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This paper examines Nigeria's democratization dilemmas and the imperatives of an educational framework against the backdrop of the Boko Haram insurgency. It identifies and connects the pattern, character and dynamics of the existing educational system. It also discusses the system's failure in calling for a new approach to overcome the prevailing dearth of civic order and the increasing spread of dissent groups. This new method is about acculturating Nigerian youth into a more civic culture, a Nigeria where citizens can live side by side with each other in peace." While examining both theoretical and practical characteristics of this new educational agenda, the paper especially examines the link between philosophical education and the development of a civic culture, trusting that such a connection suggests an approach to education that may assist future policy makers, educators, and teachers. Specific theoretical analysis of pedagogical and philosophical education contained here can further the current understanding of how philosophical education is likely to facilitate the development of the values, beliefs, and attitudes that generally underpin the operations of a civic society, developments desperately needed to address the problem of Boko Haram and the increasing spread of dissent groups in Nigeria.

The nascent democracy in Nigeria is plagued with myriad of intrigues, discordant opinions of the political class. The reason is not farfetched. Every political party sees its manifesto and plans of action as the best for the citizenry. They elbow each other in the process of garnering political recognition and vibrancy. Their unhealthy rivalry only heat up the polity. How be it some Nigerians see these political dissent as a necessary tool to a sound democratic process. They argue that dissenting voices amongst the political class are necessary since a democratic process would never be devoid of antagonism and democracy would never thrive on rational consensus. This paper seeks to define democracy, explore the dissenting opinions of the political class which many say attempt to make or mar the democratic process in Nigeria. The study would further examine the role of the media in fast tracking the entire democratization process with a view to ascertaining whether the practice of democracy in Nigeria is in tandem with acceptable practices in the well recognized democracies of the world. Finally, the paper would proffer possible solutions and make necessary recommendations that would help deepen true democratic culture in Nigeria.

The idea of good governance is central to democratic consolidation; and there can be no good governance without a vibrant democratic order that is participatory. Citizenship education is a tool for enhancing participation of the citizenry in the affairs of governance and all that pertains to the socio-economic and political life of the people as it relates to the common good. John Dewey argues that for there to be an enhanced form of participatory democracy, the education of citizens is very important and must be given utmost priority. For Dewey, this kind of education is one that is geared towards „problem solving? which comes through the process of "social inquiry." It is through the process of social inquiry that citizens can take informed decision to enhance their condition for moral and economic progress. This paper critically x-rays Dewey?s concept of education and social inquiry and translates it into the current practice of democracy in Nigeria "vis-a-vis" the socio-economic and political realities in other to activate citizens in participating in the political life through citizens? education. It is only through education of such as envisaged by Dewey that we can activate a problem solving citizenry rather than political liabilities. This research used the qualitative method to carry out its analysis in the topic of discourse.

There are many methods of inquiry used in philosophy but analysis is the most dreaded and most vital among them. Many see it is a thorny academic exercise to do. Many who adopt the method in their researches often end up applying phenomenology or hermeneutics. This work therefore paper aims at explaining what analysis is and how to apply it in philosophical inquiry, using Nigerian democracy as an example. Philosophical analysis is hereby defined as a method whereby a concept is broken to its constituent parts in order to understand it better, criticise or reinterpret. Using Nigerian democracy as example, the author breaks down the concept of democracy to its basic features. Relating them to Nigerian government, the researcher finds out that those essential features are lacking in Nigeria. The conclusion is that Nigeria does not practise democracy.With these discussions on the meaning, nature and application of philosophical analysis, the paper serves as a guide to philosophers on how to apply the method effectively in their researches. It is of great value too to those in humanities and social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on democratization of education as a prerequisite for social, economic and cultural progress in a multi-cultural society, such as Nigeria. Attempt was made to define and explain the major concepts in the paper. Education was explained as an instrument of democracy and as function of socialization, culture and economic development of Nigeria as a multi-cultural society. Some factors hindering the effective implementation of educational objectives of the nation were identified. The roles of education in the development of various aspects of life were discussed and suggestions were made on how to improve on the current situation of Nigerian economy. (Contains 1 table.)

There have been sterile and robust debates on the issue of national integration as an indelible mark of unity. Democratic consolidation comes to mind when the heterogeneity and differences are seen as factors that cannot hinder our peaceful co-existence in a fair, just and egalitarian society where people's voices and inputs are significant. The feeling of national spirit is evident in the sensitivity of the leaders and the led in attending to national issues as touching the plights and yearnings of the citizens irrespective of background and other factors. This paper examined the factors militating against the continuous existence of Nigeria as a united, indissoluble and sovereign nation due to the perceived mistake of 1914 amalgamation by Lord Lugard. Methodologically, the study adopted a qualitative technique of data collection through the content analysis of documents, reports, journals, books and articles. At the end of the study, it was discovered that the factors militating against the consolidation of the Nigerian nascent democracy are national questions such as the continuous agitation of resource control, constitutional amendment, minority/majority syndrome, revenue sharing formula, unjustifiable distribution of resources, activities of ethnic militias, unequal representation in the National Assembly, zoning/rotational presidency and corruption. Therefore, the study recommended for the convocation of sovereign national conference through which a true Nigerian constitution would emerge in favour of true federalism.

Democratic classroom practices are all strategies adopted by classroom teachers to actively engage students in the learning processes. Considerable literature assessing influence of Civic Education on youths' active participation in a democratic society exists. Not much have reported an empirically conducted study on classroom best practices adopted by Civic Education teachers in the Global South. This paper examines classroom democratization by Civic Education teachers in South East Nigeria, students' and teachers' perceptions of democratic classroom, and challenges confronting classroom democratization. Focus Group Discussion and Democratic classroom questionnaire were used to elicit information from 151 civic education teachers and 1400 senior secondary school one (SS1) students. Findings revealed that Civic Education teachers in South East Nigeria adopted democratic classroom practices marginally. Recommendation includes more adoption of democratic classroom best practices for development of students' critical thinking abilities, preparing them to become participatory in their civic duties and reducing crimes among today's youths.

Leadership is championed through political participation starting from the grassroots to the federal. However, Christians' participation in politics/governance has not been significant and their civic responsibilities appear to be consciously eroded given the misconceptions of biblical injunctions. To address this, qualitative methods were used in critiquing areas of duties of Christians' in Nigerian politics and democratic governance from doctrinal and moral standpoints; and examining the doctrinal and moral questions surrounding Christians' apathy. The paper revealed that three areas of obligations that Christians are to fulfill comprise: duty to God, duty to the State, and duty to neighbours. Failure of the clergymen, failure of the government, political corruption, godfatherism conundrum and failure of the security operatives were the identified moral questions. The paper concluded that the level of Christian involvement in Nigerian politics is low and democratic governance is lacking in Nigeria. It therefore submitted that Christians should fulfill their duties through political involvement and advance social justice and social welfare policies as part of the hallmarks of scriptural injunctions. The implication of the paper for practice is that except the moral questions raised in this paper are tackled, Christians would likely maintain their apathetic stand on politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the determinants of free, fair and credible election is the security of lives and property before, during and after the electioneering process. Despites the fact that large number of Military and Paramilitary personnel are mobilized for the conduct of Elections, cases of violence, snatching of ballot boxes, loss of lives and property are on the increase in most elections in Nigeria during the fourth republic. In light of the above, this paper examines the challenges and prospects of 2023 general elections with regards to the security of lives and property through the instrumentalities of the Nigerian Police Force and other security personnel. The main objective of the paper is to assess the implications of using the police and other security personnel on national security in 2023 general elections. Methodologically, the paper adopts a qualitative approach for the purpose of obtaining the required materials through the contents analysis of documents from National Independent Electoral Commission, Election (INEC), Independent Observers reports, observations from the participating political parties, the reports of Transparency International and extant laws. The outcome of the paper revealed that the major challenges envisaged from 2023 general elections is the fact that the security of lives and property of citizens may not be guaranteed if the security Agencies carry out assigned responsibilities in an unprofessional and partisan manner. The study therefore recommended that the security agencies should carry out assigned duties and responsibilities in a professional and non-partisan way in order to guarantee the security of life and properties of citizens before, during and after the 2023 general elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how economic reforms, as a reaction to the effects of the global financial crises, have intensified popular unrests and redefined the composition, interests, and socio-economic and political attitudes of Nigeria's increasingly complex social strata. We relied basically on secondary data to analyze some of the fundamental domestic and international issues facing the country in the course of implementing reforms and their accompanying social, economic and political problems. It was discovered that the past and present economic reform policies failed to guarantee the dividends of democracy and worsened the socio-economic situation of the citizenry. The people, as a result of the untold hardship and unfulfilled expectation meted out by the reform became apathetic with loss of confidence in government and resolved to avoid the state and now found solace in socio-economic and political menace for their survival. Successive governments, through various policies, though with little success, have responded to these challenges and been forced to undertake more active socioeconomic and political reforms or face an even greater loss of its authority. The paper then suggested the need for concrete transformative empowerment policy agenda to really meet these challenges.

Indiscipline in political parties is antithetic to democratic consolidation and good governance in Nigeria. This article looks at the reasons and provides examples of actions of indiscipline in political parties in Nigeria and recommends that: the party must be superior to all its members, funding of the party should never be on individualistic principles, the party constitution must be strictly adhered to; the principles of democracy should be embraced by the parties and its elders; and above all, proper party education must be given to all the members of the party. The paper concludes that urgent and prompt steps must be taken to check the ugly trends of indiscipline in political parties in Nigeria in order to prevent the truncation of the democratic process by the military as before.

This paper explores the cultural imperatives to determining democratic survival in Nigeria. It observes that the general notion that cultural inequality may systematically obstruct democratic participation by the members of subordinated groups is trite. It argues rather that the current crisis faced by democracy is linked essentially to the lack of a space capable of dealing with both social complexity and cultural pluralism. The paper is a desk study borrowing heavily from secondary sources of data and review of extant literature. While not pretending about the potential for ethno-cultural and religious violence imminent in Nigeria's attempt at democratic consolidation, findings, however suggest that in a multicultural society like Nigeria, democracy has the potential to flourish if the different cultural groups understand and tolerate one another by enlarging the space for public participation and debates naturally encapsulated in the principle of popular rule. It recommends that a practical engagement with federal democracy, rooted in the principle of federalism, remains an attractive model for the survival of Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last 20 years of uninterrupted democratic dispensation in Nigeria, the military regime has left the post-transition era with certain characteristics such as a low level of participation away from the center. While many have blamed the central authorities for the constantly increasing environmental threats, this study argues that the dwindling impact of civil society organizations (CSOs) on environmental regulation policies remains the missing link between policy formulation and implementation in Nigeria. This paper investigated the involvement of environmental CSOs within our democratic space, reflecting on the level of compliance with environmental regulation laws and the implications of this for environmental sustainability. This paper adopts both primary and secondary sources of information, and data were analyzed using a descriptive survey. The study reveals that the Nigerian government sees the CSOs as partners in ensuring environmental sustainability rather than deploying the CSOs as delivery agents to enforce environmental regulations and sustainability within the extractive and non-extractive contexts. This study concludes that, to tackle environmental degradation in Nigeria, much attention should be placed on environmental securitization advocacies through independent and effective environmental CSOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of religious politics in Nigeria is an obvious one. In political aspects such as the style of governance, policy formulations and the electoral process in Nigeria, religion has been a decisive determining factor. However, the influence of Christian religion on politics in Nigeria could be both positive and negative. In other words, as religion enhances national development, it could also be counterproductive. This paper critically discusses the influence of Pentecostalism and the dynamics of the Democratic Government in Nigeria since 1999, emphasizing the roles of the church in political leadership in the country. In practicing politics in Nigeria, adherence to religious and moral values and observance of the Nigerian constitution, which provides freedom of religion, is necessary for national development. The study discovered that the uncertainty concerning the future of Nigeria is unfortunately connected to a poor democratic culture, which is an essential factor in the political life of every nation. The paper concludes that, despite the abundant economic resources and several attempts by different governments over the years to reduce poverty and unemployment and promote sustainable development, Nigeria is still struggling in many fronts due to lack of political will, corruption, and no proper coordination for sustainable growth and development programs, In addition, the church, even though a strong voice in the political system of the nation, has not played her roles well. It is argued that Christians need to get more actively involved in politics, and that the Christian religion can and should be an agent of change and progressive national development in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the metaphorical framing of the concept of democracy in Nigerian Senate debates (henceforth, NSD) in a mini-corpus of 214 meta-discursive commentaries on democracy by legislators, with insight from metaphor scenario theory. Three source concepts – "erect structure", "living organism", "dividends" and their associate scenarios are analysed. These scenarios are exploited by legislators to effect specific argumentative and ideological conclusions, such as Nigerian democracy is weak, positive-self-presentation by legislators amongst others. The paper reveals the conceptual, evaluative and ideological structures that dominate the discourse about democratization in Nigeria, especially in the Fourth Republic, from the perspective of legislators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of EUL Journal of Social Sciences / LAÜ Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of EUL Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The stability of any nation depends on the harmonious integration of all its citizens. Constitutional democracy, through the rule of law, aspires to inclusive government. But populism emphasizes the sovereignty of the people, places it above the rule of law and equates the people with the majority, excluding the minority. This exposes the nation to majority tyranny, abuse of power and exclusion of some segments of the populace in governance, thereby, raising issues of legitimacy, the polarization of the population and hostilities inimical to nationhood. This paper uses historical hermeneutic analysis to examine the impact of populism on the nation-building of emerging democratic nations like Nigeria. It argues that populism is a threat to the stability of emerging plural democracies and that the rule of law based on a negotiated constitutional democracy is a better option than populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lack of internal democracy in many political parties in Nigeria has created a general loss of confidence in voters toward the electoral process and democratic consolidation. This paper examines the extent to which political parties have adhered to or deviated from the relevant Constitutional and electoral law provisions in Nigeria toward achieving internal democracy and how this has affected voters? attitudes and confidence in the electoral process and Nigerian democracy generally. To achieve this objective, the researchers utilize the doctrinal research method in examining the relevant provisions of the 1999 Constitution on internal party democracy, the relevant Electoral laws, and judicial decisions. During the work, it is observed that political party leadership in Nigeria rarely heed the relevant constitutional provisions and laws on internal party affairs. The paper finds that judicial decisions concerning this issue have not followed a similar pattern, which has greatly eroded voters? confidence. It recommended a compelling need for the judiciary to follow legally valid precedents established in earlier judgments in deciding new cases arising from intra-party affairs, especially concerning the substitution of candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examined the exigency of democracy in Nigeria--a cause of tremendous scandal. The concept of democracy has been examined by different scholars throughout the world. In Nigeria, many scholars emphasized much on the positive impact(s) of democracy since its inception till date. However, this work strictly looked at the controversies it brought to the nation. A critical method of data collection was used to carry out the investigation. It was critical in other to draw out some factors that ought to be observed as a democratic nation. Data was collected through existing scholarly works, including journals, textbooks, newspapers, and other useful materials found in the library. The findings revealed that the concept of democracy has been misinterpreted and brought disasters into the vein of the nation due to the inability of the elected aristocratic leaders who have seen this as "cateblanche" (freedom) to scandalize, bully, embezzle, and siphon the milk of the nation. This paper concluded and recommended that since democracy promotes equal rights, then, the concept of democracy must be observed and practiced. Political leaders' immunity should be removed for proper justice against violation. The Constitution must be re-reviewed and the concept of equality spelled out in the Constitution should not be theoretical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several ventures have been undertaken by the government and successive administrations in Nigeria over the decades to satisfy the compelling search for national development and enhanced better life programs for the people. This constant desire compelled various governments of the day to devise various development plans in order to determine which one would address the constant lack. As a result, this paper examines the institution of the state, politics, and democratic governance as the piper who determines the tone of the pipe in the achievement of national development. The study's findings show that the failures of several development plans can be attributed to Nigeria's weak institutions of the state, politics, governance, and democracy, through which formulated policies are meant to be implemented, resulting in repeated failure. Other discoveries include: poor consultation, strategies that are irrelevant to the needs of the people, and a governance crisis, among others. The paper employs social development theory to address the Nigerian polity's problems of poverty, inequality, and mass illiteracy. The study employs a qualitative analysis method that heavily relies on secondary data. The paper recommended that politicians demonstrate political will to carry out plans; there should be stability and continuity of proposed policies or programs; and a radical approach to politics that emphasizes values such as honesty and modesty, among other things. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article appraises the role of digital media as a tool for fostering participatory development communication and democracy in Nigeria. Adopting the qualitative literature reviewing approach, with the Diffusion of Innovations theory as the theoretical foundation, the article explores the meaning and types of digital media, thereby dismissing the existing misunderstanding between digital media and social media. Furthermore, the paper presents a critical inference on how digital media and development communication can be effectively synergized to bring about the desired dividends of democratic practice in Nigeria. Drawing from the foregoing, the paper recommends that the effective deployment of digital media platforms to democratic governance and most precisely, to our electoral process can help bridge the gap and serve to strengthen the cherished principles of transparency and accountability in Nigeria's governance process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Masyarakat, Kebudayaan & Politik is the property of Universitas Airlangga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The nature and pattern of sustenance of democratic rule in Nigeria since the inception of the fourth republic which followed the exit of military rulers in 1999 have continued to generate scholarly debates. The conundrum of whether or not the country has freed itself from the ominous influence of the culture of military rule is a huge concern. Using former President Obasanjo and current President Buhari as case studies, this article examines the extent to which the reemergence of Nigeria's former military Heads of State as civilian administrators since 1999 has affected constitutionalism and democratization in Nigeria's political leadership. The patterns of administration of civilian government as well as democratic infractions of both regimes are considered. The paper relies on secondary data and the descriptive method of analysis. The Military Transition Model, a strand of Transition Theory, was used as a framework for further clarification. Rather than improve on the tenets of democracy, findings show that elements of absolutism and arbitrary rule are strongly perceptible. There are no convincing proofs that the reappearance of Nigeria's former military rulers into political leadership is reinforcing the country's long awaited democratization processes. The current political leadership in Nigeria has not demonstrated sufficient political will to eschew the dregs of contempt for rule of law. The study concludes that problems of democratic infractions are prevalent in the current political system largely due to the persisting influence of military culture of political leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a reform of Nigerian company law to integrate the Internet into the corporate governance scheme. In so doing, the paper examines reforms in some common law countries, especially the United States (the state of Delaware), Canada and the United Kingdom, highlighting to policy- and law-makers key areas they may focus on in the Nigerian reform. It emphasizes the need for a reform that will preserve extant rights, liberalize participation and induce transmission of information at a cost that the shareholders can afford. While noting the challenges such a reform may face in the Nigerian context, the paper proposes the type of Internet-related reform that may work well for Nigeria at present. It makes a case for the reform's relevance, given the government's commitment to liberalize entry into the telecommunications industry and to promote competition. The paper also notes that the exponential increase in the Internet penetration rate in Nigeria signals the desirability of a reform in the direction the paper proposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) is the property of International Institute of Innovation Science-Education-Development in Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

No doubt, successive general elections in Nigeria fall far below internationally acclaimed minimum standard for a free and fair election. Whereas, democracy which is the desire of Nigerians will survive only if its basic and elementary rules -- free and fair election for citizens -- in terms of one-man-one-vote for the citizenry to exercise their choice are observed -- unfortunately, "a number of elections did not meet even the barest minimum requirement in a failed state". It is against this background that this paper now attempts a prognosis of the dimensions of electoral reforms and the likely challenges so that the beleaguered nascent democracy can resist the possibility of reversal to autocracy. To achieve this aim, the paper has been organized into a number of sections. With an introductory overview, which dwells on the imperatives of a free and fair election in Nigeria, the paper proceeds to brief theoretical postulations that bother on the nexus between democracy and credible elections. The paper however proceeds to the dimensions of restructuring the electoral institutions to be able to guarantee free and fair credible elections. Few of the areas of concentration for restructuring includes: a review of the electoral acts, rejig of INEC, political parties and internal democracy, the debilitating influence of money in politics most especially vote-buying, strengthening the weak state and the role of the judiciary in credible elections amongst others. The paper however infers that even if all restructuring dimensions are undertaken, the state must be strengthened from its present extremely weak status cum adoption of IT while Nigerians need to be given re-orientation so that they can imbibe a congruent political culture vis-à-vis democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy in Nigeria has been marred with a lot of tribulations threatening continuity of this form of government despite what the nation underwent before changing from military regime to civil rule. These threats include rigging, victimization of voters, imposition of candidates, godfatherism, ethnic and religious hegemony with incidental crisis; lack of respect to due process, corruption, poverty and economic recession bred inter alia by bad governance. If the problems are not nip in the bud, it can lead to secession by an integral part of the economy; serious crisis or another civil war. These lingering problems threatening the sustainability of democratic form of government in Nigeria have triggered serious concern. Despite problems experienced in democracy in this nation and some developing countries, it is still patronised by many countries because of benefits derived from it which has made it to be embraced by them. This form of government which has fortified many developed nations has also triumphed and stable in those nations that had developed good legal frameworks and system of conducting hitch free elections. The contrary is the case of Nigeria where it is wrongly practiced. It has been discovered that the crux of the matter is that constitutional provisions and other legal frameworks are often breached and wrongly executed in Nigeria and many developing countries. These have inter alia been adduced in the past as justification for aborting democracy through military incursion. This paper has considered relevant local statutes, the international standard and the legal framework of countries that have been practicing democracy successfully for a very long time. This has assisted tremendously to reinforce the legal framework with strong antidote against the venom threatening the peace, sustainability of democracy and progress of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examined the trine cord nature of social protest, constructive criticism and unionism to governance in Nigeria as stated in Article 11 of the African Charter on Human and People's right and other international laws. As a qualitative research it relied heavily on secondary source of information such as newspapers, journals and published works which are content analyze to befit the work. The paper adopted the system theory as a frame work of analysis because of its emphasis on input, output, feedback mechanism and stability of the status quo. After verification it is safe to mention that the formative life cycle of Nigeria as a country began from social protest, criticism and domestic allied group. This underscores the pivotal place of these trine cords in the independence of Nigeria as well as its political attainment. However, it is of no news that several military and democratic regimes in Nigeria have not come to terms with any act of obvious opposition due to their ever-corrosive reactions. Thus, the work made series of recommendations such as follows: Government should consciously accept the place of pluralism in a democratic system of government, the business of government should be run with openness instead of opacity. More so, government as an institution should appreciate the place of dynamism as nothing is constant and so they should be open to criticism and accept the need for a change when necessary. Wilder consultation through bottom up approach should be a consistent order so as to continuously reflect the wishes of the people. In order words the public choice approach to policy formulation should never be negated. This will reduce the level of social glamour in a political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legislature is one of the key institutions in the democratic process, to the extent that any attack on its composition or functioning is seen as a blow against democracy. This is premised on the fact that it symbolizes democracy and avails the people the opportunity to participate in governance. However, there have been allegations of misuse of powers and gross misconduct by members of the Nigerian National Assembly which have led to the calls for its scraping or total reformation. It is against this backdrop that this paper examines the utility of the National Assembly in the democratic process in Nigeria. The paper uses two parameters: indispensable functions of the legislature and the institution's impact in entrenching good governance in the country. Using the descriptive method, the paper examines the role of the National Assembly in Nigeria's democratic process to determine its indispensability or otherwise. The paper found that though there are numerous issues that need to be resolved, the National Assembly is too weighty to be discarded. As a result of this, it encourages the Nigerian legislators should avoid unnecessary confrontation with the executive arm and improve on legislative-constituency relations to make the institution more effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy has promoted political and socio-economic development far more effectively than any other political system across many countries and centuries of history. In Nigeria, it has been characterized with political corruption, ethnic politics, politicking of core government policies and programmes and politics of godfatherism. Since the return of democratic rule in 1999 to date, the country witnessed a heightened tempo in the politics of godfatherism, which has not only retards the process of democratic consolidation but also undermines effective state governance and restricts rather than broadens democratic representation. Godfatherism is one of the greatest glitches facing the Nigerian political system. This paper therefore, attempts a reflection on the nature, causes and effect of godfatherism on Nigeria’s nascent democracy. We anchored our investigation on some basic propositions arising from the elite theory and argue that politics of godfatherism negates peaceful coexistence, law and order and poses a threat to the Nigeria’s nascent democracy. This paper which is theoretical in nature draws its argument basically from secondary data which include journal articles, textbooks and internet sources. Requisite conclusion and recommendations were provided in the light of the theoretical findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The thrust of this paper is to account for the gap between mere aspirations and actual practices vis-à-vis the management of Federalism in Nigeria. The paper begins with the plural character of Nigeria in all its ramifications which makes federalism compelling. The second part which is the theoretical anchor is an in-depth discussion of the general optimism in the literature as regards the capability of federalism to integrate plural and divided societies. The segment on the travails of federalism accounts for the problems in the convoluting polity. The paper however infers that Nigeria needs a 'true' federal arrangement based on a different philosophy rather than "the present warped union where there is too much power and resources concentrated in the centre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria joined the trend present in other democratic nations by enacting the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) in 2011. Now just five years old, the law intends to promote openness and transparency by making public records and information freely available to the people as part of a good governance regime. As the law provides for judicial review, torrents of applications are now before the courts. The paper analyses the FOIA against the backdrop of these decisions. In addition, this article argues that some sections of the law are clumsy and may prevent its effective use. The paper proposes law reforms to clear the ambiguity in the court cases and an amendment of the unwieldy sections. It recommends change in the internal culture of government to openness, acceptance by public institutions and willingness on the part of the judges to implement it as critical factors for FIOA success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a conceptual argument on good governance from the World Bank's and other relevant experts' perspectives. For good governance to be achieved in an effective manner, it is essential for all parties to play a relevant role, including individuals, the general public, the government, and the news media. Also, several factors contribute to good governance, these include accountability, equity, and justice, protection of life and properties, upholding the rule of law, amongst others. The mass media is regarded to be the greatest backbone of democracy and the most effective tool for investigating, informing, and educating the public on issues that are important to the everyday lives of the citizenry, to enhance participation, and ultimately for Nigeria to achieve adequate good governance. Thus, this paper recommends that to effectively achieve good governance, there is a need for absolute resolve and the willingness to change our mindset, way of life as well as partisan-media dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of ethnic and religious inequality has continued to be experienced in most societies of the world. In Nigeria, the problem seemed to have increased over the past years, thereby creating a complex matrix that produced negative effects. This has brought a lot of untold hardships and other social consequences upon the state. The present conflicts and violence that have destroyed a lot of lives and property in Nigeria is a product of social inequality. This has retarded growth and development of the state. To understand and provide possible solutions to this phenomenon, theoretical and empirical approaches were used to gather data needed for this work. Findings of the study revealed that groups are more loyal and sympathetic to their identity and interest rather than any state goal. This may be as a result of government and groups not playing their roles well. They sometimes use machinery of state to enhance themselves and their group interests. The paper concludes that politicians favor some ethnic and religious groups in their policy decisions, power sharing, distribution of resources and equity. This has brought inequality and dissatisfaction among groups and citizens. These and other external forces bring inequality which often results in crisis. Part of the solution is to evolve consensus building mechanism that will put in place a state ideology. There should be a framework upon which group interests and actions will be harmonized to meet collective good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria is a decentralised federation with a three-tier system of federal, state and local governments. Arising from this decentralisation, local governments are empowered to exercise certain powers and responsibilities in areas relating to grassroots development, local democracy and service delivery. Hence, local government plays a pivotal role in local governance. This paper synthesises studies on local government in Nigeria within the broader context of decentralisation and local governance. It takes a careful look at the emergence of local government in Nigeria as well as the debate on local government autonomy. The paper reveals that Nigeria's decentralisation policy has largely failed to deliver autonomy to local governments, whose funds, functions and activities are controlled by state governments. Key challenges to the effective performance of local government include inadequate funding, constitutional ambivalence, abuse of state control, political instability and corruption. The paper ends with recommendations for improving the functioning of local government to enhance local governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media has, over the years, been significantly active in the country's political and democratisation processes, especially in the 2019 general election. Apparently, mass media is the pillar upon which democracy stands, thrives and survives. Therefore, the significance of the media in a democratic setting cannot be underscored. Against the backdrop of the foregoing, this paper examines good governance, accountability and the role of media in the 2019 general election, in Nigeria. This paper also pins down that media's potential to contribute to good governance and accountability depends on the extent it reflects and enforces the principles of good governance and accountability as an institution. The paper assesses the role of the media in achieving transparency and accountable government in the 2019 general election with regard to the coverage, while highlighting some relevant issues that serve as the bottleneck in the paper. It also interrogates the nexus between the media, democracy and governance, concluding that the media contributes significantly to socio-political development in society and it is barely possible for any society to achieve its yearning and aspirations without the media. The paper establishes that transparency and accountability in governance can only be achieved through the influential power of the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to unearth the impact of metaphors 'salt' and 'light' in Matthew 5:13-14 as a paradigm for stable democracy in Nigeria. Historical, sociological and exegetical methods were adopted. Historical method was used to reconstruct the past both in biblical times and in this 21st century Nigeria. Sociological method located the concept of salt and light metaphors in the society, while exegetical method examined both the content and the context to enhance better interpretation of the text. Data were gathered through secondary source. Finding was that Nigerian democracy is experiencing many challenges which have been making the country ungovernable since leaders fail to positively influence their followers as both salt and light. The paper recommends that the same metaphors should have expressions in the Nigerian leaders so as to enhance stable democracy and governance in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy is beneficial to people provided the democratic rule is adopted while democracy cannot be achieved unless there are periodic elections. Elections, though, considered as pre-requite for good governance, however, mere elections without ensuring credibility is also tantamount to despotism. An election cannot be judged as credible, free and fair unless the following agents of democracy - security, media and civil society organizations - perform their constitutional roles. This paper focuses on the evaluation and dynamics of role of security, media and civil society organization in Nigerian democracy. It explores the pertinent roles of the security, media and civil society organizations to the conduct of credible elections which in turn may beget true democracy. The existing literatures have drawn the linkage between security democracy and elections. However, this paper does not only argues that security men, press men and civil society organizations have not done well in the conduct of elections in Nigeria but also highlights some other core issues that have dominated the discourse and explores the challenges on democratization process in Nigeria. Finally, a recommendation is made that all stakeholders should be honest and moral in discharging their duties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an appraisal of the challenges of Governance and Sustainable Development in Nigeria. Since the early 1990s, the issue of Good Governance has become an important concept in the International Development debates and Policy discourse. Over the last decade however, the gradual accumulation of indicators and research based on them has provided broad support for the arguments that good governance is necessary to achieve sustainable growth and development, particularly in Developing Countries. Nigeria nation, more than anything else, the greatest obstacle to the nascent democracy and survival of the institution of good governance is the pervasive insecurity of lives and property, as evidenced by the spate of armed robbery attacks, political assassinations, power distribution coupled with the seeming helplessness of security agencies to handle criminal acts. The situation is worsened by the increasing number of unemployed Nigerians and plight of Nigerian youths, some of whom are ready recruits for criminal activities. The above statement from an editorial comment by a national daily in Nigeria indeed, epitomises the central focus of this paper; the aim of which is to appraise the nexus between current administration in Nigeria and nascent democratic nurturing, sustenance and eventually consolidation vis-avis the battles with one of the major ills of Nigeria nation. Fifty-six year after Independence, and 103 year of its existence, Nigeria still battles with one of the major fall-outs of practical good governance, sustainable development, nascent democratic dispensation, administrative inefficiency, corruption in all facet of economy, and the politics of trying to appease all sectors of the polity. This paper highlights and assesses the nature, quality and plight of Nigerians to practical good governance and sustainable development in Nigeria that have dominated the Nigerian Federal polity which have created untold unpleasant experiences and pains at one point or the other since independence. This paper however, painstakingly appraises several of these issues and concludes that all stakeholders in the federal polity should thread softly, be objective, rational, altruistic and magnanimous in order not to make the existence of true federalism (social, political and economic cohesive existence of the people, peace and tranquility) a fleeting illusion and a mirage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Nigerian elections are sufficiently observed by domestic and international observer groups, the frequent pronouncements of religious leaders claiming to have supernatural insights into election outcomes have never captured the attention of these observers. This is despite the fact that election prophecy may have adverse effects on the electoral process and the survival of Nigeria's nascent democracy. This paper critiques the failure of election observers to capture this unfolding trend in their reports bearing in mind that pre-emptive electoral prophecies violate Section 95 (3) (b) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended). The tendency to question the integrity and neutrality of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and the judiciary (in cases of post-election litigations), has worsened because of unguarded electoral prophetism. It is therefore recommended that election prophecy should be captured in official election reports so as to – at least – show its enormity. This may trigger a concerted effort among election stakeholders to control it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beauty of an ideal constitutional democracy lies in the degree of freedom exercised by the citizens and adherence to the rule of law. Nigeria's democracy can best be described as a pseudo-democracy that defies every known ideal democratic values and ethos. The attitude of the political class robs off on every aspect of the national life. The current culture manifests in the leadership recruitment process. In the light of the foregoing, political commentators and 'real democrats' are calling for reforms that create the right values and make the right democratic culture sustainable. Thus, the thrust of an ideal democratic values and principles based leadership will require a third force that will serve as a watchdog, a reformer and agent of political transformation. The contention in this paper therefore is the idea that changing the Nigeria's political culture will require a transformational group that can reinvent Nigeria's political values from its seemingly bastardized state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general account of Nigeria's post-independence electoral processes has always been characterized by violence. Nigeria's 2015 general elections marked the fifth multi-party elections in the country and the second handover of civilian administrations since the inception of the Fourth Republic democratic experiment in 1999. This account cannot be analyzed without issues of electoral violence. Electoral violence had been a permanent feature of Nigeria's democratic process, except 2015 general elections where the international observers described as a "significant improvement" over the previous elections in terms of violence related cases. Electoral related violence in the country particularly in 2011 got to an unprecedented dimension resulting in destruction of lives and property worth millions of naira. This paper expatiates on electoral violence and its general implications on the democratization process in the country, with major emphasis on the 2011 and 2015 general elections. The paper argued that the high incidence of pre and post electoral violence in the country within the periods has to do with the way Nigerian politicians regard politics, weak political institutions and weak electoral management body as well as bias nature of the security agencies, etc. However, the paper examined the general implications of electoral violence on democratization process and how the country can handle the electoral process to avoid threats associated with the electoral violence. Archival analysis, which widely extracted data from newspapers, journals, workshop papers, books, as well as publications of non-governmental organizations was adopted for the study. The major significance of this study is to expose the negative implications associated with electoral violence and how it can be curbed. The position canvassed in this paper will serve as a useful political literature for political leaders, policy makers and the general reading public who may be seeking general information on the subject matter. The paper therefore, among others, recommended that political leaders and political participants should not see politics as investment or do or die affairs as well as the formulation of laws with severe sanctions against supporters or perpetrators of electoral violence in the country. The paper therefore submits that democratization in the country can only be realistic when the ideals and principles of democracy as practiced in advanced democratic societies are upheld and respected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humans as the most sensible and socially organised creatures have over the years invested much time and efforts in structuring and restructuring their civilizations. These attempts have seen progressive U-turns in the making of several standardized societies. These social concerns echoing in politics are interestingly the democratic cry of this paper with a fore allusion to the sovereign space known today as Nigeria. Julie Okoh's A Haunting Past presents itself as a viable material for the microscopic stance of these broad concerns. Relatively, Vilfredo Pareto's Elite theory expounds this paper towards a hypnotized destination. The researcher's application of the theory comes with its apt - mindedness in view of the topic under consideration. The study discovers that the concept of "godfatherism" is undemocratic and dictatorial; hence, it has a negative bearing on the political, social and economic life of any nation. Godfatherism and other foul plays in politics affect the people deleteriously. The study recommends that democratic endeavours in Nigeria should no longer be boycotted; instead, it should be left to take its core place in the Nigerian political space, without any interference whatsoever. This will bring about contentment amongst the majority and in turn, control the excesses of politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a commentary interrogating the phenomenon of democratic deficits in Nigeria's Fourth Republic based on an exploratory analysis of secondary sources. The essence of government is the fulfillment of public good. Democratic government is acclaimed to be most suited to determine and implement such a mandate. Incidentally, this has not been a general experience across the world's democracies. Successive democratic administrations in Nigeria's Fourth Republic have left a lot to be desired in relation to fulfilling their democratic mandate through proper representation and good governance. Series of elections have produced different crops of supposed people's representatives. Yet the existential conditions of the people have not been touched in a manner that justifies that these representatives rule at the instance of the people, let alone represent their interests and aspirations. The gaping deficits of democracy in that regard has warranted the submission of this paper to the effect that electoral democracy in Nigeria's Fourth Republic has not brought about the needed democratic dividends in terms of efficient governance and effective representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed an uninterrupted democratic experiment with many challenges. With the installation of multi-party democracy in Nigeria, the era of military authoritarian regimes were over as Nigerians were looking forward to a free society characterized by social justice, economic growth and free, fair and credible electoral process. But today, democracy sits on the horn of a dilemma in Nigeria due to massive political corruption by the leaders. Free and fair election which is one of the features of true democracy has eluded Nigeria since the advent of the country’s nascent democratic dispensation. The behavior of the political leaders has cast doubt on any consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. This paper gives a comprehensive definition of political corruption and democratic consolidation, and highlights the nature of political corruption in Nigeria. The paper also examines the impact of corruption on the consolidation of democracy under the prevailing socio-economic challenges in Nigeria. Finally, the paper concludes with the advice that for there to be democratic consolidation, there must be massive investment in the provision of the basic needs of the Nigerian people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both democracy and autocracy are forms of governance systems that have been operated by humankind in the course of organizing society. They differ from one another and can hardly be combined for governance purposes without wreaking havoc in the society that does so. In some societies, there has been evidence that a historical transition from autocracy to democracy took place; the latter has since been consolidated. This is notably true in capitalist social formations. But, in some other societies, such linear transition has not been perfected and consolidated; such societies have often been stuck with autocracy, even when they propagandize democratic rule. Two points have to be raised about these forms of governance based on what has been said so far. In the first instance, because of the inherent differences in the natures of the two governance systems, humankind has arrived at a conclusion that democracy is better than autocracy and that it is historically a progressive development. Secondly and consequentially, a society that has been able to transition from autocracy to democracy should not allow itself to regress. This has not been the case in the Nigerian governance system. At Nigeria's independence in 1960, democracy was explicitly accepted to be an antithesis of colonial autocracy. However, both autocracy and elements of democracy were used and have since been combined for governance. Just halfway into the first decade of independence, the military took over, and alternations between civilian rule and autocracy took place. The paper attempts to clarify both concepts of democracy and autocracy, provide a detailed analysis of governance in Nigeria, and show how the country's debilitating economic structures and other factors have reinforced autocratic nature of governance, whether military or civilian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]