217 results
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2. 'Please Don't Destroy Until It's Completely Destroyed': Arts of Education towards Democracy
- Author
-
Yun, SunInn
- Abstract
The Black Lives Matter campaign has led many people around the world to reassess monuments that are installed in public spaces to commemorate historical figures. These reassessments raise questions about what it means to attack the statues of the past, what the rights and wrongs of such actions are, what this teaches us and how all this is passed on to the next generation. In line with this, I focus on a statue of the former dictator of Korea, Chun Doo-hwan, installed in 2019. The purpose of the statue was, however, somewhat different from that of many other statues currently at issue. It was erected for the purpose of humiliation rather than respect. By examining the case of the statue of Chun Doo-hwan in Korea, this paper discusses the nature of democracy in relation to these attacks on statues. In particular, it attempts to interpret the installation of the statue as a form of art for an emancipated community, where democracy is understood as involving a haunting of the collective memory. It concludes that democracy is something never to be grasped fully, something that slips away from its intentions and that is always to be tested and reconsidered. Finally, the paper addresses the educational significance of the statue in question in terms of how history is to be taught and how, in our interactions with the statues around us, the past is to be remembered.
- Published
- 2021
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
3. Democracy, Faction and Diversity: An Analysis of the Existential Ground of Democratic Republic Reflected in The Federalist Papers.
- Author
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SangWon Lee
- Subjects
HUMAN mechanics ,DEMOCRACY ,PROPERTY rights ,SEPARATION of powers ,SOCIAL justice - Abstract
The current situation of South Korean democracy displays severe partisan conflicts between two major factions around political reformation of the judiciary department and the ensuing social issues of justice and fairness. In this light, this article examines the problematic relationship of democracy, faction and diversity revealed in The Federalist Papers. I argue that Publius' thinking in The Federalist Papers discloses the existential ground of democratic republic which embraces both the constant emergence of factious struggle and the political necessity of social diversification. Some scholarly views of The Federalist Papers merely focus on the economic aspects of Publius' attempt to regulate the factional strife concerning property rights; other studies maintain that Publus' constitutional scheme simply provides a formalistic basis for the institutional compromise of the clashing interests. But a close reading of The Federalist Papers reveals the Publius' concern of faction is to deal with a deeper ground of political existence that cannot escape the differing movements of human passions, interests and opinions in everyday life. Furthermore, Publius' constitutional design of the extended republic and the separation of powers ultimately discloses the political necessity of social diversification to sustain the self-ruling power of popular government facing the clashing movements of human differentiation. Thereby, this article suggests that the Publius' political insights of the nature of popular regime help us to carefully approach the recurrent problem of democratic factions in the Republic of Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2020
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
4. A Critical Look into the Discourse of Educational Neutrality: The Crisis of Democratic Education in South Korea
- Author
-
Kim, Wonseok
- Abstract
This paper presents an analysis of the ways in which the concept of educational neutrality is used in South Korea. It focuses in particular on the discursive use of educational neutrality. Drawing on selected editorials published by the Donga-Ilbo, I explore complex interlinkages between linguistic and socio-political elements that constitute the discourse of educational neutrality. The findings are that the Korean use of educational neutrality is related not only to the war-political context in which critical engagement in social and political issues is treated as a subversive political act but also to the neoliberal restructuring of education. The paper concludes by outlining some implications for democratic education.
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
5. 'Responding to Accelerating Multicultural Challenges: Comparative Cultural Democracy in Korea and Thailand'
- Author
-
Fry, Gerald W., Chun, Haelim, and Apahung, Rosarin
- Abstract
The major purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which multiethnic Korea and Thailand are cultural democracies. The primary conceptual framework guiding this study is the powerful but largely ignored concept of cultural democracy. Bereday's classic model of comparative research is another major theoretical and methodological framework utilized. The major methodologies used are comparative qualitative case studies, meta-synthesis, and participant-observation. Comparative national case studies are rare. A number of striking similarities between the two countries are identified. The very low fertility rates of both nations drive a critical need for guest workers and international students. Both countries in general have pursued assimilationist policies not conducive to cultural democracy. The final part of the paper offers suggestions for strengthening cultural democracy in both nations. Their long-term potential can be enhanced if both these societies recognize the 'diversity advantage' and move actively to realize the ideal of cultural democracy.
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
6. Flipped Classroom as an Alternative Future Class Model?: Implications of South Korea's Social Experiment
- Author
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Lee, Min-Kyung
- Abstract
This study explores the implications of the flipped classroom experiment in South Korea as a counter-proposal for the school innovation project based on the Korean educational context. Using Dongpyung middle school in South Korea for this case study, this paper focuses on how and why the flipped classroom impacts Korea's education culture. The results of the experiment provide significant insights, such as promoting more active classroom learning and the improvement of student academic achievement. In particular, the narratives of the students and teachers in the flipped classroom experiment show the following positive impacts on learning and teaching: (1) Transformation into a more equal and democratic classroom, (2) restoration of enjoyment in learning and teaching, (3) improvement of self-confidence, and (4) inspiration for the learning and teaching community. Based on these results, this paper discusses possible implications of the flipped classroom as an alternative future class model in Korean society.
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
7. Democratic Citizenship Education in the Information Age: A Comparative Study of South Korea and Australia
- Author
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Roh, Young-Ran
- Abstract
Democratic citizenship education in the information age must concern itself with the goal of nurturing future generations with the capacity to make appropriate use of the changes driven by the advances of ICTs so as to activate political and social democracy. Using Australia and South Korea as case studies, this paper discusses the role that citizenship education can and/or should play in producing democratic citizens in the information age. This paper analyses and compares the recent curricula and educational policy developments in citizenship education in Australian and South Korea. More specifically, the paper attempts to identify what implications the advances of ICTs have and what future tasks they impose for the field of democratic citizenship education. (Contains 6 endnotes.)
- Published
- 2004
8. Educational Decentralization and Its Implications for Governance: Explaining the Differences in the Four Asian Newly Industrialized Economies
- Author
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Lo, William Yat Wai
- Abstract
This paper views seeking the optimal balance between state strengths and the scope of state functions for "good governance" as the formation of a homogenization-heterogenization matrix of policy initiatives in different social settings. Homogenization refers to a global tendency for institutional changes and governance framework to change state capacity, while heterogenization refers to the local adaptation of these global transformations. The paper attempts to take educational decentralization as an example of policy initiatives to assess and analyse the significance of the two opposite poses in four East Asian newly industrialized economies (NIEs) (Hong Kong, Singapore, Korea, and Taiwan). The paper's position is that it may be useful to see these four NIEs as making up two clusters. It sees political democratic transitions in Korea and Taiwan as important local factors affecting the developments of educational decentralization in the two societies, while reforms in Hong Kong and Singapore seem to be more consequences of managerial and market values. However, the NIEs face the question of how to maintain sufficient "stateness" in the decentralization process. To conclude, the paper considers that achieving the balance of "stateness" is the key to success in state-building.
- Published
- 2010
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
9. Cultural Democracy in an Era of Internationalism and Subnationalism: A New Model for Effective Cultural Integration in Korea
- Author
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Fry, Gerald W.
- Abstract
The context for this paper is the rapid globalization and international migration occurring across the globe. An insightful metaphor for this era is "the death of distance." The influx of new migrants into countries such as Korea, Japan, Thailand, and the United States presents many challenges for those societies. In Minnesota, people of Karen culture from Myanmar (Burma) are arriving daily and the state currently has over 100,000 individuals of Hmong ethnicity. With its incredibly low fertility rate (lowest among OECD countries), Korea is necessarily needing to import large numbers of workers from diverse countries of the Asia-Pacific region such as Vietnam and the Philippines which presents many challenges for Korean educators and policy-makers. In the first part of the paper as background, the different genres of people moving across national borders are carefully differentiated. Among the major groups are so-called "gastarbeiter" (guest workers) and those working in another country for a defined period, actual migrants (legal and illegal), and various kinds of refugees and/or those seeking political asylum. In this paper, the focus is on permanent migrants. In the early 1970s, Ramírez and Castañeda developed the important construct of "cultural democracy" which unfortunately was largely ignored. The US government's focus, for example, has been on fostering political, not cultural democracy with many adverse effects. The concept of "cultural democracy" is far more relevant today than when it was developed. Cultural democracy is a key theoretical construct used in this paper. Other key theoretical constructs used are social contact theory developed by Allport and subsequently researched extensively by Thomas Pettigrew; the Protean individual developed by the political scientist, psychologist Lifton; and the important construct of intercultural competency. Drawing upon these four important theoretical frameworks, a model for effectively integrating new migrants in Korea is proposed for consideration and review.
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
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10. Education for Democracy at the University Level
- Author
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Knoester, Matthew and Gichiru, Wangari P.
- Abstract
The University of Evansville, like many universities, requires a seminar for all incoming first-year students to prepare students for college-level writing, along with the reading and discussion of challenging texts. Often, these courses share particular books to allow in-coming students to share a "common experience." This article discusses how Matthew Knoester's first-year writing-intensive seminar class explored the topic of competing definitions of "democracy," focusing on the topic "Perspectives on Democracy." Drawing from the book "On Democracy" by Robert Dahl (1998), and the constitutions of five different countries (France, Ireland, Kenya, South Korea, and the United States), along with guest lectures from scholars from each of the countries outside of the United States named above, students compared how "democracy" appears to be defined from country to country. One of the guest speakers for the class, the second author of this essay, detailed how she was involved with the movement for democracy in Kenya, and offered a valuable perspective from a politically active citizen within a movement that helped to create the first democratic constitution in her nation's history. The lecture that Wangari Gichiru gave to the class via Skype is included in this paper.
- Published
- 2014
11. The Appropriation of 'Enlightenment' in Modern Korea and Japan: Competing Ideas of the Enlightenment and the Loss of the Individual Subject
- Author
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Yeaann, Lee
- Abstract
In recent decades in Korea, many significant changes in political, social and cultural dimensions have been held by the citizen's initiative, where the revitalization of citizenship and strong civic unity have played a role. Yet, in regard to the characteristic of Korean citizenship, it seems that the aspect of individual subject has not been fully matured or issued; that is, there is a dissymmetry between the strong civic unity and a weak individual subject. This paper attempts to explore a possible historical account of why this has been the case by examining the historical development of the concept of enlightenment in modern Korea and Japan. 'Enlightenment', as a modern concept in Korea, was imported via Japan in the period from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century as in many other new concepts such as 'democracy' or 'nation'. However, by comparison to the Western idea of the Enlightenment, its modern concept, Korean or Japanese, developed a different meaning in each own context, while lacking its original meaning essential to the creation of the 'modern individual subject' as a 'citizen'. Hence, in modern Korea and Japan, the word 'enlightenment' is regarded as a historical concept with no contemporary relevance.
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
12. Democratization during the Transformative Times and the Role of Popular Education in the Philippines and Korea
- Author
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Yoo, Sung-Sang
- Abstract
Comparing popular education in the Philippines and South Korea, it is clear that a number of similarities and differences exist regarding the characteristics, methods, and main fields in which popular education has operated. "Church-related practices," "uniting with CO movements," "an elite-led tendency," and "a disregard for the Left" have all occurred in similar ways in both countries. While introducing the socio-political situation during 1970s and 1980s of these two countries, this paper discusses the theories and practices of popular education. Our findings indicate how popular education in both countries has played a significant role in raising the levels consciousness in the powerless and transforming societies and enabled them to establish a better community. Moreover, each country developed different concepts, initiatives and methods in relation to popular education. In addition, popular educators have been asked to play different roles in each popular education field while most methods were in fact heavily dependent upon elite-led practices. (Contains 17 notes.)
- Published
- 2008
13. The Rise and Fall of Adult Education Institutions and Social Movements: Proceedings of the International Conference on the History of Adult Education (7th, Dundee, Scotland, July 12-16, 1998). Studies in Pedagogy, Andragogy, and Gerontagogy.
- Author
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Cooke, Anthony, MacSween, Ann, Cooke, Anthony, and MacSween, Ann
- Abstract
This book, which focuses on the relationship between adult education institutions and social movements, contains 31 papers originally presented at a 1998 conference on the history of adult education. Following an Introduction (Cooke), the papers are: Mobilisation, Popular Participation and Sustainable Development: Themes in the Recent History of Adult Education in Poor Countries" (Brown); "Social Movements and Adult Education in a Cross-Cultural Perspective" (Hake); "Historical Reasons for the Rise and Fall of European Adult Education Institutions and Social Movements" (Poggeler); "Adult Education Institutions Within the Context of Political Change" (Popovik); "The Challenge of Modernisation: Education and Adult Education Policy in Hungary, 1950 to the Present" (Petho); "People's Universities, University Extension and Folk High Schools in Slovenia" (Jug); "The Development of Adult Education in Croatia, 1820 to 1990" (Lavrnja, Klapan); "A Continuity of Purpose? Education and the South Wales Miners" (Francis, Trotman); "REVAG An Association for the Social and Cultural Education of Miners" (Paape, Putz); "Adult Education Movements in Finnish Universities from 1870 to the Present" (Sivonen); "Five Decades of Adult Education at University College Cork, 1948-1998: From Roman Catholic Social Reconstruction to Community Partnerships and Empowerment" (O'Fathaigh, O'Sullivan); "Alternative Living, Alternative Learning: The Grith Fyrd Movement in England in the 1930s" (Field); "Mediating an Institutional and Professional Identity between Reich and Region: The Thuringian Association of Folk High Schools in the Weimar Republic 1919-1933" (Haase); "The Legacy of Mansbridge Down Under: the WEA (Workers Educational Association) in New South Wales 1913-1953" (Dymock); "Education for Women in Late Victorian Dundee" (Spackman, Paul); "The Relationship Between Adult Education as a Social Movement and the Women's Movement with Particular Reference to South Wales" (Elliot); "Non Aligned Popular Education versus National Socialism: the Decline of The Thuringian Folk High School 1930-1933" (Meilhammer); "The Rise and Fall of the Community School Society in Poland 1891-1939" (Aleksander); "The Protestant Academy of Thuringia Idea and Reality in a Totalitarian Context" (Nagel); "The Relationship between Adult Education Movements and Existing Social, Political and Economic Systems: The University Workers' Movement in Sri Lanka" (Wijetunga); "The Rise and Fall of the Public Understanding of Science" (Counihan); "Scotland and the 1919 Report (Cooke); Technical and Vocational a Challenge to the Hegemony of Adult Liberal Education?" (Merricks); "Ivory Tower or Wasted Asset? Why did Residential Adult Education Fail to Take Root in Scotland?" (Ducklin, Wallace); "A Policy Initiative: the Advisory Council for Adult and Continuing Education, 1977-1983" (Small); "The Australian Association of Adult and Community Education: The Evolution of an Adult Education Movement" (Stehlik); "The Development of Distance Education in Iran" (Alimohammadi); "Training Interventions for the Unemployed in Bremen, Germany, and Dundee, Scotland" (Sporing); "The Adult Education Movement for Literacy in South Korea Since 1945" (Lee); "Adult Education Development in Hong Kong Since the War" (Mok); "The Development of Adult Education and Its Training Institutions in Hungary Since 1989" (Nemeth). All of the papers contain bibliographies, some of them substantial. (AJ)
- Published
- 2000
14. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (86th, Kansas City, Missouri, July 30-August 2, 2003). International Communication Division.
- Abstract
The International Communication Division of the proceedings contains the following 18 papers: "Press Freedom in Asia: New Paradigm Needed in Building Theories" (Jiafei Yin); "Entertainment East and West: A Comparison of Prime-Time U.S. and Asian TV Content Using the Methodology of the National Television Violence Study" (Anne Cooper-Chen); "Policing Press Freedom in Post-Soviet Central Asia: The Monitoring Role of Press Rights Activists and Their Web Sites" (Eric Freedman and Richard Shafer); "Online Journalists in Germany 2002: The First Representative Survey on German Online Journalists" (Thorsten Quandt, Klaus-Dieter Altmeppen, Thomas Hanitzsch, and Martin Loeffelholz); "Nepalese Journalists: Idealists, Optimists, and Realists" (Jyotika Ramaprasad); "The Demise of Nicaragua's'Barricada' Newspaper: Slipshod Journalism or Political Sabotage?" (Kris Kodrich); "Comparative Critical Analysis of Advertorials and Articles in Nigeria's Fourth Republic Mass Media" (Emmanuel C. Alozie); "Media and the Crisis of Democracy in Venezuela" (Eliza Tanner Hawkins); "New News for a New South Africa?: The Possibilities of Public Journalism and Development Journalism as Interventionist News Models" (Margaretha Geertsema); "Women in Advertisements Across Cultures" (Pamela K. Morris); "German and American Students' Perceptions of Social Values as Depicted in Magazine Advertisements: A Copy Testing Approach" (Frauke Hachtmann); "Thank You Newton, Welcome Prigogine: 'Unthinking' Old Paradigms and Embracing New Directions" (Shelton A. Gunaratne); "Acculturation and Media Usage Among the Chinese Students in the US" (Cui Yang, Huaiting Wu, and Ma Zhu); "Images of Islam: Exemplification as Elegance in the Post-9/11 Works of Thomas Friedman" (Lise Rodgers); "Audience Involvement and Its Antecedents: An Analysis of the Electronic Bulletin Board Messages about an Entertainment-Education Drama on Divorce in Korea" (Hyuhn-Suhck Bae and Byoungkwan Lee); "Punch and Counterpunch: Jurisdiction Over International Libel Suits in the Internet Age" (Robert L. Spellman); "Cultural Profiles of Global and Local Advertising on Primetime Chinese Television: A Comparative Content Analysis" (Yuan Zhang); and "Globalization through Global Brands: Purely an American-Made Phenomenon?" (Daniel Marshall Haygood). (RS)
- Published
- 2003
15. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (84th, Washington, DC, August 5-8, 2001). Mass Communication and Society Division.
- Author
-
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication.
- Abstract
The Mass Communication and Society section of the proceedings contains the following selected 14 papers: "When No News Is Not Good News, Ignorance Is Not Bliss, and Your Mama May Not Have Told You: Female Adolescent Information Holding and Seeking about Sexually Transmitted Diseases" (Donna Rouner and Rebecca E. Lindsey); "Newspapers & the Internet: A Comparative Assessment of News Credibility" (Gregg A. Payne, David Dozier, and Afsheen Nomai); "Can Using Qualifiers Initiate Active Processing of Exemplars?" (Stephen D. Perry, John Beesley, Dave Jorgensen, Dave Novak, and Kari Catuara); "Media Ownership and 'Bias': A Case Study of News Magazine Coverage of the 2000 Presidential Election Campaign" (Craig Flournoy, Danielle Sarver, and Nicole Smith); "Do Newspapers Keep Autonomy in Times of National Crisis? A Case Study of the IMF Crisis in Korea, 1997-1999" (Irkwon Jeong); "Agenda Setting & Attitudes: An Exploration of Political Figures during the 1996 Presidential Election" (Spiro Kiousis); "The Effects of Warning Labels on Cellular Phones in Korea" (Sung Wook Shim and Jongmin Park); "Word People vs. Picture People: Normative Differences and Strategies for Control Over Work Among Newsroom Subgroups" (Wilson Lowrey); "Better Informed, No Say: Internet News Use and Political Efficacy" (Young Mie Kim); "Media Participation: A Legitimizing Mechanism of Mass Democracy" (Erik P. Bucy and Kimberly S. Gregson); "From Wall Street to Main Street: An Analysis of Stock Market Recommendations on TV Business News Programs" (Bruce L. Plopper and Anne F. Conaway); "Media and Democracy: News Media's Political Alienation Effect in Both Election and Non-Election Settings" (Tien-tsung Lee); "Misrepresentation of the Race of Juvenile Criminals on Local Television News" (Travis L. Dixon and Cristina Azocar); and "Redefining Homelessness: How Tucson Recyclers Resist the Media's Stereotyping" (Deborah Kaplan). (RS)
- Published
- 2001
16. The US role in Korean democracy and security since cold war era1 The first draft of this paper was presented at International Conference on ‘United States Foreign Policy and Asia, 1937–2006’, sponsored by Japan Association of International Relations, 15–17 February 2005, University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan. The research for this paper was supported by Korea University’s Special Research Fund 2005.
- Author
-
Hyug Baeg Im
- Subjects
DEMOCRACY ,SOUTH Korean foreign relations ,SOUTH Korean politics & government, 1988-2002 ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,REPRESENTATIVE government ,POLITICAL doctrines ,FOREIGN opinion of the United States - Abstract
This paper traces the role that US played in the development of Korean democracy and maintaining peace and security in the Korean peninsula. First, it looks back into the US role in the Korean political transformation from 1950s through 1980s. It examines why the US introduced American style democracy in the divided country and what was the role of the US in the critical junctures of regime changes and transformations. The United States had two contradictory objectives in South Korea: to build up South Korea as ‘a showcase for democracy’ and as an anti-communist buffer state. The two objectives set ‘the American boundary’ to South Korean democracy. The first objective acted upon as an enabling condition for incipient democracy, while the second acted upon as a confining condition to development of democracy in South Korea. Second, it investigates the role that the US played in the outbreak of financial crisis in 1987 and in the ensuing comprehensive neoliberal restructuring of the economy by the Kim Dae Jung government after the crisis. Third, it analyzes three events that put US–Korean relations under stress since the inauguration of Bush administration: Anti-Americanism, perception gap on North Korea, and the new military transformation initiative of US. Finally, it draws policy rationales for stronger Korea–US alliance in the future from the Korean perspective: Korea–US alliance as leverages against China and Japan, means of pursuing an effective engagement policy toward North Korea, a cornerstone to lift South Korea to a hub state in Northeast Asia, and geopolitical balancer and stabilizer in Northeast Asia after the unification of Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
17. The Problem of Authority: What Can Korean Education Learn from Dewey?
- Author
-
Kim, Sang Hyun
- Abstract
While the ideas of Western democracy and individualism are increasingly popular and influential in Korean society, the traditional Korean understanding of authority has been challenged, especially in Korean schools. In this essay, the author first tries to analyze some important educational problems in contemporary Korea as it relates to the problem of authority. The paper, then, examines Dewey's ideas on authority and their connection to education and discusses what significance Dewey's view of authority might have on Korean education today. The author argues that Dewey's thoughts on education are especially applicable to contemporary Korea, a land in which there has been an upsurge in democratic aspirations in both society and education during recent decades.
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
18. Democracy, Human Rights and the Role of Teachers
- Author
-
Kang, Soon-Won
- Abstract
This paper focuses on the historical review of neo-liberalism in Korean education with relevance to human rights education and teachers movement. In transition to post-colonial society, Korea confronts polarization of education. From the first stage just after the independence from Japanese Colonization in 1945 to the fifth present stage, Korean education has expanded so quickly and the gap between the haves and the have-nots has widened. Thus stakeholders of educational reform have been divided according to the political stance of neo-liberalism. One of the strongest stakeholders, Korean Teachers Union (KTU) has to redefine its historical role as transforming agent for the educational reform, because KTU had impacted on the educational solidarity for the peace, human rights and democracy education in terms of Chamkyoyook since its inauguration in the 1990s. (Contains 1 note and 2 tables.)
- Published
- 2007
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
19. "Responding to accelerating multicultural challenges: comparative cultural democracy in Korea and Thailand".
- Author
-
Fry, Gerald W., Chun, Haelim, and Apahung, Rosarin
- Subjects
MULTICULTURALISM ,CASE studies ,DEMOCRACY ,FOREIGN students - Abstract
The major purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which multiethnic Korea and Thailand are cultural democracies. The primary conceptual framework guiding this study is the powerful but largely ignored concept of cultural democracy. Bereday's classic model of comparative research is another major theoretical and methodological framework utilized. The major methodologies used are comparative qualitative case studies, meta-synthesis, and participant-observation. Comparative national case studies are rare. A number of striking similarities between the two countries are identified. The very low fertility rates of both nations drive a critical need for guest workers and international students. Both countries in general have pursued assimilationist policies not conducive to cultural democracy. The final part of the paper offers suggestions for strengthening cultural democracy in both nations. Their long-term potential can be enhanced if both these societies recognize the 'diversity advantage' and move actively to realize the ideal of cultural democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
20. From Collective Action to Impeachment: Political Opportunities of the Candlelight Protests in South Korea.
- Author
-
Kwak, Seohee
- Subjects
POLITICAL participation ,POLITICAL persecution ,POLITICAL opportunity theory ,POLITICAL elites ,IMPEACHMENT of presidents ,COLLECTIVE action - Abstract
Candlelight protests were held in 2016 and 2017 in South Korea. Hundreds of thousands of people gathered downtown with candles in their hands, and it is widely recognized as an unprecedented collective action in the history of Korean politics. This study analyzes how the candlelight protests developed and achieved the impeachment of the president. Drawing on political opportunity theory, this paper examines how the political opportunity was formulated in the process and outcome of these candlelight protests. This paper identifies three properties that served as enabling conditions embedded in this case: (1) political freedoms guaranteed in the existing formal institutions; (2) political elites in alignment with the protesters and the rule of law; and (3) low risk of state repression of law-abiding collective action. Overall, the political opportunities were sufficiently established in Korean society for citizens to take collective action and their protests led to the desired outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2021
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
21. Godzilla vs Pulgasari: Anti-Japanism and Anti-Communism as Dueling Antagonisms in South Korean Politics.
- Author
-
Shaw, Meredith
- Subjects
ANTI-Japanism ,ANTI-communist propaganda ,ANTAGONISM (Ecology) ,DEMOCRACY - Abstract
South Korea's persistent enmity towards its erstwhile colonizer Japan has been a compelling topic of East Asian international relations scholarship for decades. This article argues that the historical evolution of South Korea's democracy offers a vital and overlooked piece of this puzzle. Given that it emerged from one of the most virulently anti-communist dictatorships of the Cold War period, in a society facing an ongoing threat from communist North Korea, any left-of-center opposition movement faced an uphill battle against severe anti-communism. In such circumstances, the only way for a leftist opposition party to survive was by pitting its stronger anti-Japan reputation against conservatives' anti-communism. After South Korea's democracy stabilized, liberals tried and failed to overturn the anti-leftist institutions left over from the Cold War and then sought equilibrium through parallel rhetoric targeting pro-Japanese elements. Today, neither left nor right can afford to allow a final amicable settlement with its respective target of antagonism. Through analyses of domestic political rhetoric targeting alleged pro-Japanese or pro-communist elements, this paper demonstrates how these competing antagonisms achieved an uneasy equilibrium that undergirds South Korean political dynamics to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2022
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
22. Social Cleavage Structure and Democracy in South Korea.
- Author
-
In-Sub Ma
- Subjects
- *
DEMOCRACY , *ELECTIONS , *DEMOCRATIZATION , *SOCIAL structure ,SOUTH Korean politics & government - Abstract
The resurgence of democracies in non-Western world has been the global phenomenon since the mid 1970s. By now democracy has been consolidated in some countries, but some other new democracies remain precarious and unconsolidated. Transitions to democracy began with the institutional rearrangement of what Dahl called ¡*contestation¡± and ¡*participation¡±. Free, fair, and regular elections were introduced to realize these procedural conditions of democracy. Elections, however, did not bring democracy by default. South Korean experiment of democracy has been successful in terms of the introduction and the establishment of the formal and procedural features of democracy. But further democratization is stagnant and limited by the biased pluralism in the civil society. Regionalism and weak working class have been the two major sources of limited pluralism, which in turn makes the majority rule undemocratic in South Korea. This paper will discuss the possibility of the development of pluralism by tracing the recent changes in the social cleavage structure, regionalism, class cleavage, post-material and generation, and ideology. To do this the paper employs some basic statistical analyses of crosstabulation and simple regression. The survey data was prepare by the Korean Association of Party Studies and JoongAng Ilbo in South Korea in January, 2002. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
23. Korea at the Crossroads: The Democratic Challenge.
- Author
-
Lewinski, Marcel
- Abstract
Discusses the reasons for the rapid growth of the Korean economy and the social and political implications of this growth. Assesses recent student riots and middle class unrest and offers insights into the political future of the country. (GEA)
- Published
- 1987
24. Dominant Party Adaptation to the Catch-All Model: a Comparison of Former Dominant Parties in Japan and South Korea.
- Author
-
Vincent, Sean
- Subjects
DEMOCRATIZATION ,DEMOCRACY - Abstract
In the process of democratisation, it is expected that a former dominant party, at least one which abides by the rules of electoral contestation, will transition into a 'catch-all' party. A catch-all party aims to attract the votes of all social cleavages and classes of voters outside what would be considered their traditional voter base. As part of the wider debate about democratisation in East Asia, this paper examines how two of East Asia's liberal democracies-Japan and South Korea, the LDP and GNP/Saenuri, respectively, have adapted to electoral defeat and in what ways they have transitioned into catch-all parties in the Kircheimer mould. This paper finds that while intra-party reforms which could fit a catch-all model have yet to be institutionalised, data from the Comparative Manifesto Database shows that there has been a significant change in which policies both parties promote and that these are designed to appeal to a broad base of voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
25. Democratic Legacy of Authoritarianism: The Resurgence of a New Community Movement in South Korea.
- Author
-
Hyung-A Kim
- Subjects
- *
SAEMAUL movement , *AUTHORITARIANISM , *DEMOCRACY , *VILLAGE communities - Abstract
This paper examines the South Korean people's authoritarian experiences in developing and sustaining a popular New Community Movement since its creation in 1970. By analysing three key features of the initial stage of the NCM under the growth-oriented authoritarian Park Chung Hee state (1961-1979), the paper argues that the NCM experience provided the majority of Koreans, particularly rural peasants and women, hands-on-training in participatory village-community democracy, which in turn provided a wide range of social opportunities, even unwittingly, for their own empowerment. The paper also argues that the Korean people's training in village-community democracy also provided a self-awakening experience, through which they built their own set of ideas of self-identity as the people or minjung and of minjung democracy which was essentially an off-shoot of the NCM, more specifically, Park's idea of "Korean democracy". The paper suggests that the recent resurgence of the NCM may reflect the democratic legacy of the authoritarian Park era, epitomized in its "Can-do" participatory ethos and the fierce nationalism of the Koreans, albeit in a highly sophisticated and yet paradoxical way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2011
26. Candidate Quality and Negative Voting in New Democracies: A Test Based on a Korean Presidential Election.
- Author
-
HeeMin Kim and Choi, Jun Y.
- Subjects
- *
PRESIDENTIAL elections , *DEMOCRACY , *SCHOLARS , *PRESIDENTIAL candidates , *POLITICAL candidate recruitment ,KOREAN politics & government - Abstract
In recent decades, there has been rising interest in candidate quality and characteristics among political scientists. Scholars have analyzed the impact of candidate quality on electorates' candidate evaluations and vote choice. Most of the often-cited work on candidate quality deals with candidates and elections in the U.S. with a lesser amount of work focusing on European countries. It is remarkable that very few of these studies on candidate quality focus on elections in new democracies. As new democracies have had relatively little time to develop candidate recruitment processes, candidate quality is probably low compared to the established democracies of Western Europe and North America. Therefore, new democracies can be fertile ground for the study of the lack of candidate quality and its impact on voting behavior. In this paper, we study candidate quality and elections in one of the new democracies, Korea. Previous studies of voting behavior in Korea and in new democracies, in general, usually look at the vote choice of the electorate along established and/or emerging social cleavages, such as class differences, regionalism, religion, as well as macro environmental factors, such as the national economy. We utilize survey data to analyze the impact of the specific quality of candidates (candidate characteristics) on the vote choice of the electorate. If the quality of political candidates does not keep pace with that of the sophisticated public, we may see apathy on the part of the electorate (low turnout) or a form of negative voting. The election we analyze is the latest presidential election in Korea held in December 2007. Our results show a high level of negative voting in response to the candidates' perceived negative traits. Our work is a testimony that voters in new democracies also pay attention to the individual candidate's quality or characteristics, and make their vote choice accordingly. Therefore, future studies of voting behavior in new democracies should include candidate quality (or characteristics, traits or whatever it is called) as an explanatory variable in their models. We end the paper by offering our conjecture about why the electorate's perception of candidate quality is so low in Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2011
27. Toward Human-Centered Development: A Reflection on the Consequences of the Financial Crisis and Reforms on Korean Dirigisme and Democracy.
- Author
-
Hun Joo Park
- Subjects
- *
FINANCIAL crises , *DEMOCRACY , *ECONOMIC reform - Abstract
By examining Korean dirigisme, or system of state-led development, its socio-economic consequences, and its post-1997 reform efforts and trends, this paper aims to suggest how Koreaâs fundamentally undemocratic and exclusionary mode of statism threatens the nationâs long-term socio-economic health, laying out what human-centered development entails and why Korea would want to reconstruct the state and redefine its goals and means on the basis of the concept of people-centeredness. Among other things, the present paper critically looks at the increasing polarization of the Korean society, economy and industrial structure; the current inadequacies of the financial intermediaries and city banks in particular in supplying corporate investment funds or in helping to improve corporate governance by making a long-term commitment through debt-equity swaps and by learning to provide credible credit analysis and monitoring based on accumulated information; and the governmentâs persistent failure in fully enforcing existing laws and rules on insider trading, accounting fraud, and other illegal transactions especially in the wake of the crisis and subsequent reforms. Clearly, reconstructing the state and thereby crafting a democratic and empowering dirigisme constitutes Koreaâs pressing task in its quest for a good society. Such reconstruction of the state does not in any way eliminate national sovereignty; it may just transform the means and purposes of the nation-state without weakening or withering its capacity. The reconstructed state can and does play a positive role in transforming state-society relations, providing social safety nets, empowering financial institutions, inventing a vibrant civil society and actively building democratic institutions to allow for orderly bottom-up changes. The key indeed lies in how to forge what mixture of state and market. As the purpose of human-centered development is to enhance the well-being, economic equity, human dignity, liberty and community of the ordinary citizens, indispensable would be empowering people especially at lower levels both in and outside of government bureaucracies. The delegation of authority needs to occur not just between higher and lower institutions and organizations, but also within each and every organization. If the pattern of heads of institutions running their organizations as their own fiefdom gets simply replicated at lower levels, such de-concentration would be inadequate to serve the needs of ordinary people. If heads of lower organizations were to act only as little czars pursuing their own personal purposes, such de-concentration or decentralization may not have achieved much except a fragmentation and localization of the essentially same, if centralized, spoils system. Thus, institutionalization of democratic values such as public trust and rule of law also needs to occur. Still, dirigiste choice of growth over equity at an early stage of development process may not be easily reversible at a later stage. Dirigiste development and undemocratic governance create entrenched, self-sustaining interests and structures that no amount of reform politics as usual can touch. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
28. Democratization and Stability in East Asia.
- Author
-
Lind, Jennifer M.
- Subjects
- *
DEMOCRATIZATION , *POLITICAL stability , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *CHAUVINISM & jingoism , *POLITICAL ethics - Abstract
Although in the long term, democratization is expected to exert pacifying effects on international relations, scholars have argued that conflict is more likely during democratic transitions. They argue that politicians in democratizing states are more likely to make jingoistic appeals, and coalitions of political, business, and/or military leaders are likely to form and to ?logroll? for military buildups and other destabilizing policies. This proposition has great significance for East Asia, which faces two potential political transitions: the democratization of China, and Korean unification. This paper tests a theory of democratization and conflict in the cases of three previous East Asian political transitions: Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea. I test not only for the occurrence of conflict, but also for the presence of the predicted mechanisms through which conflict occurs (nationalistic appeals and logrolling). I find that although there is some evidence of nationalistic posturing that is consistent with the theory?s predictions, for the most part, evidence from these cases does not support the theory. Leaders did not make jingoistic appeals; they were more likely to preach stability. Furthermore, I find that the public, the military, and the business community do have substantial influence over policy makers, but do not find that these groups advocated military buildups or offensive military strategies. This study casts doubt on the relevance of the ?democratization and war? thesis for future East Asian political transitions; it finds support for theories in the liberal school of international relations, including the beneficial effects of democratization, policies of engagement, and economic integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
29. Election System Change in aDemocratizing Country: The Case of South Korea.
- Author
-
Patterson, Dennis P. and Lee, Sang-Mook
- Subjects
- *
ELECTIONS & society , *POLITICIANS , *DEMOCRATIZATION , *NEW democracies , *POLITICAL scientists , *DEMOCRACY - Abstract
Political scientists have studied the design and political impacts of different election systems for some time now, but it is only recently that they have turned their attention to the question of why governments choose to alter the rules under which their respective politicians stand for office. One important consequence of this increased scholarly attention is the finding that this phenomenon occurs more frequently than originally thought. Indeed, the growing literature on this important topic has shown that election system change occurs not only in the world’s established democracies but also in countries that recently made the transition to democracy. Moreover, a small number of studies have shown that manipulations of electoral rules have even occurred in countries that have not completely made the transition to democracy. Between 1948 and 2000 inclusive, sixteen elections were held for the South Korean National Assembly, and, in ten of these national contests, politicians stood for office under election rules that had been altered. While most of these changes were minor and involved shifts in the number of district and PR seats, three were substantial. The first involved the replacement of the SMD system with a mixed system while the second change involved retaining the PR portion of the mixed system but replacing the SMD portion with a system of multimember districts. The final change also retained the PR portion of the mixed system but abandoned the multimember districts by returning to a SMD format. Two of the substantial changes and half of the minor changes discussed above occurred before South Korea made the full transition to democracy. Indeed, the non-democratic governments that enacted these changes, while not extensively popular, were hardly in danger of being eliminated through the electoral process. This raises the interesting question of why these governments found it necessary to support such institutional changes. We show in this paper that such governments, like their counterparts in democratic nations, are concerned less with the imperatives of short-term seat maximization than with how the eventual inclusion of increasingly popular opposition groups will affect their ability to remain in power and influence policy outcomes. The examination of the Korean case allows us to accomplish this because of that fact that election system changes occurred both under conditions of democracy as well as under conditions before the democratic transition have been completed. We evaluate this hypothesis by showing that the governments of South Korea acted in accordance with long-term imperatives under both political conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
30. Agenda Control, Budgetary Process and Democracy: Effects on Government Spending in South Korea, Taiwan, and SIngapore.
- Author
-
Yap, O. Fiona
- Subjects
- *
DEMOCRACY , *MILITARY budgets , *PUBLIC spending , *BUDGET process ,DEVELOPING countries - Abstract
A growing literature surveys how democracy changes the government?s spending priorities in Latin America. This paper extends study to the Asian-Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs) to evaluate how specific democratic procedures ? elections and legislative fragmentation ? affect military and civilian allocations. It also considers how the sequence and rules of the budgetary process affect results. The analyses of government spending in South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore from the 1960s to 2000 reveal two important findings. First, the budgetary process significantly influences how the effects of elections and legislative fragmentation are manifested; indeed, the effects of elections and legislative fragmentation on the government?s spending priorities are clear and robust only when the sequence and rules of budget making are modeled. Second, democracy does not affect government spending separately from elections and legislative fragmentation in South Korea and Taiwan ? it has a distinct effect only on spending in Singapore. These findings add nuances and new perspectives to the study of democracy?s effects on the government?s military and civilian allocations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
31. News Media and Defamation Law in South Korea: A Case of the ‘Positivist, Instrumentalist Interaction’.
- Author
-
Youm, Kyu
- Subjects
LIBEL & slander ,FREEDOM of the press ,DEMOCRACY ,PRESS & politics - Abstract
On the premise that ?political freedom ends when government can use its powers and its courts to silence its criticism? and ?the presence or absence in the law of the concept of seditious libel defines the society,? this paper focuses on the ?positivist, instrumentalist? interaction between press freedom and political libels in South Korea. The paper first analyzes the constitutional and statutory status of freedom of the press and reputational interests. Next, the analysis examines the judicial interpretations of the Constitution and various statutes affecting press freedom vs. reputation. Finally, the author highlights the short- and long-term implications of political libels for the freedom of the Korean press and suggests several propositions as a possible way to rethink political libels in the context of Korea?s liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2003
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
32. Continuity and Change in Party Systems: South Korea and Indonesia Past and Present.
- Author
-
Jungug Choi
- Subjects
- *
POLITICAL parties , *VOTING , *POLITICAL change , *DEMOCRACY , *REPRESENTATIVE government - Abstract
This study analyzes political party systems(or the effective number of parties)in terms of votes at the basic unit of competition in the first democratic elections before and after authoritarian interlude in South Korea and Indonesia. Specifically, it deals with the 1960 and 1988 Korean parliamentary elections, and the 1955 and 1999 Indonesian parliamentary elections. This historical comparative and cross-sectional analysis intends to test the key hypotheses in the comparative literature on political party systems:Duverger’s law and hypothesis, Taagepera and Shugart’s generalized Duverger’s rule, Cox’s M+1 rule and interaction hypothesis. I find, first, that bipartism is the exception rather than the rule even under simple and pure plurality rule, which implies that the thesis of strategic voting is misleading. Second, the interaction of high social diversity and weak electoral structure does not necessarily increase the effective number of parties(or candidates). Third, the immediate and most crucial determinant of political party systems is the winner’s(leading political party’s) vote share, regardless of electoral systems or district magnitude. More precisely, the effective number of parties is an inverse function of the winner’s vote share. Check author’s web site for an updated version of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
33. Democratization and the Left: Comparing East Asia and Latin America.
- Author
-
Wong, Joseph
- Subjects
- *
NEW left (Politics) , *RADICALISM , *SOCIAL movements - Abstract
This paper examines the new left in Taiwan and South Korea and the renewed left in Brazil and Chile. I contend that the left can no longer best understood in terms of antiquated sociological or economic categories. The new left in East Asia and Latin America is a political project and its politics are embedded in the processes of democratic transition. My argument is simple: (i) Democratization, a variable process of change, leads to different patterns of new left organization. (ii) Meanwhile, the introduction of democracy, a form of governance with universally shared features (irrespective of how the transition to democracy took place), promotes the moderation of the new left across all four cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
34. The Causes of Fluctuating Anti-Americanism in South Korea.
- Author
-
Ko Sangtu
- Subjects
ANTI-Americanism ,DEMOCRACY ,CULTURE - Abstract
This paper discusses the issue of anti-American sentiment in South Korea, which is generally considered to be one of the most pro-American countries in the world. Nevertheless, anti-Americanism has experienced resurgence in South Korea since 2002, followed by significant fluctuations in anti-American sentiment over the course of the past decade. This paper seeks to identify the causes of these recent fluctuations in anti-Americanism. In particular, it examines two sources of anti- Americanism in South Korea--namely, ideological and issue-oriented sources-- to evaluate their relative weight in shaping South Korean perceptions of the United States. For the purposes of this paper, the ideological sources of anti-Americanism are considered to be derived from unfavorable perceptions of U.S. democracy and culture, whereas its issue-oriented sources are policy conflicts between South Korea and the United States. The analysis finds that ideological differences establish a minimum and stable level of anti-U.S, sentiment, but that political conflict generates additional levels of highly volatile anti-Americanism. In conclusion, the level of anti-Americanism in South Korea is determined both by ideology and by conflicts over specific issues, and these issues are the main factor influencing fluctuations in anti-American sentiment in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2014
35. Dynamics and Discourse of Governance for Sustainable Development in South Korea: Convergent or Divergent?
- Author
-
Huh, Taewook
- Subjects
GRAND strategy (Political science) ,ENVIRONMENTAL management ,SUSTAINABLE development ,DEMOCRACY ,INDUSTRIAL policy - Abstract
This paper explores the dynamics and discourse of governance for sustainable development (SD) in the formulation of the National Strategy for SD and the Framework Act on SD in South Korea. It reveals that accepted conventions regarding the relationship between governance and SD are ill-founded and that the dynamics and process of governance is in fact imbued with contradictions and tensions in the Korean context. In particular, this article underlines the two underlying causes which bring about the tension: the lack of common understanding between participants on the substantial values of SD and the lack of agreement as to the extent of power or authority which should be given to governance. The tension is differently shown as the ‘procedure orientation’ and ‘substance orientation’, based on the divergent assumptions between governance and representative democracy, different governance discourse and environmental discourse. This paper argues that the formulation process of the National Strategy and Framework Act failed to create a ‘convergent zone’ (the field of consensus) in terms of the governance arrangements (dynamics) and the common recognition of participants (discourse) where most of the actors (not only ‘procedure-oriented’ but ‘substance-oriented’) could agree with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2014
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
36. Digital Opportunities and Democratic Participation in Tech-Savvy Korea.
- Author
-
Yoonkyung Lee
- Subjects
TECHNOLOGICAL innovations ,MASS mobilization ,INTERNET & politics ,SOCIAL media & politics ,DEMOCRACY ,INFORMATION technology ,POLITICAL participation ,SOUTH Korean politics & government, 2002- - Abstract
South Korea's technological advancement especially in the area of Internet infrastructure and the usage of social media is widely recognized. These technological tools have been instrumental in mobilizing citizen protests around various political issues in recent years. Yet, our understanding is limited whether digital opportunities consisting of the Internet and social media have enhanced or maintained the existing patterns of democratic participation and representation in contemporary Korea. To explore this question, this paper begins with an overview of the rapid expansion of information technology in Korea as well as recent protest cases (2002-2012) where Internet and social media have played a crucial role in mobilizing citizens and influencing democratic politics. The paper develops the concept of "digital participation" and uses survey evidence to analyze the varying degrees of digital participation across different socioeconomic groups with a special focus on gender and social classes. Finally, the paper ends by problematizing the gendered and classed dimensions in digital engagement that resemble the predicaments of conventional political participation and discusses the implications for democratic representation in Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2013
37. A fejlesztő állam alkalmazkodása a globalizációhoz - tanulságok a volt szocialista uniós tagországok számára.
- Author
-
LÁSZLÓ, FIKÓ
- Subjects
FOREIGN investments ,THERMODYNAMIC state variables ,GLOBALIZATION ,CASE studies ,CAPITALISM - Abstract
Copyright of Forum on Economics & Business / Közgazdász Fórum is the property of Hungarian Economists' Society of Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2017
38. THE DIPLOMATIC CONFLICT BETWEEN SOUTH KOREA AND JAPAN: HAS THE CANDLELIGHT REVOLUTION BECOME THE CURSE OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY?
- Author
-
Jaejun Sung
- Subjects
KUROSHIO ,REVOLUTIONS ,DEMOCRACY - Abstract
Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2020
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
39. Populism, Democracy and South Korea.
- Author
-
Bi Hwan Kim
- Subjects
POPULISM ,DEMOCRACY ,POLITICAL reform ,POLITICAL oratory ,IDEOLOGY & society - Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
40. The Global Economic Crisis, Dual Polarization, and Liberal Democracy in South Korea.
- Author
-
Sang-Jin Han and Young-Hee Shim
- Subjects
FINANCIAL crises ,POLARIZATION (Economics) ,DICTATORSHIP ,DEMOCRACY ,IDEOLOGY - Abstract
This paper aims at a theoretical reflection on and an empirical analysis of the relationship between the global economic crisis and liberal democracy in South Korea. For this, we elaborate the concept of dual polarization and construct a model of path analysis which includes such variables as socio-economic and political-ideological cleavage, political party affiliation, ideological orientation, economic (crisis) outlook, and support for an autocratic presidential rule as potential threats to liberal democracy. Descriptively, the paper examines how liberal democracy has unfolded and where South Korea stands today with regard to the quality of her democracy. Analytically, the paper examines where the potential threat to liberal democracy comes from based on a general population survey in Korea from 2014. The major findings of our analysis include: 1) The support for autocratic presidential power is stronger among citizens than among MPs. 2) Political party affiliation, ideological orientation, and economic (crisis) outlook are closely interrelated and significantly affected by the political-ideological cleavage. All independent variables contribute to explaining support for an autocratic presidential rule. 3) Yet there also exists strong support for a democratic regime among both MPs and citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
41. Regional Economic Integration and Democracy.
- Author
-
Lee, Hyobin
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL economic integration , *DEMOCRATIZATION , *DEMOCRACY ,SOUTH Korean politics & government - Abstract
This paper examines how regional economic integration encourages the development of democratic institutions at the domestic level. This question is investigated through both a large-N (133 nations) approach and a case study examination of the aftermath of the South Korean democratic transition process. My empirical findings suggest that greater involvement in regional integration leads to an increase in democratic institution building. South Korea illustrates the basic problem facing domestic leaders who need to appeal to outside standards or norms in a bid to promote reform. In spite of the successful democratic transition in 1989, South Korea was seen as hostile to foreign investment due to its lack of transparency, effective market regulation and the chronic failure of low level of bureaucrats to actually implement government reform policies. The pressing need to guarantee transparent, stable and predictable investment conditions became one of the primary forces behind newly elected President Kim's democratic consolidation policy a decade later. In the Korean case, APEC's Investment Code became a powerful tool for consolidating and expanding Korean democratic institutions. The results of my statistical analysis demonstrate that this is not an isolated case. Instead we need to think more deeply about economic integration when considering the process of democratic consolidation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2009
42. Is South Korea Succeeding in Controlling Corruption?
- Author
-
You, Jong-sung
- Subjects
- *
CORRUPTION prevention , *DEMOCRACY , *ECONOMIC development , *CONSUMER price indexes , *TREND analysis - Abstract
Controlling corruption is one of difficult tasks for new democracies. Statistical studies show that only mature and stable democracies that are 40 or more years old are significantly less corrupt than autocracies. New democracies, on the other hand, are on average no less corrupt than authoritarian regimes. This paper attempts to document the trend of decreasing corruption in South Korea during the last decade, a new democracy that has been known for its high level of corruption in spite of splendid economic growth..x000d.Examination of various available data from surveys of perceptions and experience of corruption reveals that the incidence of petty corruption in public administration and election campaigns has substantially decreased over the last decade in South Korea. Also, there is evidence that high-level political corruption has been decreasing. This study illustrates the unreliability of perceived measures of corruption such as CPI and Control of Corruption for the purpose of trend analysis and the usefulness of data from surveys of experience of corruption. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2009
43. Is South Korea Succeeding in Controlling Corruption?
- Author
-
Jong-Sung You
- Subjects
- *
CORRUPTION , *DEMOCRACY , *ECONOMIC development , *SENSORY perception - Abstract
Controlling corruption is a difficult task for young democracies. Statistical studies show that only mature and stable democracies that are 40 or more years old are significantly less corrupt than autocracies. Young democracies, on the other hand, are on average no less corrupt than authoritarian regimes. This paper attempts to document the trend of decreasing corruption during the last decade in South Korea, a young democracy that has been known for its high level of corruption in spite of sustained economic growth. Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) and World Bank Institute's Control of Corruption index, the most popularly used measures of perceived corruption, indicate that South Korea has been making little progress during the last decade. Examination of various available data from surveys of perceptions and experience of corruption reveals, however, that the incidence of petty corruption in public administration and election campaigns has substantially decreased over the last decade in South Korea. Also, there is some evidence that high-level political corruption has been decreasing. Overall, Korea seems to be making a remarkable success story in the control of corruption. This study illustrates low reliability of composite indexes of perceived corruption such as CPI and Control of Corruption for the purpose of trend analysis and the usefulness of data from surveys of experience of corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2009
44. One Step Back From Democracy: Adoption of Online Identification System in Korea.
- Author
-
Park, Namsu
- Subjects
DEMOCRACY ,ANONYMITY ,INTERNET ,FREEDOM of expression ,COMMUNICATION - Abstract
This paper examines the issue of Internet anonymity in South Korea. While the right to anonymity has been perceived as one of principles that policymakers should ensure because of the unique nature of the Internet as an open and decentralized communications infrastructure (Open Society Institute, 1997), others see risk in anonymity due to Internet users' behavioral unaccountability and attempt to restrict the right to anonymity. This study will provide the background of the issue of limited anonymous Internet communication and how the Korean government has used the legal system to limit anonymity. After the background on anonymity, this article will address problems with the proposed bill in terms of free speech and privacy. Based on this discussion, this paper argues that anonymous communication should be preserved for protecting freedom of expression and suggests other policy options to minimize the most negative effects of anonymity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
45. Public Attitudes toward the National Legislature in Democratized Korea.
- Author
-
Chan Wook Park and Hyeon-Woo Lee
- Subjects
- *
KOREANS , *DEMOCRACY , *CITIZENS , *LEGISLATIVE bodies , *DEMOCRATIZATION ,SOUTH Korean politics & government - Abstract
Using recent survey data, this paper aims to empirically investigate the state and source of Korean citizens' trust and confidence in the National Assembly. Roughly speaking, the National Assembly is trusted only by one out of ten citizens. Since the country's democratization, citizens' trust and confidence has been eroding. Presently, the National Assembly is the least trusted among the key public or private institutions. A cross-national comparison of liberal democracies in the world shows that only a few national legislatures are less trusted by their citizens than the Korean National Assembly. Furthermore, this study confirms the empirical validity of performance-based explanation about what factors generate citizens' trust and confidence in the National Assembly. At the aggregate level, an erosion of citizens' trustful attitude toward the legislature is matched by their decreased positive evaluation of the overall job performance by the legislature. At the individual level, a citizen's legislative trust and confidence depends mainly on his or her evaluation of the performance of the legislature itself, the executive interacting with it, or the democratic regime as a whole. Most Koreans pass an unfavorable judgment on the performance of the legislature, not because they think it is a simply idle institution but because politicians are seen to pursue their partisan interests too frantically within the institution. Given its drained reservoir of citizens' favorable attitudes toward it, the present National Assembly, even with its heightened constitutional status and emerging policy activism, will not be highly likely to serve as a reliable agent for facilitating democratic consolidation on Korean soil. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
46. Christianity and Democracy in Asian Pluralistic Religious Markets: Taiwan and South Korea.
- Author
-
Cheng-tian Kuo
- Subjects
- *
DEMOCRACY , *HYPOTHESIS , *CHURCH & politics , *DEMOCRATIZATION , *VALUES (Ethics) , *RELIGIOUS diversity - Abstract
Using the Taiwanese and South Korean samples of the 2000-2004 Asian Barometer dataset, this paper confirms the Christian democracy hypothesis that Christianity (including Catholicism) contributes to democratization by indoctrinating democratic values and behaviors to their believers. However, the statistical analyses also support the religious market hypothesis that the logic of competition in pluralistic religious markets compels various religions to converge on dominant democratic values and behaviors within each country, although different religions and different countries continue to vary in the degrees and aspects of democratic commitment. These findings offer a more optimistic view for the prospect of non-Christian "religious democracies" than what the current scholarship proposes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
47. The Internet Revolution?: The Formation of Public Sphere in South Korea.
- Author
-
Hyun-Chin Lim, Sukki Kong, Yi-Jong Suh, and Joon-Koo Lee
- Subjects
INTERNET ,CIVIL society ,PUBLIC sphere ,SOCIAL movements ,DEMOCRACY - Abstract
This paper attempts to look at impact of the Internet on public sphere in civil society. Internet has emerged as the viable medium of public sphere in the Korean civil society. Online community in Korea has emerged as the most dynamic one in the world which helps to organize people and develop into protests in civil society. Theoretically, the analysis of Korean online community clearly shows the significant relationship among Internet based public sphere, civil society and democracy. However, we also found out that the Internet could have double impact on the public sphere in Korea. A positive potential can be found from the fact that the Internet helps dispersed citizens to seek their latent collective interests. A negative potential lies in the fact that the Internet does not ultimately replace the existing offline social movements in aggregating and representing diverse interests among citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
48. Historical Development of Civil Society in Korea since 1987.
- Author
-
Sunhyuk Kim and Jong-Ho Jeong
- Subjects
CIVIL society ,DEMOCRACY ,POLARIZATION (Social sciences) ,DEMOCRATIZATION ,POLITICAL clubs - Abstract
In this paper, we provide a historical overview of the development of Korea Is civil society since its transition to democracy in 1987. After a theoretical review of civil society focused on the comparison between the East and the West, we analyze seven governments of Korea since the democratic transition in 1987 in terms of the change in civil society and its engagement with the state, underscoring the continued role of civil society in democratic consolidation and deepening. Then, we discuss some prominent characteristics of Korean civil society in the post-transitional period, such as the diversification of the modes of state-civil society relationship, politicization and ideological polarization of civil society, "political societization " of civil society, the widened gap between central and local civil societies, and financial dependency of civil society on the state. We conclude the paper with a few important cautions against excessive political societization of civil society and the resultant depopulation and potential delegitimation of the civil society arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
49. Making Amends: US Public Diplomacy Efforts in the Late 1980s to Address the Gwangju Democracy Movement.
- Author
-
ENGEL, Benjamin A.
- Subjects
PUBLIC diplomacy ,KOREANS ,INFORMATION policy ,DEMOCRACY ,ANTI-Americanism - Abstract
The May 1980 Gwangju Democracy Movement was a seminal event in the democratization process of South Korea. However, it was also a critical event in the development of anti-Americanism in the country. The US government recognized this and towards the end of the 1980s began to engage in public diplomacy to explain the US role in the events of May 1980 to the Korean public to dampen anti-American sentiment. These efforts culminated in the release of the "United States Government Statement on the Events in Kwangju, Republic of Korea, in May 1980" on June 19, 1989. This article reviews US motivations for producing the 1989 statement and argues misinformation provided by the Chun government to the Korean people and rising anti-Americanism were the two main factors. Next, the US public diplomacy effort to explain US actions during May 1980 is analyzed before showing that Korean reactions to these US efforts were on the whole negative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2024
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
50. U.S.-China Hegemonic Competition and Power Transitions: Focusing on the Role of Allies.
- Author
-
Dohee Kim
- Subjects
HEGEMONY ,DEMOCRACY ,PRESIDENTIAL administrations ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,SUPPLY chains - Abstract
he U.S.-China hegemonic competition is clearly underway, as the Biden administration acknowledges China as the only challenger to the existing global hegemony. This recognition has initiated a power struggle between the two, despite neither possessing absolute national power for complete dominance. This article goes beyond the traditional debate of whether China will eventually surpass the U.S. and focuses on deriving pertinent implications. The role of allies in shaping the U.S.-China competition is gaining significance. The U.S. is restructuring the global supply chain to exclude China, creating overlapping mini-lateral cooperative networks with traditional allies and friendly nations. Conversely, China is expanding its influence through traditional multilateral cooperation, aligning with alliance transition theory. Furthermore, mid-sized countries, especially pivotal ones are assuming a more critical role. This situation has implications for ROK government's foreign policy, which aims to play an active role as a Global Pivotal State emphasizing liberal democratic values and common interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2024
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
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