shui-bian. Efforts of the foundation in helping the consolidation of Taiwan's democracy; List of speakers.