Search

This paper is a written dialogue among four activists from the Emancipa Popular Education Movement in Brazil, following the principles of Freirean pedagogy as a "circle of culture." It delves into how "popular knowledge can be experienced as popular power," narrating the history, struggles, and strategies employed by the Emancipa movement in their pursuit of democratizing Brazilian universities. The discussion is set within the context of Latin American structural inequalities and the issue of educational exclusion in Brazil. It emphasizes the vital role of contesting culture and knowledge as part of the movement's fight against social injustices perpetuated by peripheral capitalism, including racist violence and gender oppression. The paper adopts emancipatory pedagogy as the method to empower and mobilize grassroots efforts in this transformative endeavour.

This paper presents an evaluation of the information literacies used by community representatives when engaging with participatory budgeting in São Paulo City, Brazil. Using questions established from context-setting interviews with stakeholders, a focus group was held in 2019 with eight participative councillors, with "in situ" interpretation, resulting in a translated transcript of the discussion. Thematic analysis was used to understand information issues faced by community representatives in relation to past research. It was found that the community representatives face informational barriers to their engagement with participatory budgeting, in (a) learning about their role (b) understanding the information needs of the communities served and (c) gathering and sharing information about local issues with stakeholders. These findings allow the refining of CILIP's definition of information literacy (IL) for citizenship and provide the basis for proposing a model for the IL of community representatives. It is also proposed that future IL research could further develop the role of digitally-enabled place and community in shaping the landscape of literacy and the role of hyperlocal representation. Additionally, the role of translation in cross-lingual IL research is considered.

The debate around standardized assessments became a global agenda imposed by multilateral organizations. These tests, in the neoliberal context, impose an impoverishment of the curriculum and also strong control over the teaching work. On the other hand, it also causes resistance from social movements. This paper addresses this process of disputes for hegemony in the context of early childhood education in Brazil within the last few years. This research analyses the protagonism of the Inter-Forum Movement of Early Childhood Education in Brazil (MIEIB) in the context of the Workers' Party administrations (Lula and Dilma). During this period, the movement had an amicable relationship with the federal administrations, which opened discussions about different ways to evaluate educational quality, based on the discourse of the right to education. Currently, this democratic dialogue no longer exists and the relations between the movement and the federal administration has become antagonistic, as the Bolsonaro administration wishes extend tests to early childhood education.

This paper discusses how the construction of citizenship and citizen identities takes place among young students in Porto Alegre, Brazil. Considering that education is responsible for fostering the sense of citizenship, this research asked 209 students from a public high school to write letters to a future Brazilian president and to answer an online survey on politics, democracy, and citizenship. Using the Thematic Analysis method, this paper investigates the content of these letters and the answers regarding presidential activities. The responses to both exercises express generic notions and unsuitable speeches regarding politics as well as a feeling of disbelief. It is argued that school education does not develop citizens who can perform their civic roles in society and that such detachment of the students may be a consequence of their incredulity toward politics, resulting in a narrow understanding of the matter.

This paper aims to identify elements that will help with the process of thinking through curriculum issues based on the concept of open architecture. We argue that this concept can be an interesting driver of practice and debate concerning curriculum development in different contexts. More generally, we seek for viable public education that is more deeply committed to pluralist democracy; a pluralism with some consensus, but not on everything, as argued by Chantal Mouffe, in support of Paulo Freire's claim that no one frees anyone alone but in communion. The paper describes origin of open architecture in computing, highlighting the free software movement. Then, we briefly discuss the transposition of this concept to the educational field. We also describe some communities for practice and innovation. Teacher communities should be the main foundation of the open architecture curriculum. Teachers should be transformative intellectuals with the responsibility, among others, to listen to student voices. Finally, we describe examples of the open architecture curriculum, some real, some imaginary. The concept of open architecture can also help when conducting comparative studies to enable a better understanding of curricular differences between nations, particularly with regard to flexibilization and centralization policies.

In this paper, we sought to analyze if the internet and social networks usage could be impacting the constitution of an assertive political culture among young people in South Brazil. We hypothesize that although these new socialized agents are widespread among the young, apathy and disinterest in politics remain. To test our hypothesis, we analyzed data from a survey conducted with secondary school students from Porto Alegre in 2015 and 2019 for values related to democracy, feelings about politics, responsiveness, and political efficacy. Results confirm that the political culture of the young remains apathetic, but those socialized by new agents seem to be closer to developing an assertive type of political culture.

Research demonstrates the benefits of educating for social justice in Physical Education Teacher Education (PETE) programs. This body of research shows that social justice pedagogy enables student teachers to create a sense of social agency and community purpose in their teaching that positions them with more certainty when facing the political and professional hurdles embedded in a teaching career. The social justice perspective allows PETE educators and student teachers to work together in order to become conscious of the power structures in society that lead to social inequities. Although there are comprehensive studies on social justice and critical pedagogy in PETE, there is much to learn about how PETE educators conceptualize and practice critical pedagogy. Particularly in Brazil, there is limited research that confronts and analyses data from the myriad of emancipatory pedagogical PETE practices around the country, in order to turn those practices into a coherent body of critical narratives and shared knowledge. The purpose of this paper is therefore to explore the challenges, struggles and pleasures that two PETE educators faced in understanding and enacting critical pedagogy in Brazil. A theoretical framework based on Freire's critical pedagogy is employed to discuss the complementary narratives presented in this paper. We proclaim our hope that critical pedagogy might point to some avenues for political democratic struggles in a moment when public Education in Brazil is under severe attack promoted by the right-wing forces that currently sit on the presidential and the ministry of Education chairs.

This article addresses the "National Common Core Curriculum" in Brazil, focusing both on its "Introduction" and the sections dedicated to music teaching. The paper draws on contributions from broad critical curricular perspectives, arguing for the access to "powerful knowledge" as a means of achieving social justice and democratic social relations. It outlines some aspects of an ongoing qualitative research project, which investigates the recent curricular debates about the consistent inclusion of music in the primary and secondary levels of schooling in Brazil. Preliminary results suggest that the "Base Nacional Comum Curricular" (BNCC) relying on the development of pragmatic and generic competencies, is very far from promoting access to the pivotal "epistemic structures" of the discipline. At the same time, we hope to raise awareness about the potential "powers" provided by musical knowledge, which might help the Brazilian music education field to strengthen its curricular and epistemological bases.

This paper analyzes the extension of the right to secondary education in Brazil. Currently, the debate on secondary education has been intensified in civil society highlighting the problem of the reason of its precarious offer, not to mention a significant proportion of young people and adults who have not finished this level of schooling. Opinions vary on how the offer to secondary education should be held: while a minority believes that schooling should be humanistic and scientific; others support integrated education with a technical certification. Others advocate the separation of secondary professional education. This myriad of projects and programs has invaded the educational systems and schools, a portrait of public action in the education area, divided between republicans and private interests, in the context of disputes between the process of democratization and modernization, guided by the excellence of the performance of the institutions and students. This paper has an essay character produced within the research "Innovative High School Program: working conditions and teacher education" with CNPq funding and during the post-doctoral studies conducted at the École Normale Supèrieure de Lyon/France, with CAPES financial support.

In this paper we situate a discussion of the decolonial curriculum within the context of a Brazilian postgraduate programme (MPEJA) focused on adult and youth education (EJA). We draw on the work of Paulo Freire in our discussion of decolonial thinking and its pedagogical representation within EJA in Brazil. We suggest that engagement with the programme provides legitimacy and visibility for participants, supporting them in revealing the diversity and specificity of EJA (Cardoso, 2017). MPEJA also counters decolonial thought through the possibilities it provides to EJA educators for reflection on their professional context and the socio-economic influences on the experiences of their EJA students.

This paper examines contemporary challenges for education and democracy in Brazil. In the past decade, conservative forces headed by the Escola sem Partido (ESP) movement have led a scaremongering campaign against teachers and public education, with Paulo Freire's critical educational philosophies as their main enemy. This study investigates the ESP's attempts to implement its 'neutral' education model based in traditional values across the country. Key Freirean concepts combined with Horsford '3Rs' agenda to regain democracy in schools are used to analyse the media narratives presented by the ESP and civil movements that have resisted its efforts to undermine democracy within Brazilian schools. The findings suggest that the ESP's bullying tactics have been effective in undermining teachers' autonomy in many Brazilian schools. Further tensions have been provoked by the pandemic within the public educational system. Conversely, Freirean-inspired school communities have found new ways to counteract this harassment and strengthen democratic pedagogies.

This paper is a discussion on the possibilities of educational democracy in Brazilian Graduate Education, with a focus on the current Graduate Education Field regulations and the recent affirmative actions and public policies of access. We analyzed laws, decrees, government plans and selections edicts, through categories derived from historical materialism and praxeological sociology. Hence, this is a qualitative and critical research paper that aims at pointing paths to overcome the conflicts between the interests of different social groups by defending the need and urgency of an overall discussion and structural change.

The article focuses on the debate on postmodernity in Brazil. Postmodernity has entered the intellectual force field in Brazil in the early 1980s. Notions such as the postmodern, postmodernity and postmodernism answered the need to rethink the dominant categories of local cultural historiography during a time of transition from military dictatorship to a democratic regime. A major shift in the fields of ideology and political was taking place. As the debate unfolded, it was the liberal in politics but conservative in culture who rejected the validity of the issues brought up by postmodern critique.

Following months of debate in 2012, Brazilian President Rousseff signed the Quota Law establishing quotas for the percentages of Black, Brown, and indigenous public secondary school students that public universities must enroll. Guided by a social dominance theory framework, this paper examines the extent to which such a policy can challenge an ideology -- racial democracy -- that legitimizes inequality. Using secondary data, I evaluate the main arguments made by the policy's detractors against empirical research on the academic and diversity impacts of affirmative action in public universities in Brazil. How has a deeply entrenched myth of racial democracy influenced the implementation of a policy that centers racial ideology? Answers to this question have implications for better understanding: (1) the role policy can play in disrupting inequality and humanizing marginalized people and (2) how, if at all, evidence supporting equitable policy can disrupt a society's adherence to a dominant ideology.

Although in-depth educational reviews can be carried out building on curricular theories, the appropriation of this knowledge by science education scholarship can still be considered timid. In this paper, our intention is to work on this interface; we first introduce basic concepts from the main curricular frameworks and bring possible corresponding curricular emphases assumed by science education. Then, we highlight the post-critical curricular perspectives to problematize discursive demands and articulations as part of processes of struggle for the fixation of particular meanings in the field of science education. With emphasis on discourse theory and categories such as discourse, articulation, hegemony and antagonism, we sought to identify hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discourses defended in the struggle for curricular proposals of science education and teacher-training in Brazilian scholarship and in some international examples. In our analysis, the traditional and critical conceptions of science education were discursively identified as antagonist, in a scenario of uncertainties and lack of fundamentals, without, therefore, either one being able to represent a single and definitive intervention. Traditional curricular and teacher-training projects were seen as products of discursive articulations in defense of the universalism of West Modern Science ("knowledge itself") and of the technical rationality. Scientific literacy with a social function and a critical teacher-training proposal were identified as antagonist to traditional curricular discourses and approximated to educational perspectives that defend more generic and contextual educational competences ("knowledge to do something"). However, recent curricular discourses adequate to the new configurations of social organization that tend to blur the antagonism between these discourses in the name of social justice and democratic equality, from a post-critical point of view, create a paradox: If these demands are treated as prescription and control, they will expel all differences and uniqueness of education, rendering meaningless education, justice and democracy, which are constructs that require alterity to exist in the social.

This paper intents to analyze the influence of John Dewey's ideas in the movement that defended the educational renovation in Brazil (named New School) at the end of the 1920s and in the 1930s. For this, it explains two trends of that movement: the first is described by the metaphor of industrial or mechanical efficiency, whose emphasis was in the power derived from the disciplinary idea of progress, which was embedded in the process of rationalization of the social relations submitted by a factory model; the second, developed by influence of Dewey, is characterized by a project of democratization of society and school that prevented the individual massification and the adoption of the rationalizing model inspired by the factory without any criticism. When Dewey was put in the center of the debate on political, pedagogical and social goals of the Brazilian New School, he was called to introduce a series of concepts that helped to find the balance between the respect for individuality and the observation of the social needs.

This paper analyzes the case of Porto Alegre, Brazil as a counter-hegemonic global city. Porto Alegre is a city with no particular relevance to neoliberal globalization that, nevertheless, was launched to a global scale by transformations in local governance. New mechanisms of deliberative democracy captured the attention of social actors constructing a movement of globalization from below, making Porto Alegre the de facto capital of the World Social Forum. In this paper I focus on the educational policies created in the city, which expanded the social imaginary in education and are a key component of Porto Alegre's "globalization". (Contains 8 notes.)

This paper contributes to the growing body of research on participatory democracy and the literature on associational democracy by exploring the impact that institutional reforms have on local-level configurations of civil society. In the 1980s a wide range of participatory experiments were initiated in Brazil, most notably Participatory Budgeting in municipal governance. Municipios that adopted PB in principle devolve much or all of the decision making on new investments to decentralized participatory forums. In this paper we consider the results of an eight-city matched-pair analysis conducted in 2004, in which we selected municipios that adopted PB in 1997-2000, and matched them with a similar municipio that did not in the same period, drawing from the full sample of municipios over 20,000 inhabitants. Building on relational theories of civil society, we show that PB has clear but limited effects on civil society. It moves civil society practices from clientelism to associationalism, but does not contribute to the capacity of civil society to self-organize, at least in the time-frame considered. We also show that this democratizing effect on civil society practices and networks is conditioned by pre-existing state-civil society relations. (Contains 5 tables and 3 notes.)

This paper reflects on racial identification in Brazil, considering how concepts of race travel internationally and are transformed locally. In light of the silencing of issues of race in Brazilian public education, we analyse the experiences of student teachers of colour participating in a professional development project coordinated by the authors. We report findings of a qualitative study arising from the project, based on reflective journals and interviews, and focusing on processes of racial resignification and resistance. The narratives produced by participants are situated in relation to dominant discourses of racial democracy and mixing, which deny the possibility of a politicised Afro-Brazilian identity. We show how hybrid identifications, drawing on cultural resources and networks that involve transnational circulation, are part of the construction of new social identities in the context of teacher education.

Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony--not so much a theory of domination as a theory of the manufacturing of commonsense--offers a way to break into the myth of leadership as always already tied to practices of domination. His complex accounting of leadership's "necessary" relationship to the pedagogic and hegemonic constitute an important contribution to a theory of leadership by understanding that leadership is not only an element in the pedagogical project of forming a consensus of commonsense, but also is an important dimension of oppositional work. That is, leadership can provide a productive force for breaking into dominant formations of commonsense. His ideas concerning the link between leadership and hegemony provide an important theoretical referent for developing a theory of transformative leadership. Transformative leadership is an exercise of power and authority that begins with questions of justice, democracy, and the dialectic between individual accountability and social responsibility. Paulo Freire's educational administration in Sao Paulo, Brazil from 1989 until 1991 offers a concrete example of the risks and possibilities in adopting transformative strategies of leadership. The author discusses the responsibility of transformative leadership to instigate structural transformations at the material level that reflect a new hegemony, in addition to the ideological work that is done at a pedagogical level. He concludes by discussing the social, pedagogical, and political strategies of transformative pedagogical leadership, working loosely within Henry Giroux's critical theory of pedagogy and politics, summarized as the intersection of culture, pedagogy, and power on one hand, with civic responsibility and radical democratic struggle on the other. (Contains 11 notes.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summarizes Freire's contributions to the concepts of critical reflection, conscientization, emancipatory education, and problem posing. Identifies criticisms in the areas of nondirective education, popular culture, dualistic thinking, and applicability of his ideas. (SK)

In recent decades, many Latin American governments have implemented policies to expand opportunities in higher education, aiming at reducing discrimination and social inequalities. These policies have taken different forms, according to the peculiarities of the respective higher education systems. The purpose of this paper is to explore the scope and limitations of these policies. We develop our analysis of theoretical literature on the subject, and review empirical information available from secondary sources of recent experience in five countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Venezuela. Argentina has increased opportunities for disadvantaged social sectors by expanding the public sector. Brazil has attempted to improve access for ethnic and social minorities in both public and private institutions. Chile is a unique case because of the continuing commitment to allow market forces to shape higher education. In Mexico, increased opportunities for access have resulted from the creation of intercultural universities and technical institutions in the public sector, as well as through growth in the private sector. Finally, in Venezuela, expansion occurred through the creation of a new system of universities that operates in parallel to traditional public institutions. We note that, in all cases, the policies reflect an underlying belief that there are only benefits to unlimited expansion, without regard to possible consequences, such as an excess of university graduates in economies with limited job opportunities for them. Moreover, these policies do not take into consideration the deficit of cultural and educational capital of young people who come from the most marginalised social sectors, deficits that may hinder their success. Concepts such as 'overeducation' or 'credencialism' call into question that optimistic belief and explain the limitations of the coverage expansion in terms of real democratisation.

Reviews the history of Brazilian decentralization policies, including those implemented by the military regime of 1964. Describes the experiences of democratic public school administration initiated in the 1970s-80s. Analyzes the move toward decentralization and democratization of public school administration in federal and state constitutions and the new Law of National Education. (Contains 23 references.) (MAB)

Background: Academics, teachers and policy-makers across the world have discussed how to develop a relevant physical education (PE) curriculum that addresses the "body education" needs and interests of twenty-first-century students. In Brazil, after the launch of the national curricular parameters (PCNs) in the late 1990s, many new PE curricula have emerged, some, such as the curriculum of the state of São Paulo (SP), claiming to be truly innovative in the promotion of the autonomous and critical individual. In 2006, SP, as the richest and most populous Brazilian State, convened several groups of specialists to design new curricula in all school areas, including PE. Curricula proposals always have a set of underpinning values and philosophies and the PE curriculum in SP seems to have enhanced its school function to beyond the sports restricted interests. Purpose: This article aims to examine the philosophical and pedagogical directions that support the new PE curriculum in SP. It asks on what concepts of "culture," "body" and "movement" the São Paulo physical education (SP/PE) curriculum is based; how the education of the autonomous individual is conceptualised and how the curriculum enhances the teaching of students' "body" practices. It also considers the ways in which autonomy is lived in an environment historically marked by social inequality. Research design: In reflecting on these questions this paper adopts the notion of one's own body as a "unit of meaning"). It also draws on concept of education as the development of a critique of reality as the basis for transforming it. It discusses "movement culture" (MC), a central idea in the SP/PE curriculum derived from these practices of critique and transformation, as well as the concept of "Sich-Bewegen," which emphasises "movement" as a proper expression of the individual. Conclusions: The traditional notion of being "physically educated" as proposed by Corbin has been superseded in the new curriculum. It appears that the SP/PE curriculum is challenging educators to address new key issues in their educational practices: to foster critical thinking about both the content and themes addressed by the PE curriculum; to consider cultural diversity whilst teaching; to move away from standardised proposals; and to enhance, in students, critical views of the MC content presented in the media, and thereby to encourage students to take into account the media thematic axis as a starting and an ending point for their educational practices.

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents an evaluation of the information literacies used by community representatives when engaging with participatory budgeting in São Paulo City, Brazil. Using questions established from context-setting interviews with stakeholders, a focus group was held in 2019 with eight participative councillors, with in situ interpretation, resulting in a translated transcript of the discussion. Thematic analysis was used to understand information issues faced by community representatives in relation to past research. It was found that the community representatives face informational barriers to their engagement with participatory budgeting, in (a) learning about their role (b) understanding the information needs of the communities served and (c) gathering and sharing information about local issues with stakeholders. These findings allow the refining of CILIP's definition of information literacy (IL) for citizenship and provide the basis for proposing a model for the IL of community representatives. It is also proposed that future IL research could further develop the role of digitally-enabled place and community in shaping the landscape of literacy and the role of hyperlocal representation. Additionally, the role of translation in cross-lingual IL research is considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins with a discussion of the implications of CONFINTEA VI having been organised in Brazil--the author uses the term "Brazilian effect"--and the role of social movements challenging neoliberalism. Next, drawing from the experience of Latin America, this paper analyses the counter-hegemonic practice of the new social movements. The concluding section highlights the dilemmas faced by UNESCO in trying to create a democratic and efficient process of policy-making and institutional service in adult education in the nation-states. Furthermore, the proposal of popular education portrayed by the new social movements is described as a tool for empowerment. CONFINTEA VI's recommendation of moving from rhetoric to action in adult education programmes, practices and policies demands that we take the agendas of the new social movements in the post-neoliberalism era seriously.

Education for Global Citizenship (E4GC) offers many opportunities to explore spirituality and a sense of how one fits into the world at a range of levels. Beyond the Curriculum Boundaries is a project that enables student teachers to consider E4GC alongside issues of multiculturalism, antiracism and democracy education, with a strong focus on religious education and geography. This paper outlines the ethos behind the project, identifies key elements and themes, appraises student responses, and evaluates key learning points. Student teachers respond to the module in a variety of ways that inform their learning and teaching, and development takes place on both personal and professional levels: as the project has developed the awareness of children's worldviews and the sense of interconnectedness with others has grown, adding an increasingly spiritual dimension to learning. This article argues that E4GC provides an effective vehicle for supporting the often-overlooked spiritual dimension of children development. (Contains 1 note.)

Copyright of A&C - Administrative & Constitutional Law Review - Revista de Direito Administrativo e Constitucional is the property of A&C - Revista de Direito Administrativo & Constitucional (Instituto Bacellar) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Debates is the property of Revista Debates and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The rural primary school in Brazil could make important contributions to rural development through its potential to involve adults (parents) in democratic group decisions. The system as it now stands, however, is rigidly hierarchical and allows no space for participation of low income groups in upper-echelon decision making. (Author/GC)

Research demonstrates the benefits of educating for social justice in Physical Education Teacher Education (PETE) programs. This body of research shows that social justice pedagogy enables student teachers to create a sense of social agency and community purpose in their teaching that positions them with more certainty when facing the political and professional hurdles embedded in a teaching career. The social justice perspective allows PETE educators and student teachers to work together in order to become conscious of the power structures in society that lead to social inequities. Although there are comprehensive studies on social justice and critical pedagogy in PETE, there is much to learn about how PETE educators conceptualize and practice critical pedagogy. Particularly in Brazil, there is limited research that confronts and analyses data from the myriad of emancipatory pedagogical PETE practices around the country, in order to turn those practices into a coherent body of critical narratives and shared knowledge. The purpose of this paper is therefore to explore the challenges, struggles and pleasures that two PETE educators faced in understanding and enacting critical pedagogy in Brazil. A theoretical framework based on Freire's critical pedagogy is employed to discuss the complementary narratives presented in this paper. We proclaim our hope that critical pedagogy might point to some avenues for political democratic struggles in a moment when public Education in Brazil is under severe attack promoted by the right-wing forces that currently sit on the presidential and the ministry of Education chairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an interpretation of the ideology expressed by Jair Bolsonaro, current president of Brazil, as a Brazilian far-right neoliberal nationalism, which typically distinguishes between the members of the nation and its traitors and enemies, creating an authoritarian atmosphere of governance combined with the defense of neoliberal values. To establish the bases that sustain this ideology, we investigate four key arenas of his administration – family issues; the anti-left rhetoric; the call for a mixed-race identity; and Brazilian foreign policy. We sustain that Bolsonaro's discourse, instead of revealing a fragmented political project, actually articulates a powerful and authoritarian image of the Brazilian nation, while also reinforcing the idea of individual entrepreneurship and traditional morality. Although this project is deeply informed by past national ideological traditions, it is also aligned with the expansion of the far right internationally and sheds light to its dynamics in periphery countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local journalism has suffered major transformations as traditional business models collapse and habits of news consumption change. A lack of funding and successive economic crises have brought about, on a global scale, the shutdown of many news outlets in smaller territories. These areas are becoming "news deserts", a phenomenon that has been mapped in Brazil and Portugal. Territories without news could see an uptick in social problems such as disinformation, populism, and democratic crises, especially because of voting abstention. Background: This paper aims to analyze the relationship between news deserts and democracy, focusing on how news deserts correlate with voting abstention rates in Brazil and Portugal. Methods: A literature review was carried out including data from news deserts in both countries. The abstention rates in this analysis concern national elections held in 2022. A correlation analysis using binary logistic regression was deployed comparing municipalities with the highest and the lowest abstention rates. Results: In both countries, it was not possible to assess whether there was a correlation between abstention rates and the existence of news deserts. Conclusions: While the absence of media outlets is not correlated with the mobilization of citizens to vote, other variables may be affecting voters' abstention behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the effects of extractive informal institutions on the horizontal accountability process in a developing democracy? This paper presents evidence about the harmful effects of extractive informal institutions on horizontal accountability within subnational governments in Brazil. After three decades of free and competitive elections, the institutional design of oversight institutions for state governments has hardly changed. We explore the hypothesis that more extractive informal institutions, measured by the level of income inequality, is associated with decreasing transparency levels. Given its extensive social, political, and economic diversity embedded in an overall centralized formal institutional framework, Brazil provides an appropriate setting to test the hypothesis that extractive informal institutions responsible for increased income inequality can undermine horizontal accountability in new democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Em Pauta is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: Canada is a country that has a democratized higher education system, based on solid principles of access, quality and accountability. Brazil, on the other hand, is a country that seeks to advance its higher education system. For this reason, this paper aims to understand with the main stakeholders of the systems, the perceptions in relation to higher education in terms of access, quality and accountability, confronting two educational systems, the Brazilian and the Canadian. Design/methodology/approach: The author applied an exploratory and qualitative method through categorical content analysis in a multicase study. Data were collected through 10 interviews with government managers, 18 unstructured (open) questionnaires, where 13 were applied to professors and experts in higher education and four to student leaders. Findings: The results demonstrate that, for Canadian participants, these principles should guide any nation, as it is something demanded by society itself: democratic access to the system, that the available system has quality and that the resources allocated to the system are being well applied. In addition, Brazilian participants understand that it is necessary to deepen this debate, including a new principle: permanence, as it is a country of traditional social inequality. Originality/value: This study presented the perceptions of an educational system based on the principles of access, quality and accountability, the Canadian system and the perspectives for a system that intends to develop in this context in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos em Jornalismo e Mídia is the property of Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Departamento de Jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)