Search

Are authoritarian successor party (ASP) supporters more likely to protest? I propose that ASP supporters are less likely to protest in general. The post-democratization mobilization environment is shaped upon the pre-democratization mobilization basis. During the pre-democratization period, protest was organized around the democracy movement. Thus, protest tactics and networks were accumulated through it. As former authoritarian ruling party supporters, ASP supporters are less likely to have legacies of participating in the democracy movement, which prevents them from accessing the accumulated protest resources from the democracy movement. However, I argue that this negative association varies based on the ASP qualities and supporters' age. Supporters of ASPs that maintain strong pre-democratization legacies are more likely to participate in protests than supporters of ASPs that do not strongly highlight their authoritarian legacies. Also, when the ASPs' characteristics are considered, older ASP supporters are more likely to participate in protests than younger supporters. Using both single-level and multilevel statistical analyses, I examine four Asian countries with politically powerful ASPs and find evidence supporting my hypotheses. Lastly, I compare two South Korean mass movements, the Candlelight movement and the Taegeukgi rallies to unpack the relationships between ASP supporters, protest resources, and mobilization. This study reveals authoritarian legacies among post-democratization citizens through ASP supporters' protesting behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In addition to their analytical framework, Slater and Wong revise the classic modernization theory, which maintains that economic development and subsequent structural changes lead to a stable democracy. Tackling these two classic questions, Dan Slater and Joseph Wong break with the longstanding assumption that democratization starts when an authoritarian regime is too weak to withstand internal and external pressures. Thus, I From development to democracy i redirects our attention to the role that dictators play in democratization processes. [Extracted from the article]

The Central Election Management Commission (CEMC) was rebranded by Park Chung Hee and keeps managing elections and the election landscape after democratization. South Korean elections are known as one of the most clean and fair elections.[1] If one emphasizes elections to gauge democracy, South Korea can be considered a well-performing democracy. When Syngman Rhee's Liberal Party, which actively mobilized voters, fell with rampant electoral fraud, Park successfully created a democracy symbol that disconnects ordinary citizens and politicians and "minimizes voter-politician interaction" (p. 32). [Extracted from the article]